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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 470-502.

CHAPTER XX. — THE CONDUCT OF THE SARACENS DURING THE SIEGE OF THE TOWN OF AFRICA — THEY SEND TO DEMAND FROM THE FRENCH THE CAUSE OF THEIR MAKING WAR AGAINST THEM.

I WILL say something of the Saracens, for it is but just they should be equally spoken of as the Christians, that the truth may be more apparent. You must know that these infidels had, for a long time, been menaced by the Genoese, and were expecting the town of Africa to be besieged, in which they were not disappointed. They had made preparations for resistance, when they heard of the arrival of the Christian fleet, an event that had been long looked for by the neighbouring nations; for they are not prudent nor well advised, who fear not their enemies, however small they may be. The Saracens, however, do not hold the Christians cheap: on the contrary, they consider them as men of courage and enterprise, and much fear them. The better to resist their enemies, they assembled the most experienced warriors from the kingdoms of Bugia, Morocco, and Tunis, in which last the town of Africa is situated, and encamped on the downs near the sea shore. They took advantage of a large and thick wood in their rear, to avoid any danger from ambuscades or skirmishes on that side. The Saracens showed much ability in thus posting themselves. They amounted, according to the estimate of able men at arms, to thirty thousand archers and ten thousand horse. Others thought they were more; but their exact numbers were unknown for they were in their own country, and could come and go from their army at their pleasure without danger. They received continual supplies of fresh provision, which was brought on the backs of camels.

The second day after the Christians had landed, the Saracens, about dawn, came to attack the camp, sir Henry d’Antoing having the command of the guard of two hundred men-at-arms and one thousand Genoese cross-bows. The skirmish lasted more than two hours, and many gallant deeds were done in shooting and thrusting the lance, for there was not any engagement with the sword hand to hand. The Saracens did not fool-hardily risk themselves, but fought with valour and more prudence than the Christians. When they had skirmished some time, the Saracens retreated; for the army began to be in motion, and some of the French barons had come to witness the action, and observe the manner of their enemies’ fighting, that they might be prepared to meet them another time. The Saracens retired to their camp, as did the Christians to theirs; but, during the whole time of this siege of Africa, the Christians were never left quiet, for their camp was every night or morning attacked by the enemy.

Among the Saracens was a young knight, called Agadinquor Oliferne, excellently mounted on a beautiful courser, which he managed as he willed, and which, when he galloped, seemed to fly with him. From his gallantry, he showed he was a good man at arms; and, when he rode abroad, he had with him three javelins, well feathered and pointed, which he dexterously flung, according to the custom of his country. He was completely armed in black, and had a kind of white napkin wrapped round his head. His seat on horseback was graceful; and, from the vigour and gallantry of his actions, the Christians judged he was excited thereto by his affection to a young lady of the country. True it is, he most sincerely loved the daughter of the king of Tunis, who, according to the report of some Genoese merchants who had seen her, was very handsome, and the heiress of his kingdom. The knight, called Agadinquor, was the son of duke Oliferne; but I know not if he ever married this lady. I heard that, during the siege, he performed many handsome feats of arms, to testify his love, which the French knights saw with pleasure, and would willingly have surrounded him; but he rode so good a horse, and had him so well in hand, that all their efforts were vain. The Christian lords were very anxious to make some Saracens prisoners, to learn from them the real state of their army; but they were so cautious, that they could not succeed, and, having noticed their intent, the Saracen chiefs gave orders accordingly. The Saracens were much afraid of the Genoese cross-bows: they shielded themselves as well as they could against their bolts, but they are not armed so strongly as the Christians; for they know not 471 the art to forge armour like theirs, nor have they workmen who could make such. Iron and steel are not common among them; and they wear light targets hanging on their necks, covered with boiled leather from Cappadocia, that no spear can penetrate, if the leather has not been overboiled. Their manner of fighting, according to what I heard, was to advance on the Christians, and shoot a volley of arrows at the Genoese the moment they made their appearance, and then to fall down under shelter of their shields, by which they avoided the bolts from the cross-bows, that went over them: they then rose, and either shot more arrows, or lanced their javelins with much dexterity.

Thus for the space of nine weeks that the siege lasted, were continual skirmishes made; and on both sides many were killed and wounded, more especially such as ventured too rashly. The Christians imitated the Saracens by avoiding a close combat; and the lords from France and other countries took delight in their manner of fighting, for, to say the truth, novelty is always pleasing. The young lords of these infidels were greatly struck with the glittering armour and emblazoned banners and pennons of their enemies, and, when returned to their camp, they conversed much about them. They were, however, astonished at one thing, which I will now relate. The Saracens within the town of Africa were anxious to know on what pretence the Christians had come with so large an army to make war on them; and, to learn the reasons, they resolved, as I was told, in council to send a person that could speak Genoese, and gave him the following orders, — “Go and take the road to the camp of the Christians, [and manage, before thou returnest, to speak with some lords in their army,] and demand, in our name, why they have brought so powerful a force against us, and taken possession of the lands of the king of Africa, who has not done any thing to offend them. True it is that, in former times, we were at war with the Genoese, but that should no way concern them; for they come from very distant countries, and the Genoese are our neighbours. Our custom has been, excepting in times of truce, to seize mutually all we can from each other.”

Having received these instructions, the messenger departed and rode on to the camp. The first person he met was a Genoese, to whom he said that he was sent by the Saracens to speak with some baron from France. The Genoese, to whom he had addressed himself, was called Antonio Marchi, a centurion of cross-bows, who took him under his care, to his great joy, and conducted him instantly to the duke of Bourbon and the lord de Coucy. They both listened very attentively, and what they did not understand the centurion interpreted in very good French. When he had finished all he had been ordered to say, he asked for an answer. The French lords told him he should have one as soon as they had considered the purport of his message. Twelve of the greatest barons of the army assembled in the duke of Bourbon’s tent, and the messenger and interpreter being called in, the last was ordered to tell him from the lords present, “that in consequence of their ancestors having crucified and put to death the son of GOD, called JESUS CHRIST, a true prophet, without any cause or just reason, they were come to retaliate on them for this infamous and unjust judgment. Secondly, they were unbaptised, and infidels in the faith to the holy Virgin, mother of JESUS CHRIST, and had no creed of their own. For these and other causes, they held the Saracens and their whole sect as enemies, and were come to revenge the injuries they had done to their God and faith, and would to this effect daily exert themselves to the utmost of their power.” When the messenger had received his answer, he departed from the army unmolested, and returned to report to his master what you have just heard. The Saracens laughed heartily at hearing it, and said, they made assertions without proofs, for it was the Jews who had crucified JESUS CHRIST, and not they. Things remained on the former footing: the siege was continued, and each army on its guard.

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CHAPTER XXI. — SOME MIRACLES ARE SHOWN TO THE SARACENS, AS THEY ATTEMPT TO ATTACK THE CAMP OF THE CHRISTIANS — SEVERAL SKIRMISHES DURING THE SIEGE. — THE CLIMATE BECOMES UNWHOLESOME, AND OTHER ACCIDENTS BEFAL THE BESIEGERS.

SHORTLY after this message, the Saracens, determined in council to remain quiet for seven to eight days, and, during that time, neither to skirmish nor any way to annoy the Christians, but, when they should think themselves in perfect security, to fall on their camp like a deluge. This was adopted; and the ninth evening, a little before midnight, they secretly armed their men with their accustomed arms, and marched silently in a compact body towards the Christian camp. They had proposed making a severe attack on the opposite quarter to the main-guard, and would have succeeded in their mischievous attempt, if God had not watched over and preserved them by miracles as I will now relate. As the Saracens approached, they saw before them a company of ladies dressed in white; one of whom, their leader, was incomparably more beautiful than the rest, and bore in front a white flag, having a vermilion cross in the centre. The Saracens were so greatly terrified at this vision, that they lost all their strength and inclination to proceed, and stood still, these ladies keeping steadily before them. The Genoese cross-bows had brought with them a dog, as I heard, from beyond sea, but whence no one could tell, nor did he belong to any particular person. This dog had been very useful to them; for the Saracens never came to skirmish, but by his noise he awakened the army, and as every one now knew that whenever the dog barked the Saracens were come, or on their road, they prepared themselves instantly: in consequence of this, the Genoese called him the dog of our Lady. This night, the dog was not idle, but made a louder noise than usual, and ran first to the main-guard, which was under the command of the lord de Torcy, a Norman, and sir Henry d’Antoing. As during the night all sounds are more easily heard, the whole army was in motion, and properly prepared to receive the Saracens, who they knew were approaching.

This was the fact; but the Virgin Mary and her company, having the Christians under there care, watched over them; and this night they received no harm, for the Saracens were afraid to advance, and returned the way they had come. The Christians were more attentive to their future guards. The Saracen knights and squires, within the town, were much cast down at the sight they had seen, more especially those who were advanced near this company of ladies. While, on the other hand, the Christians were greatly exerting themselves to win the place, which was courageously defended. At this period, the weather was exceedingly hot; for it was the month of August, when the sun is in its greatest force, and that country was warmer than France, from being nearer the sun, and from the heat of the sands. The wines the besiegers were supplied with from la Puglia and Calabria were fiery, and hurtful to the constitutions of the French, may of whom suffered severely by fevers, from the heating quality of their liquors. I know not how the Christians were enabled to bear the fatigues in such a climate, where sweet water was difficult to be had. They, however, had much resource in the wells they dug; for there were upwards of two hundred sunk, through the sands, along the shore; but, at times, even this water was muddy and heated. They were frequently distressed for provision, for the supply was irregular, from Sicily and the other islands: at times they had abundance, at other times they were in want. The healthy comforted the sick, and those who had provision shared it with such as had none; for in this campaign they were all as brothers. The lord de Coucy, in particular, was beloved by every gentleman: he was kind to all, and behaved himself by far more graciously, in all respects, than the duke of Bourbon, who was proud and haughty, and never conversed with the knights and squires from foreign countries in the same agreeable manner the lord de Coucy did.

The duke was accustomed to sit cross-legged the greater part of the day before his pavilion; and those who had anything to say to him were obliged to make many reverences, and address him through the means of a third person. He was indifferent whether the poorer knights and squires were well or ill at their ease: this the lord de Coucy always inquired into, and by it gained great popularity. It was told me, by some foreign knights 473 who had been there, that had the lord de Coucy been commander-in-chief, instead of the duke of Bourbon, the success would have been very different; for many attacks on the town of Africa were frustrated by the pride and fault of the duke of Bourbon: several thought it would have been taken, if it had not been for him.

This siege lasted, by an exact account, sixty-one days; during which, many were the skirmishes before the town and at the barriers: they were well defended, for the flower of the infidel chivalry was in the town. The Christians said among themselves, — “If we could gain this place by storm or otherwise, and strongly reinforce and victual it during the winter, a large body of our countryman might then come hither in the spring and gain a footing in the kingdoms of Barbary and Tunis, which would encourage the Christians to cross the sea annually and extend their conquests.” “Would to God it were so,” others replied; “for the knights now here would then be comfortably lodged, and every day, if they pleased, they might have deeds of arms.” The besieged were alarmed at the obstinacy of their attacks, and redoubled their guards. The great heat, however, did more for them than all the rest, added to the constant uncertainty of being attacked; for the policy of the Saracens was to keep them in continual alarms. They were almost burnt up when in armour; and it was wonderful that any escaped death; for, during the month of August the air was suffocating. An extraordinary accident happened, which if it had lasted any time, must have destroyed them all. During one week, from the heat and corruption of the air, there were such wonderful swarms of flies, the army was covered with them. The men knew not how to rid themselves of these troublesome guests, which multiplied daily, to their great astonishment; but, through the grace of GOD and the Virgin Mary, to whom they were devoted, a remedy was found, in a thunder and hail storm, that fell with great violence, and destroyed all the flies. The air, by this storm, was much cooled, and the army got to be in better health than it had been for some time.

Knights who are on such expeditions must cheerfully put up with what weather may happen, for they cannot have it according to their wishes; and, when any one fall sick, he must be nursed to his recovery or to his death. Although the knights from France had undertaken this voyage with an eagerness and resolution that bore them up under the pains 474 they suffered, they had not many luxuries to gratify them; for nothing was sent them from France, nor had any in that kingdom more intelligence from them than if they were buried under ground. Once, indeed, there came a galley from Barcelona, laden more with oranges and small grains than with anything else. The oranges were of the greatest service, by the refreshment they afforded; but, whatever vessel came to them, none returned, for fear of meeting the Saracens at sea, and because they wished to wait the event of the siege, and see whether the Christians would conquer the town

The young king Lewis of Sicily exerted himself, in order that his subjects should carry a constant supply of provision to them, for he was their nearest neighbour. It was fortunate the Saracens were not strong enough at sea to prevent the vessels coming from the ports of Sicily and Naples, or they would have conquered them without striking a blow. They therefore contented themselves with keeping the Christians under perpetual alarms on land. The Saracens have not a large navy like the Genoese and Venetians; and what they get at sea is by thievery; and they never dare wait the attack of the Christians unless they be in very superior numbers, for a well-armed galley with Christians will defeat four of such enemies. In truth, the Turks are better men at arms by sea and land than any other nation of unbelievers of our faith; but they were at too great a distance from Africa, and the town could not receive any aid from them. The Turks had heard that the town of Africa was besieged by the Christians, and had often, but in vain, wished to have been there.

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CHAPTER XXII. — A CHALLENGE IS SENT BY THE SARACENS TO OFFER COMBAT OF TEN AGAINST TEN CHRISTIANS.  — THE SARACENS FAIL IN THEIR ENGAGEMENT. — THE TOWN OF AFRICA IS STORMED, BUT UNSUCCESSFULLY, AND WITH THE LOSS OF MANY WORTHY MEN.

THE besiegers and their enemies studied day and night how they could most effectually annoy each other. Agadinquor Oliferne, Madifer de Tunis, Belins Maldages, and Brahadin de Bugia, and some other Saracens, consulted together, and said: “Here are our enemies the Christians encamped before us, and we cannot defeat them. They are so few in number when compared with us, that they must be well advised by their able captains; for, in all our skirmishes, we have never been able to make one knight prisoner. If we could capture one or two of their leaders, we should acquire fame, and learn from them the state of their army and what are their intentions. Let us now consider how we may accomplish this.” Agadinquor replied, — “Thought I am the youngest, I wish to speak first.’ “We agree to it,’ said the others.” “By my faith,’ continued he, “I am very desirous of engaging them; and I think, if I were matched in equal combat with one of my size, I should conquer him. If you will therefore select ten valiant men, I will challenge the Christians to send the same number to fight with us. We have justice on our side in this war, for they have quarrelled with us without reason; and this right and the courage I feel, induce me to believe that we shall have victory.” Madifer de Tunis, who was a very valiant man, said, — “Agadinquor, what you have proposed is much to your honour. To-morrow, if you please, you shall ride as our chief towards the camp of the Christians, taking an interpreter with you, and make a signal that you have something to say. If you be well received by them, propose your combat of ten against ten. We shall then hear what answer they give; and, though I believe the offer will be accepted, we must take good counsel how we proceed against the Christians, whom we consider as more valiant than ourselves.”

This being determined on, they retired to rest. On the morrow, as usual, they advanced to skirmish; but Agadinquor rode on at some distance in front with his interpreter. The day was bright and clear, and a little after sunrise the Saracens were ready for battle. Sir Guy and sir William de la Tremouille had commanded the guard of the night, and were on the point of retiring when the Saracens appeared in sight about three bow-shots distant. Agadinquor and his interpreter advanced towards one of the wings, and made signs to give notice that he wanted to parley with some one. By accident, he came near the pennon of a good squire at arms called Affrenal, who, noticing his signs, rode forward a pace, and told 475 his men to remain as they were, “for that he would go and see what the Saracen wanted: he has an interpreter with him, and is probably come to make some proposition.” His men remained steady, and he rode towards the Saracen.

When they were near each other, the interpreter said, — “Christian, are you a gentleman, of name in arms, and ready to answer what shall be asked of you?” “Yes,” replied Affrenal, “I am: speak what you please, it shall be answered.” “Well,” said the interpreter, “here is a noble man of our country who demands to combat with you boldly; and, if you would like to increase the number to ten, he will bring as many of his friends to meet you. The cause for the challenge is this: They maintain, that their faith is more perfect than yours; for it has continued since the beginning of the world, when it was written down; and that your faith has been introduced by a mortal, whom the Jews hung and crucified.” “Ho,” interrupted Affrenal, “be silent on these matters, for it does not become such as thee to dispute concerning them, but tell the Saracen, who has ordered thee to speak, to swear on his faith that such a combat shall take place, and he shall be gratified within four hours. Let him bring ten gentlemen, and of name in arms, on his side, and I will bring as many to meet him.” The interpreter related to the Saracen the words that had passed, who seemed much rejoiced thereat, and pledged himself for the combat.

This being done, each returned to his friends; but the news had already been carried to sir Guy and to sir William de la Tremouille, who, meeting Affrenal, demanded how he had settled matters with the Saracen. Affrenal related what you have heard, and that he had accepted the challenge. The two knights were well pleased, and said, — “Affrenal, go and speak to others, for we will be of your number ten.” He replied, — “God assist us! I fancy I shall find plenty ready to fight the Saracens.” Shortly after, Affrenal met the lord de Thim, to whom he told what had passed, and asked if he would make one. The lord de Thim willingly accepted the offer; and of all those to whom Affrenal related it, he might, if he pleased, have had a hundred instead of ten. Sir Boucicaut, the younger, accepted it with great courage, as did sir Helion de Lignac, sir John Russel, an Englishman, sir John Harpedone, Alain Boudet and Bouchet. When the number of ten was completed, they retired to their lodgings, to prepare and arm themselves. When the news of this combat was spread through the army, and the names of the ten were told, the knights and squires said, — “They are lucky fellows, thus to have such a gallant feat of arms fall to their lot.” “Would to Heaven,” added many, “that we were of the ten.” All the knights and squires seemed to rejoice at this event, except the lord de Coucy. I believe the lord de Thim was a dependant on, or of the company of, the lord de Coucy: for, when he repaired to his tent to arm, he found him there, and acknowledged him for his lord. He related to him the challenge of the Saracen, and that he had accepted being one of the ten. All present were loud in praise of it, except the lord de Coucy, who said, — “Hold your tongues, you youngsters, who as yet know nothing of the world, and who never consider consequences, but always applaud folly in preference to good. I see no advantage to this combat, for many reasons: one is, that ten noble and distinguished gentlemen are about to fight with ten Saracens. How do we know if their opponents are gentlemen? They may, if they choose, bring to the combat ten varlets, or knaves, and, if they are defeated, what is the gain? We shall not the sooner win the town of Africa, but by it risk very valuable lives. Perhaps they may form an ambuscade, and, while our friends are on the plain, waiting for their opponents, surround them and carry them off, by which we shall be greatly weakened. I therefore say, that Affrenal has not wisely managed this matter; and, when he first met the Saracen, he should have otherwise answered, and said, — ‘I am not the commander-in-chief of our army, but one of the least in it; and you Saracen, who address yourself to me and blame our faith, are not qualified to discuss such matters, nor have you well addressed yourself. I will conduct you to my lords, and assure you, on my life, that no harm befal you in going or in returning, for my lords will cheerfully listen to you.’ He should then have led him to the duke of Bourbon and the council of war, when his proposal would have been heard and discussed at leisure, his intentions been known, and answers made according as they should think the matter deserved. Such a combat should never be undertaken but after great deliberation, especially with enemies like to those we are engaged with. And when 476 it had been agreed on, that the names and qualities of each combatant should be declared, we would then have selected proper persons to meet them, and proper securities would have been required from the Saracens for the uninterrupted performance of the combat, and a due observance of the articles. If matters had been thus managed, lord of Thim, I think it would have been better. It would be well if it could be put on this footing; and I will speak to the duke of Bourbon and the principal barons in the army, and hear what they shall say on the subject.” — The lord de Coucy then departed for the tent of the duke of Bourbon, where the barons were assembled, as they had heard of this challenge, to consider what might be the probable event of it. Although the lord de Coucy had intended his speech to the lord de Thim as advice for his benefit, he did not the less arm himself: when fully equipped, he went with his companions, who were completely armed, and in good array, with sir Guy de la Tremouille at their head, to meet the Saracens.

During this, there was conversation on the subject between the lords in the tent of the duke of Bourbon: many thought the accepting such a challenge improper, and supported the opinion of the lord de Coucy, who said it ought to have been ordered otherwise. But some, and in particular the lord Philip d’Artois, count d’Eu, and the lord Philip de Bar, said, — “Since the challenge has been accepted by our knights, they would be disgraced were the combat now broken off: and in the name of God and our Lady, let them accomplish it the best manner they can.” This was adopted; for it was not too far advanced to be stopped. It was therefore ordered to draw out the whole army properly arrayed, that if the Saracens had formed any bad designs, they might be prepared to meet them. Every one, therefore, made himself ready: the whole were drawn up, as if for instant combat; the Genoese cross-bows on one side, and the knights and squires on the other; each lord under his own banner or pennon emblazoned with his arms. It was a fine sight to view the army thus displayed, and they showed great eagerness to attack the Saracens.

The ten knights and squires were advanced on the plain waiting for their opponents, but they came not, nor showed any appearance of so doing; for, when they saw the Christians army so handsomely drawn out in battle-array, they were afraid to advance though they were thrice their numbers. At times they sent horsemen, well mounted, to ride near their army, observe their disposition, and then gallop back, which was solely done through malice, to annoy the Christians.

This was the hottest day they felt, and it was so extremely oppressive that the most active among them were almost stifled in their armour: they had never suffered so much before, and yet they remained expecting the ten Saracens, but in vain, for they never heard a word from them. The army was ordered to attack the town of Africa, since they were prepared, and thus pass the day; and the ten champions, in regard to their honour, were to remain on their ground to the evening.

The knights and squires advanced with great alacrity to the attack of the town, but they were sorely oppressed with the heat; and had the Saracens known their situation, they might have done them much damage, probably they might even have raised the siege and obtained a complete victory, for the Christians were exceedingly weakened and worn down. True it is, they gained by storm the wall of the first enclosure: but no one inhabited that part, and the enemy retired within their second line of defence, skirmishing as they retreated, and without any great loss. The Christians paid dear for an inconsiderable advantage: the heat of the sun and its reflection on the sand, added to the fatigue of fighting, which lasted until evening, caused the deaths of several valiant knights and squires: the more the pity.

I will mention the names of those who this day fell victims to the heat and unhealthiness of the climate. First, sir William de Gacille, sir Guiscard de la Garde, sir Lyon Scalet, sir Guy de la Salveste, sir William d’Estapelle, sir William de Guiret, sir Raffroy de la Chapelle, the lord de Pierre Buffiere, the lord de Bonnet, sir Robert de Hanges, sir Stephen de Sancerre, sir Aubert de la Motte, sir Alain de la Champaigne, sir Geoffry Sressiers, sir Raoul d’Econflan, the lord de Bourg from Artois, sir John de Crie, bastard de la Mouleraye, sir Tristan his brother, sir Arné de Consay, sir Arné de Donnay, sir John de Compaignie, sir Fouke d’Escauffours, sir John de Dignant, sir John de Cathenais. I will now add the names 477 of squires who fell: Fouchans de Liege, John des Isles, Blondelet d’Arenton, John de la Motte, Blomberis, Floridas de Rocque, the lord de Bellefreres, William Fondrigay, Walter de Canfours, John Morillon, Peter de Maulves, Guillot Villain, John de la Lande, John Purier, John le Moine, John de Launay and William du Parc.

Now consider how great was this loss; and, had the advice of the gallant lord de Coucy been followed, it would not have happened, for the army would have remained quietly in the camp, as it had hitherto done. The whole army were dismayed at it, and each bewailed the loss of his friend. They retired late to their camp, and kept a stronger guard than usual, during the night for fear of the Saracens. It passed however without further accident, and more prudent arrangements were made. The Saracens were ignorant of what their enemies had suffered; had they known it, they would have had a great advantage over them, but they were in dread of the Christians, and never ventured to attack them but in skirmishes, retreating after one or two charges. The person among them who had shown the most courage was Agadinquor d’Oliferne. He was enamoured with the daughter of the king of Tunis, and in compliment to her, was eager to perform brilliant actions.

Thus was the siege of Africa continued; but the relations and friends of the knights and squires who had gone thither, from France and other countries, received no intelligence, nor knew more of them than if they were dead. They were so much alarmed at not having any news of them that many processions were made in England, France and Hainault, to the churches to pray God that he would bring them back, in safety, to their several homes. The intention of the Christians was to remain before the town of Africa, until they should have conquered it by storm, treaty or famine. The king of Sicily, as well as the inhabitants of the adjacent islands, were anxious it should be so, for the Africans had done them frequent damage; but the Genoese were particularly kind, in supplying the knights and squires with everything they wanted, to prevent them from being tired with the length of the campaign.

To say the truth, this was a very great enterprise, and the knights and squires showed much courage and perseverance in continuing the siege in so unhealthy a climate, after the great losses they had suffered, without assistance from any one; and even when the Genoese, who had first proposed the expedition, were dissembling with them, and as it was said, were in treaty with the Saracens, to leave the Christian army unsupported and neglected as I shall relate in due time, according to the reports that were made to me.

We will now leave the affairs of Africa, and speak of the handsome feasts that were at this time given at London.

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CHAPTER XXIII. — A GRAND TOURNAMENT IS HOLDEN AT LONDON. — THE KIND OF ENGLAND GIVES SPLENDID ENTERTAINMENTS DURING THE SIEGE OF THE TOWN OF AFRICA BY THE CHRISTIANS. — THE COUNT D’OSTREVANT RECEIVES THE ORDER OF THE GARTER, WHICH DISPLEASES THE KING OF FRANCE.

NEWS of the splendid feasts and entertainments made for Queen Isabella’s public entry into Paris was carried to many countries, and very justly, for they were most honourably conducted. The king of England and his three uncles had received the fullest information of them; for some of his knights had been present, who had reported all that had passed with the utmost fidelity. In imitation of this the king of England ordered grand tournaments and feasts to be holden in the city of London, where sixty knights should be accompanied by sixty noble ladies, richly ornamented and dressed. The sixty knights were to tilt for two days; that is to say, on the Sunday after Michaelmas-day, and the Monday following in the year of grace 1390. The sixty knights were to set out at two o’clock in the afternoon from the Tower of London, with their ladies, and parade through the streets, down Cheapside, to a large square called Smithfield. There the knights were to wait on the Sunday the arrival of any foreign knights who might be desirous of tilting; and this feast of the Sunday was called the challengers. The same ceremonies were to take place on the Monday, and the sixty knights to be prepared for tilting courteously with blunted lances against all 478 comers. The prize for the best knight of the opponents was to be a rich crown of gold, that for the tenants of the lists a very rich golden clasp: they were to be given to the most gallant tilter, according to the judgment of the ladies, who would be present with the queen of England and the great barons, as spectators.

On the Tuesday, the tournaments were to be continued by squires, against others of the same rank who wished to oppose them. The prize for the opponents was a courser saddled and bridled, and for the tenants of the lists a falcon. The manner of holding this feast being settled, heralds were sent to proclaim it throughout England, Scotland, Hainault, Germany, Flanders, and France. It was ordered by the council to what parts each herald was to go; and, having time before hand, they published it in most countries.

Many knights and squires from foreign lands made preparations to attend it: some to see the manners of the English, others to take part in the tournaments. On the feast being made known in Hainault, sir William de Hainault count de Ostrevant, who was at that time young and gallant, and fond of tilting, determined, in his own mind, to be present and to honour and make acquaintance with his cousin, king Richard, and his uncles whom he had never seen. He therefore engaged many knights and squires to accompany him; in particular the lord de Gomegines, because he was well known in England, having lived there some time. Sir William resolved, while his preparations were making, to visit his father, the count of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, to speak with him on the subject, and to take leave of him before he went to England. He therefore set out from Quesnoy, in Hainault, and continued his journey to the Hague, a good town in Holland, where his father then resided. During the visit, he told his father his intentions to partake of the great feast in England, to see his cousins and other English lords whom he was desirous of knowing. “William,” replied the count, “my good son, you have nothing to do in England: you are now connected by marriage with the blood royal of France, and your sister is the wife of the eldest son of our cousin the duke of Burgundy: you have no occasion, therefore, to seek other connections.” “My lord,” answered sir William, “I do not with to go to England to form any alliance, but merely to tilt and enjoy this feast, which has been publicly proclaimed everywhere, and visit my cousins, whom I have never seen. Should I not go thither, after the particular invitation I have had, for a purpose messenger brought it me, my refusal will be considered as the effect of pride and presumption. I feel myself bound therefore in honour to go, and I beg father, that you will not refuse me your consent.” “William,” replied the count, “you are your own master; act as you please; but I should think, for the sake of peace, it were better you did not go.”

The count d’Ostrevant, perceiving this subject was disagreeable to his father, turned the conversation to other matters; but his resolution was fixed, and his purveyances were continued to be made and forwarded to Calais. His herald, Gomegines, was sent to England to inform the king and his uncles, that he would come honourably attended to his feast. They were much pleased at this intelligence, and presented the herald with great gifts, which were very acceptable, for he became blind towards the end of his days. I know not if he had angered God, that he was afflicted with such a punishment; but this herald, when in power, had behaved with so much insolence, that he was little pitied in his distress. The count d’Ostrevant took leave of his father, and, on his departure from the Hague, returned to his lady at Quesnoy. Many noble knights were busy in preparations for the feast that had been so pompously proclaimed.

The count Waleran de Saint Pol, who had married the half-sister of king Richard, assembled a handsome body of knights and squires, and with them made for Calais, where passage-vessels were waiting to convey to Dover the lords and knights going to this tournament. From Dover they continued their journey to London, where their servants had previously secured their lodgings.

The count d’Ostrevant set out from Hainault with a numerous attendance of knights and squires, and travelled through Artois to Calais, where he met the count de St. Pol. When the wind was favourable, and their attendants embarked, they crossed the channel; but it was told me, and I believe it, that the count de St. Pol arrived first at London, where he found the king and his brother-in-law, sir John Holland, who with many other nobles, made 479 him a hearty welcome, and enquired the news in France. The count d’Ostrevant having crossed the sea, stopped at Canterbury, and on the Friday morning, without breaking his fast, paid his devotions at the shrine of Thomas à Becket, making at the same time a very rich offering at that altar. He remained that whole day at Canterbury, and on the following went to Rochester. On account of his numerous trains, he travelled but a short day’s journey, to spare his horses that carried the baggage. After mass he left Rochester and dined at Dartford, whence he continued his journey to London for it was on this Sunday the tournaments were to begin.

This Sunday, according to proclamation being the next to Michaelmas day, was the beginning of the tiltings, and called the feast of the challengers. About three o’clock, there paraded out from the Tower of London, which is situated in the square of St. Catherine, on the banks of the Thames, sixty barded courses ornamented for the tournament, on each was mounted a squire of honour that advanced only at a foot’s pace; then came sixty ladies of rank, mounted on palfreys, most elegantly and richly dressed, following each other, every one leading a knight with a silver chain completely armed for tilting; and in this procession they moved on through the streets of London, attended by numbers of minstrels and trumpets, to Smithfield. The queen of England and her ladies and damsels were already arrived and placed in chambers handsomely decorated. The king was with the queen. When the ladies who led the knights arrived in the square, their servants were made ready to assist them to dismount from their palfreys, and to conduct them to the apartments prepared for them. The knights remained until their squires of honour had dismounted and brought them their coursers, which having mounted, they had their helmets laced on, and prepared themselves in all points for the tilt.

The count de Saint Pol with his companions now advanced, handsomely armed for the occasion, and the tournament began. Every foreign knight who pleased tilted, or had time for so doing, before the evening set in. The tiltings were well and long continued until night forced them to break off. The lords and ladies then retired where they had made appointments. The queen was lodged in the bishop of London’s palace near St. Paul’s church, where the banquet was held.

Towards evening, the count d’Ostrevant arrived, and was kindly received by king Richard and his lords. The prize for the opponents was adjudged to the count de St. Pol, as the best knight at this tournament, and that for the tenants to the earl of Huntingdon. The dancings were at the queen’s residence, in the presence of the king, his uncles and the barons of England. The ladies and damsels continued their amusements, before and after supper, until it was time to retire, when all went to their lodgings, except such as were attached to the king or queen, who, during the tournament, lived at the palace of the bishop of London.

You would have seen on the ensuing morning, Monday, squires and varlets busily employed, in different parts of London, furbishing and making ready armour and horses for their masters who were to engage in the justs. In the afternoon, king Richard entered Smithfield magnificently accompanied by dukes, lords, and knights, for he was chief of the tenants of the lists. The queen took her station as on the preceding day, with her ladies, in the apartments that had been prepared for her. The count d’Ostrevant came next, with a large company of knights and squires fully armed for tilting; then the count de Saint Pol and the knights from France.

The tournament now began, and every one exerted himself to the utmost to excel; many were unhorsed, and more lost their helmets. The justing continued with great courage and perseverance until night put an end to it. The company now retired to their lodgings or their homes; and, when the hour for supper was near, the lords and ladies attended it, which was splendid and well served. The prize for the opponents at the tournament was adjudged, by the ladies, lords, and heralds, to the count d’Ostrevant, who far eclipsed all who had tilted that day; that for the tenants was given to a gallant knight of England called sir Hugh Spenser.

On the morrow, Tuesday, the tournament was renewed by the squires, who tilted in the presence of the king, queen, and all the nobles, until night, when all retired as on the preceding day. The supper was as magnificent as before at the palace of the bishop, where the 480 king and queen were lodged; and the dancing lasted until day-break, when the company broke up. The tournament was continued on the Wednesday by all knights and squires indiscriminately, who were inclined to just; it lasted until night, and the supper and dances were as the preceding day.

On Thursday, the king entertained at supper all the foreign knights and squires, and the queen their ladies and damsels. The duke of Lancaster gave a grand dinner to them on the Friday. On Saturday, the king and his court left London for Windsor, whither the count d’Ostrevant, the count de St. Pol, and the foreign knights who had been present at the feasts, were invited. All accepted the invitation, as was right, and went to Windsor, which has a handsome castle, well built and richly ornamented, situated on the Thames twenty miles from London. The entertainments were very magnificent in the dinners and suppers king Richard made, for he thought he could not pay honour enough to his cousin the count d’Ostrevant. He was solicited by the king and his uncles to be one of the companions of the order of the blue Garter, as the chapel of St. George, the patron, was at Windsor. In answer to their request, he said he would consider of it, and instantly consulted the lord de Gomegines and the bastard Fierabras de Vertain, who were far from discouraging him from accepting the order. He returned to the king, and was admitted a knight companion of the Garter, to the great surprise of the French knights then present. They murmured together, and said, — “This count d’Ostrevant plainly shows that his heart is more inclined to England than France, when he thus accepts the order of the Garter, which is the device of the kings of England. He is purchasing the ill will of the court of France and of my lord of Burgundy, whose daughter he has married, and a time may come for him to repent of it. However, to say the truth, he must know what concerns him best: but he was well beloved by the king of France, his brother the duke of Touraine, and all the royal family; so that when he came to them at Paris or elsewhere, they showed him more kindness than to any other of their cousins.”

Thus was the count d’Ostrevant blamed by the French, without the smallest cause; for what he had done was no way to injure the crown of France, nor his cousins and friends of that country. Nothing was farther from his mind than any hostility to the king of France; but he had accepted the Garter to oblige his cousins in England, and on occasion to be a mediator between the two countries. When he took the oaths usual on the admission of knights to the order, it ought to be known publicly that nothing was said or done prejudicial to France, nor any treaties entered into with that intent. I mention this, since it is impossible to prevent the envious from spreading abroad their tales. When the entertainments at Windsor had lasted a sufficient time, and the king had made handsome presents to the knights and squires of France, particularly to the young count d’Ostrevant, the company took leave of the king, the queen, and the court, and departed for their different homes.

Rumour, which magnifies everything, carried to the king of France, his brother, and uncles, every particular that had passed at this feast in England. Those who had been there confirmed it, nothing was forgotten, but rather additions made with the intent of doing mischief in preference to good. They related, that William of Hainault, who had called himself count d’Ostrevant, had taken great pains to honour this feast; that he had had the prize given him at the tournament in preference to many other foreign knights, and that he was loud in the praise of the English, and was become the liege-man to the king of England by taking the oaths and accepting the order of the blue Garter, in the chapel of saint George at Windsor, which order had been established by king Edward and his son the prince of Wales; tat no one could be admitted a knight companion of that order, without making oath never to bear arms against the crown of England, and this oath the count d’Ostrevant had taken without the smallest reservation.

Teh king of France and his uncles, on hearing this, were much troubled and vexed with the count d’Ostrevant. The king said, — “Only think, it is not a year ago since the count begged of me that his brother might be bishop of Cambray; but after what we have heard, that would now be much to our prejudice. It will be better that our cousin of St. Pol have Cambray than John of Hainault. — The Hainaulters were never our sincere friends, nor ever will be, for they are too proud and presumptuous, and have always been more attached to 481 England than France, but a time may come when they shall dearly pay for it. We will,” added the king, “that the count d’Ostrevant be summoned to appear before us, and do homage for the county of Ostrevant, or we will dispossess him and attach it to our crown.” Such of the council as were present, replied, — “Sire, you say well, and what you order ought to be done.” The duke of Burgundy, whose daughter the count had married, was highly displeased at these reports; for he had always pushed his son-in-law as much as he could into the good graces of the king and the royal family. This business was not neglected; for the king of France wrote very sharp letters to the count d’Ostrevant, which he sent to him at Quesnoy, commanding him to come to Paris, and, in the presence of the peers of France, do homage for the county of Ostrevant, or he would make war upon him, and dispossess him of it.

The count d’Ostrevant, on perusing these letters, found that the king and his council were much angered, and instantly assembled his most confidential counsellors to consider of the answer. He called to his aid the lord de Fontanes, the lord de Gomegines, sir William de Heremies, the lord de Trassegnies, the bailiff of Hainault, the lord de Sancelles, sir Race de Montigny, the abbot de Crespin, John Semart, and James Barrier of Valenciennes. These counsellors having some time debated, and turned the matter over various ways, thought it most advisable to write to the king of France, and answer generally to what he had urged, and demand an opportunity for so doing more particularly, by persons that were properly qualified and not by letters. In the mean time, they recommended sending a well informed messenger, to duke Albert in Holland, to acquaint him with what was passing, and have his advice. This was done: they wrote such humble and discreet letters to the king of France and his council as greatly pacified them; and sent the lord de Trassegnies, the lord de Sancelles, John Semart, and James Barrier to Holland. On being admitted to the count of Holland they laid before him the situation of Hainault, and the letters that had been received from the king of France.

If the count of Holland was not surprised at what had happened, it is not to be wondered at; for he replied, — “I was just thinking that what you tell me would come to pass: my son William had no business to go to England. I have given up to him the government of Hainault: let him advise with the wisest and most prudent in that country. Make interest with our fair cousin, the duke of Burgundy; for he has the power to set to rights all this business. I cannot give you better advice, nor recommend a more fit person to address yourselves to.” On this, the envoys returned to Hainault, and related all that had passed, which gave satisfaction. The lord de Trassegnies, sir William de Heremies, sir Race de Montigny, John Semart and James Barrier, were ordered to wait on the king of France and the duke of Burgundy. The detail of all that passed would be too long for such a history as this, that embraces so many objects. The conclusion was, that notwithstanding the support of the duke of Burgundy, the count d’Ostrevant was forced to go to Paris to perform his duty, and acknowledge his holding the county of Ostrevant from the crown of France, otherwise he would have had war instantly carried into Hainault. The lord de Coucy and sir Oliver de Clisson took much pains that a war should ensue; but the lord de la Riviere and sir John le Mercier counteracted them to the utmost of their power. As we have dwelt too long on these matters, we will return to the barons and knights of France, who were besieging the strong town of Africa against the Saracens.

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CHAPTER XXIV. — THE SIEGE OF AFRICA IS RAISED — THE CAUSE OF IT. — THE KNIGHTS AND SQUIRES RETURN TO THEIR OWN COUNTRIES.

YOU have before heard, what pains the Christians took to conquer the town of Africa; for they thought, if they succeeded, they should gain great renown, and be able to withstand, during the winter, all the forces the infidels could bring against them, until they should be reinforced from Europe, especially by the king of France, who was young and fond of arms, and there were still two years to run of the truce with England: the Christians had therefore laid siege to Africa, as being the most convenient entrance into Barbary. The infidels, 482 suspicious of such being their intentions, well victualled the place, and reinforced it with a new garrison, the better to guard it.

The siege still continued, although, after the before-mentioned loss on the part of the Christians, little advantage was gained, and the men at arms were greatly discouraged; for they could not gain any opportunity of changing the tiresomeness of their situation, and of revenging themselves on the enemy. Many, in consequence, began to murmur and say, — “We remain here in vain; for if we do nothing more effectual than skirmishing, we shall never gain the town: if, by accident, we kill one infidel by our arrows, they supply his place with ten more, as they are in their own country, and have provision and stores in abundance, while ours are brought with much difficulty and uncertainty. What will become of us, if we stay longer? The cold nights of winter will freeze and benumb us to death. We shall be in a most disagreeable state for many reasons: first, at that time of the year the sea will be so tempestuous no one will venture on it. We have not but eight days provision, and should the stormy weather set in, and prevent any vessels arriving, we must inevitably perish. Secondly, suppose we have provision and stores in plenty, how can the army support, for so long a time, the fatigue of a regular guard? The danger will be too great; for the enemy is on his own ground, and well acquainted with the country, and may attack us in the night-season, as we have already seen, and do us infinite damage. Thirdly, should we be infected with any disorder, from want of better air and fresh provision, it may be contagious, and we shall drop off one after another, for we have not any remedies to guard against such a misfortune. Besides, should the Genoese, who are a treacherous race, wish to return without us, they might embark in the night-time, and when once on board their vessels, we could not prevent them, and they would leave us here to pay the reckoning. It will be right that we remonstrate with our lords, who are enjoying their ease, on these our suspicions; for the Genoese do not conceal their opinions of us. Some of their talkers have said to our men, — ‘You Frenchmen are odd men at arms: when we sailed from Genoa, we thought you would have conquered this town of Africa within a week or fortnight after your landing; but we have been here nearly two months, and nothing has been done: by the assaults and skirmishes you make, the town need not fear you these two years; and at the rate you go on, you will never conquer the kingdoms of Tunis or Africa.’ ”

The Genoese had so frequently held this language to the varlets and others of the army, that it reached the ears of their lords, and was repeated to the lord de Coucy, who was wise and prudent, and to whom the whole army looked up. He considered a while, and thus said to himself, — “The conversations of these Genoese are but too well founded in truth: to put a stop to them, a full assembly of the principal knights must be held, to consider how we are to proceed, for winter is fast approaching.” At this council, which was held in the duke of Bourbon’s tent, various plans were proposed; but the conclusion was, that they would, for this season, break up the siege, and every person should return home the way he had come. The chief lords secretly made preparations accordingly, and, calling to them the masters of the galleys and other vessels, acquainted them with their intentions. The captains were much surprised, and said, — “My lords, do not harbour any suspicions of us, for we are pledged to you by our honour and oaths, and we will most loyally and honestly acquit ourselves. Had we pleased, we might have accepted the favourable offers that were made us by the Africans, but we refused to enter into any treaty with them, from our attachments and engagements to you.”

“We have no doubts of you, gentlemen,” replied the lord de Coucy, “for we look on you as loyal and valiant men: but we have considered our situation; winter is at hand, and we have a scarcity of provision. Should it be God’s good pleasure that we return to France, we will inform the king, who is young and fond of war, of the state of this country. At this moment, he knows not where to employ his force, for he and the king of England are at peace. He is unhappy when idle, and we shall advise him to undertake an expedition hither, as well to have the pleasure of meeting the king of Sicily as to conquer this country from the Saracens. Prepare and make ready your galleys, for we shall leave this coast in a few days.” The Genoese were not well pleased with the French lords for thus breaking 483 up the siege of the town of Africa; but, as they could not amend it, they were forced to bear with it as well as they could.

There was a rumour current in the Christian camp, that the Genoese were treating with the Saracens to betray and deliver up to them the remainder of the army. It was firmly believed by many, and they said: “Our principal commanders, the duke of Bourbon, the dauphin of Auvergne, the lord de Coucy, sir Guy de la Tremouille, sir Philip de Bar and sir John de Vienne, are well acquainted with this plot; and for this reason they have determined suddenly to break up the siege.” When it was proclaimed that every one was to embark on board the alleys or other vessels, in an orderly manner, you would have seen the varlets in the greatest bustle packing up the purveyances of their different lords, and conveying them on board the ships which lay at anchor off the shore. When all things were embarked, the knights entered the galleys that had brought them thither: many had bargained with the captains to carry them to Naples, others to Sicily, Cypress or Rhodes, thence to perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

After having remained sixty-one days before the town of Africa, they broke up the siege, and set sail from that country in sight of the Saracens from the walls. This gave them such joy that they sounded horns and beat drums, and made so great a noise by their shoutings, as to be heard in the army of the Saracens. Several young knights mounted their horses, and galloped to the place where the camp had been, to see if they could find anything left behind. Agadinquor d’Oliferne and Brahadin de Tunis were the first to arrive; but the Christians had so completely cleared the camp, that there was nothing for them to carry away. The Saracens left their station to examine the camp, and remained more than two hours noticing the manner and form of it. They praised much their subtlety in sinking wells for fresh water, and, having for some time viewed the galleys under sail, they returned to visit their friends in the town of Africa. Others went to their quarters, and rejoiced greatly that the Christians had not dared to remain longer. They held their power very cheap, and said, they should no longer fear, as they had done, the French or Genoese. They spoke truly, as I shall explain. When this siege was raised, the Saracens grew proud on the occasion, for they saw the Genoese had exerted themselves to their utmost power to annoy them: this expedition could not have been undertaken without an enormous expense, and they had not gained anything. But hey did not know the great losses the Christians had suffered until that day, and I will tell you by what accident it happened. In the camp of the Christians was found, lying on the ground, a Genoese varlet, who was too ill with a fever to be removed when the sailors sought for their men to embark on board the barges. The Saracens were delighted on finding this man, and ordered no harm to be done him. They carried him to the principal commanders of their army, and told them where they had found him. An interpreter was sent for to examine him; but at first he would not make any answers, considering himself as a dead man, and desiring they would put him out of his pain. The chiefs of the army, such as Agadinquor d’Oliferne and Brahadin de Tunis, thought they should gain nothing by his death; and to induce him to answer truly, without any equivocation, what questions should be put to him, they promised to spare his life, and send him safe and well to his own country on board of the first galley that should come thither from Genoa or Marseilles, with a present of one hundred golden besants. The varlet hearing this was freed from his fears of death and made easy; for he knew that these Saracens never break their words: and, as every one dies as late as he can, he said to the interpreter, “Make them all swear on their faith to keep what they have promised, and I will truly answer whatever you may ask.” The interpreter repeated this to the lords, who having consented to his demand, the varlet said, “Now ask what questions you please, and I will answer them.” He was first asked who he was, and his place of residence, and replied, “Portevances*; [that his name was Simon Mollevin, and son to a captain of a galley at Portevances]:” then as to the commanders of the Christian army. He named several; for, having kept company and drank with the heralds, he had often heard their names mentioned and remembered some of them. He was asked, if he knew the reasons why they had so suddenly raised the siege and departed. To this he made a very prudent reply, by saying, he 484 he was ignorant of it, as he was not present at the council of war when it was determined on, and could only tell them what was the common report in the army. It was said, that the French suspected the Genoese of a design to betray them; but the Genoese declared this was false, and wrongfully imputed to them by the French. They had left the coast because they were afraid to winter in this country, and risk the loss of as many knights as they had once done. “Ask him,” said the lords to the interpreter, “to explain this.” He replied, “So great was the loss on the day the combat was to have taken place between ten of your knights with ten of ours, that upwards of sixty knights and squires, men of renown, died that day; and it was solely on this account,” as the Genoese said, “the siege was raised.” The Saracen chiefs seemed very much pleased on hearing this, and made no further inquiries, but punctually kept the promise they had made him.

On his return to Portevances and Genoa, he related all that had passed and what answers he had made, for which he was no way blamed. The Saracens said among themselves, — “We have been very negligent in not taking better measures against this union of the French and Genoese; for, though they have been this time unsuccessful against Africa, we must henceforward put our coast in a better state of defence (which we may easily do;) and we must, in particular, guard the straits of Morocco so strongly that neither the Genoese nor Venetians shall carry their merchandise to Flanders through this strait, without paying so great a toll as to make all the world wonder thereat, and even then it shall be considered as a matter of favour.”

What these Africans had proposed they executed: and all the kingdoms to the south, west and east, formed an alliance, such as Africa, Tunis, Bugia, Morocco, Benmarin, Tremeçen and Granada, with a resolution of well guarding their coasts, and equipping such a fleet of galleys as should make them masters of the sea, through hatred to the French and Genoese, for their late siege of Africa. They interrupted so much the navigation of the Venetians and Genoese, that merchandise from Alexandria, Cairo, Damascus, Venice, Naples or Genoa, was difficult to be had in Flanders for money; and, in particular, every sort of spicery was enormously dear.

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*  “Portevances.” In the MSS. Portenaues. Q. if not Portocross, one of the islands of Hieres, off Provence.

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CHAPTER XXV. — KING CHARLES OF FRANCE PROPOSES TO MARCH TO ITALY, TO FORM AN UNION OF THE CHURCH BY FORCE, AND THENCE TO BARBARY. — AMBASSADORS FROM ENGLAND OFFER PROPOSALS FOR A PEACE BETWEEN HIM AND KING RICHARD. — THE DEATH OF JOHN KING OF CASTILLE. — HE IS SUCCEEDED BY HIS SON HENRY, WHO IS CROWNED KING, THOUGH BUT NINE YEARS OF AGE.

WHEN the Christian fleet sailed from Africa, all crossed the sea, but did not disembark at the same port. Part met with heavy tempests, that put them in great danger: the greater part, however, returned to Genoa. Religious processions were making in France for their safety, for they knew not what was become of them, not having had any intelligence since their departure. The ladies of Coucy, of Sully, and the dauphiness of Auvergne, were in great anxiety for their lords, as long as the expedition lasted, and were much rejoiced on hearing they were returned. The duke of Bourbon and the lord de Coucy set off privately for Paris, leaving their attendants behind, and arrived there about Martinmas-day. The king, as was natural, was well pleased to see them, and asked many questions respecting Barbary, and the success of the expedition. They related all they had seen or heard, which was eagerly listened to by the king and his brother, the duke of Touraine. The king said, “If we can manage to restore union to the church, and establish a sound peace between us and England, we should very much like to lead a great army to Barbary, to exalt the Christian faith, confound the infidels, and acquit the souls of our predecessors, king Philip of happy memory, and king John our grandfather; for both of them put on the vermilion cross, to pass the sea for the holy land; and they would have done so, if violent wars had not nearly overturned their kingdom. Now, if we can restore union and peace to the church, and lengthen our truce with the English to a proper term, we are resolved to undertake this 485 expedition.” Such were the conversations between the king of France and his uncle, the duke of Bourbon, and the lord de Coucy, and thus did things remain. By degrees, those who had been in Africa returned home. The king lived at Paris the whole season residing sometimes at the Louvre, at others, with the queen, at the hôtel de St. Pol.

About St. Andrew’s day, when the knights were almost all returned from Barbary, circumstances which served for a topic of conversation with every one, another expedition was talked of, at the court of France, but I cannot say who was the first promoter of it. The king of France, who had a great love of arms, was thus addressed; “Sire, your devotion and inclination naturally lead you to wish to carry an expedition against the infidels beyond sea, to conquer the holy land.” “That is very true,” answered the king: “It constitutes the occupation of my thoughts night and day.” I believe the proposal was made by the lord de la Riviere or sir John le Mercier; for they were both too much attached to pope Clement, and so greatly in the king’s favour, that whatever they said was done. Others, who were at the time in the king’s company, said; “Sire you cannot, in conscience, undertake such an expedition, while the church is disunited: begin with the head, and your enterprise will end the better.” “How would you have me begin?” asked the king. “Sire,” replied they, “at this moment you have nothing on your hands. You are at peace with the English; and you may, during the truce, undertake, if you please, an expedition; we do not see a more brilliant one, than to march a large army to Rome and destroy this anti-pope, whom the Romans, through error, have elected and placed on the throne of St. Peter. This may be done, if you exert yourself: a more meritorious or honourable service cannot be performed; and the instant the anti-pope and his cardinals shall hear you are advancing against them with a large army, they will surrender themselves to your mercy.”

The king listened attentively to this, and said he would consider of it. In truth, he was warmly attached to pope Clement; for the preceding year, when at Avignon, he had received the greatest honours and attentions from him, and he had given to him, his brother and uncles, more than they had asked. This he thought was deserving some return, and, on his taking leave, he had promised the pope, that he would attend to his affairs in such wise that the effect of his interference would soon be known. He considered himself bound, therefore, to do something in his behalf.

At this time, the dukes of Berry and Burgundy were at Paris; and it was generally reported, that soon after March the king would set out from Paris, for Savoy and Lombardy, and that the duke of Savoy was to send his cousin-german with him. The king was to have under his command the duke of Touraine and four thousand spears; the duke of Burgundy two thousand; the duke of Berry the same number; the constable of France two thousand Bretons and Saintongers, from the flat countries; the duke of Bourbon one thousand spears; the count de St. Pol, and the lord de Coucy, one thousand spears; and all these men at arms were to be engaged and paid for three months, and thus form time to time. The pope and cardinals at Avignon were as much rejoiced, when intelligence of this was carried to them, as if the expedition were already commenced. It was proposed in the council that the king should invite the duke of Brittany to form part of it, as they did not think it prudent to leave him behind. The king in consequence wrote him a handsome letter, to explain the plan and intention of the expedition, and to invite him to make part of it, which he sent by an honourable man, one of his ushers at arms.

When the duke of Brittany had read the letter, he burst out into laughter, and calling to him the lord de Montboucher, said, — “See what my lord of France writes me. He has undertaken to set out in the month of March next for Rome, and destroy, by the power of his arms, pope Boniface and his cardinals. As God is my help, he will never succeed, but shortly have other flax to spin, which will force him to give up such foolish business. He desires me to accompany him with two thousand lances. As I wish to pay him every honour that is his due, I shall write a very civil answer back to please him, and say that, if he persist in undertaking the expedition mentioned in his letter, he shall not go without me, since he is desirous of my company; but I tell you, lord de Montboucher, that I shall not trouble any of my vassals on the occasion, for I repeat, it will end in words.” The duke of Brittany sent very handsome letters by the usher at arms, to the king at Paris, who was well 486 satisfied with the answer. No one attempted to discourage the king respecting this expedition, for it was highly agreeable to the knights and squires, as it made them of importance, and employed their time. All ranks of persons made their preparations, even the clergy, and the provinces were willing to tax themselves to send men at arms, at their expense, to serve the king.

This expedition ended, however, as the duke of Brittany had foretold; and I will relate what occasioned its being broken off. About Candlemas, intelligence was brought to the king and his council, which they had not thought of, nor foreseen. Part of the king of England’s cabinet-council were sent in handsome state to wait on the king of France at Paris. At the head of this legation were, sir Thomas Percy, sir Lewis Clifford, sir Robert Bricquet, and other knights, whose names I never heard. The arrival of these knights at Paris was a great surprise though the king had been informed of their coming; for the king of England had written to him, to say he should in a few days send some of his council to Paris, if he would be there. The king of France was very anxious to learn why the ambassadors had been sent in such haste, and what they had to propose. The English knights dismounted at the sign of the Château de Festu, in the street of la Croix du Tiroir, where they had fixed their lodgings. The king of France was at the Louvre, and the duke of Touraine with him: his three uncles, and the constable of France, were likewise at their different hôtels in Paris. The English arrived at Paris in the afternoon, and staid the remainder of that day and the night at their inn: on the morrow, about nine o’clock, they mounted their horses, which were handsomely decorated, and went in state to the Louvre, where the king was waiting for them. He was attended by his brother, his uncles, the count de St. Pol, the lord de Coucy, sir Oliver de Clisson, constable of France, sir John de Vienne, sir Guy de la Tremouille, and other great barons.

The ambassadors dismounted in the square before the Louvre, and, on entering the gate, were met by the lord de la Riviere, sir John le Mercier, sir Helion de Lignac, sir Peter de Villiers, sir William de la Tremouille, and sir William Marcel, who received them as knights of the king of England’s council, and conducted them most respectfully to a handsome apartment where the king of France was. On their entrance they took off their hoods, and bowed very low. Sir Thomas Percy was the bearer of their credential letters, which he presented to the king, who, on receiving them, made the knights rise. When they were risen, they retired some paces back. The king of France, having perused the letters, called to him his brother and uncles, and showed their contents. His uncles then said, “My lord, call to you the knights from England, and demand the cause of their coming hither.” The king did so, and the knights were asked the purport of their credential letters. Sir Thomas, in reply, said, — “Dear sire, it is the wish of our lord the king of England, that his most confidential counsellors such as his uncles of Lancaster, York, or Gloucester, or some prelates of England of whom that country has the best opinion for sense and prudence, should meet others of like character, of your council, that they might consider on the means of forming a solid peace between you and him and your allies. This, if it could be effected, would give him such great satisfaction, that he would not complain of any trouble or pain his counsellors may endure, whom he shall send across the sea to Amiens, or any other appointed place, for the carrying on this negotiation, and we are come hither from our lord to propose this matter, and to learn your intentions upon it.” The king replied, — “Sir Thomas, you and your companions are welcome, and your visit has given us very great pleasure. You will not leave Paris immediately: in the mean time, we will assemble our council, and before your departure, you shall have such answer as shall be satisfactory to you.” The English were well pleased with this reply, and the king entered on other matters of conversation. It was now dinner-time; and the English knights were detained to dine in the Louvre, and given in charge to the lord de Coucy and the lord de la Riviere, who led them into a very richly ornamented apartment, where a table was spread for them. They dined well, and at their leisure, the lord de Coucy, and the constable keeping them company. When dinner was over, they went into the king’s apartment, and staid until wine and spices were brought in splendid comfit boxes of gold and silver. After the knights had partaken of them, they took leave of the king and his lords, and descended into the court, where they mounted their horses and returned to their lodgings.

The proposals sir Thomas Percy had brought from England were exceedingly agreeable to the king of France, to his uncle the duke of Burgundy, and to others of his council; but not to all, especially to those who were interested concerning the pope of Avignon. They foresaw, that if negotiations were once begun between the two crowns, it would require a long time to bring them to a conclusion, and thus retard the expedition that was intended against Rome, to reduce pope Boniface and his cardinals to the obedience of pope Clement. The object of peace, however, was so welcome to all parts of Christendom, and would be of such advantage to every country that no one dared to say anything against it. Besides, the duke of Burgundy and his council and the duke of Bourbon were unanimous in their opinion with the king. The king of France showed much attention to sir Thomas Percy and his companions; but there was one knight among them called sir Robert Bricquet, whom he did not see with pleasure, for he was a Frenchman, had always been of the party of England or Navarre, and was now a knight of the king of England’s chamber. The king prudently dissembled his thoughts; but, when he conversed with them, he always addressed himself to sir Thomas Percy, sir Lewis Clifford, or to sir John Clanvow. The king said, — “We shall be happy to see a solid peace established between our adversary of England and us, for the war and quarrel has lasted too long a time; and I wish you to understand that it shall be no way our fault if the negotiations be not happily concluded.” “Sire,” replied the knights, “our lord the king of England, who has sent us hither, has the same peaceable inclinations, and said, on our departure, that it should not be to his blame if these wars and dissentions were not put an end to, for they had lasted too long; and he was much surprised some prudent means had not been sooner thought of for this purpose.” “Well,” replied the king, “we shall see what good affection he bears us.”

The English remained at Paris six days, and dined every day with one or other of the dukes. In the mean time, the matter of their coming had been debated in council, and it was settled that the king of France, his uncles, and his cabinet-council, should be at Amiens the middle of March, and wait there for the king of England, his uncles and council, if they were willing to meet them. The English knights engaged, that on their side there should not be any delay, and that some of the king’s uncles, if not all, would be at Amiens on the appointed day. Thus was this business concluded; and the day before the ambassadors were to take leave of the king and quit Paris, he went to the palace, and magnificently entertained at dinner these English lords: his brother and uncles were present: he made sir Thomas Percy sit at his table, calling him cousin, from his relationship with the earl of Northumberland.

During the dinner, sir Thomas Percy and his companions were presented with handsome jewels, all but sir Robert Bricquet: he was passed unnoticed. The knight, who presented them in the name of the king, (sir Peter Villiers, high steward of the household) said to him: “When you shall have done service acceptable to the king, he is rich enough to reward you for it,” and then passed by. Sir Robert was melancholy on hearing this speech, and then first learnt he was disagreeable to the king of France: he was therefore forced to put up with the slight as well as he could. When dinner was over, and they had washed and the tables were removed, grace having been said, minstrels of song and others were called in, who performed, as usual, before the king and his company. After this, sir Thomas Percy advanced, and, casting himself on his knee, said: “Very dear sire, I and my companions are much surprised at one thing. You have most splendidly entertained us, and presented us with rich gifts, for which we feel very thankful; but sir Robert Bricquet, who is a knight at arms, and chamberlain to our sovereign lord the king of England, has been passed by, and we would willingly know the reason for it.” The king of France replied: “Sir Thomas, the knight you have named, since you wish to know the cause of his being overlooked, ought not to have taken part against us; for, had he been made prisoner in wars, his ransom would have instantly been paid by his death.” On saying this, he raised up sir Thomas Percy, and conversed on other matters. Shortly after, wine and spices were brought, which having partaken of at their pleasure, the ambassadors took leave of the king, returned to their lodgings, and paid the amount of their expenses. On the morrow, they departed from Paris, and continued their journey to England, where they related to the king and his uncles everything that had passed, greatly extolling the king of France’s magnificent entertainments, and the rich gifts he had made them.

We will, for a while leave speaking of England, and say what was passing in Castille. You have heard of the alliance between the king of Castille and the duke of Lancaster, who had claimed that crown in right of his duchess, the lady Constance, eldest daughter of the late don Pedro, by whom he had a beautiful daughter, that was married to don Henry, prince of Galicia, heir to the crown of Castille. This marriage confirmed the peace between them. About two years after the celebration of these nuptials, king John of Castile departed this life, and was buried in the city of Burgos*. On this event, the great barons and prelates of the realm assembled, and declared their intentions to have for their king the young prince of Galicia. This was done, and the prince was crowned in the ninth year of his age: his queen was six years older. Thus was the daughter of the duke of Lancaster, by the lady Constance, queen of Castille, and of all the possessions of don Pedro, don Henry, and don John, excepting those parts which had been assigned to the duke and duchess of Lancaster for their joint lives. They had, beside, a pension of one hundred thousand florins, for which four of the most opulent cities in Castille were pledged. The duke of Lancaster had the pleasure of seeing his two daughters queens of Castille and Portugal.

We will now speak of the expedition made by John count d’Armagnac into Lombardy, for the matter requires it.

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*  King John died from the injuries received in a fall from his horse, on the 24th August, 1390, aged thirty-two. His son Henry, who succeeded him, was then eleven years old. — ED.

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CHAPTER XXVI. — OF THE EXPEDITION OF COUNT JOHN D’ARMAGNAC INTO LOMBARDY.  — HIS DEATH, AT THE SIEGE OF ALEXANDRIA.

THE intention of the count d’Armagnac to lead an army into Lombardy has been already mentioned in this history. His object was to assist his sister-german and her husband, sir Bernabo Visconti, eldest son to that sir Bernabo whom the duke of Milan had unnaturally put to death. This duke was Galeas Visconti, count de Vertus, whose daughter the duke of Touraine had married. The lady of sir Bernabo was daughter to sir John d’Armagnac, and, being in great affliction, had recourse to her brothers, to whom she related the misery of her situation, her poverty and necessity, and humbly prayed their pity, and that they would defend her against that tyrant the count de Vertus, who had disinherited her without the smallest reason. The count d’Armagnac promised his sister that he would comply with her request, and had declared, that whatever it might cost him to recover her rights, he would exert himself in the attempt to the utmost of his power. What he had engaged to do, he performed; for I have before mentioned, that in conjunction with the dauphin d’Auvergne, he had entered into treaties with many of the captains of forts in Auvergne, Limousin, Quercy, or other parts, who, under colour of fighting for the king on England, had done the greatest mischiefs to France. These garrisons of English, Gascons, and Bretons, received different sums, and a pardon from France, on surrendering their castles and quitting the kingdom. They readily, therefore, engaged to follow the count d’Armagnac into Lombardy, and retired until the proper time towards the rivers Rhône and Saone. The dukes of Berry and Burgundy permitted them to take what purveyances they pleased in their lordships, for they were very desirous to be rid of them. The lieutenant of the king of France for Dauphiny was at that time sir Enguerrand Durdin, and the king had written to him to permit all men at arms and their companions, who should say they belonged to the count d’Armagnac, to pass freely through Dauphiny, and to have whatever they might be in need of, for their money.

The count de Foix, hearing at his residence at Orthès of the large armament the count d’Armagnac was raising, began to be alarmed, for he was of a suspicious temper. He had indeed learnt, for common report flies everywhere, that it was intended for Lombardy against the duke of Milan; but as the ancestors of this count d’Armagnac, and himself and his brother sir Bernard, had been at war with him, he was doubtful if this expedition might not in the end be directed against him. Not to be unprepared, therefore, he had reinforced and re-victualled all his castles, that if they should make an attack, he might be enabled to 489 meet them. But neither the count d’Armagnac nor his brother had such thoughts: they were desirous strictly to observe the truce now established between them. Many knights and squires from Gascony, England, and Brittany, who had engaged their services to the count d’Armagnac, had he declared war against the count de Foix, would have left him and joined his adversary: so much was the count de Foix beloved by men-at-arms for his liberality and courage.

When the duchess of Touraine was informed that the count d’Armagnac was preparing to lead a large body of men-at-arms into Lombardy, to make war on her father the duke of Milan, and that the dukes of Berry and Burgundy consented to it, from their desire to rid the kingdom of so many pillagers which had of late so grievously harassed it, she did not remain idle, but instantly wrote letters to the count de Vertus to give notice of it, that he might provide himself accordingly. The duke of Milan was already informed of this intention of the count d’Armagnac, and had collected men-at-arms wherever he could find them, and reinforced his towns and castles with men, stores, and provision, concluding he should have a war to support against the count d’Armagnac.

About the middle of March, the greater part of the men-at-arms were assembled in the country near Avignon: between that place and Lyons on the banks of the Rhône, were fifteen thousand horse. They crossed that river where it was the easiest to pass, and, entering Dauphiny, took up their quarters in the villages or fields. Others continued their route, the more speedily to clear the passes of the mountains, which are dangerous for man and horse. The count d’Armagnac, his brother, with other knights, visited pope Clement and his cardinals at Avignon, and offered to serve them and the church against the tyrant of Lombardy, for which they felt themselves obliged, and returned many thanks. They staid at Avignon eight days, while their troops passed; they then took leave of the pope and cardinals, and made ready to follow them. The two brothers, sir John and sir Bernard d’Armagnac, here separated, and thus sir Jon addressed him: “Fair brother, you will now return to Comminges and Armagnac, to guard our lands, for all the forts are not yet free from the marauders. There is Lourde, which sir Arnaute de Béarn holds in the name of the king of England; and Bouteville is garrisoned by Foixens under the command of sir John de Greilly, son of the late captal de Buch. Notwithstanding there is a truce between the count de Foix and us for the present, he is so bold and enterprising a knight, that we are never sure what his intentions may be; and for these reasons I wish you to return instantly home. You shall hear very frequently from me during my absence, and do you write constantly.” Sir Bernard readily consented to what his brother had proposed, for he thought it prudent and well advised: he had not, beside, any great inclination to cross the mountains. Just on his departure, the count said, “Bernard, you will go hence to our cousin Raymond de Touraine, who has married my cousin the daughter of the prince of Orange, and is now engaged in war with the comté Venaissain, that belongs to the pope: entreat of him, for I have been so requested by the pope, that he make his preparations to follow me in this expedition, and he shall be my companion in all things; I will wait for him at Gap*, situated among the mountains.” Sir Bernard promised to convey this message, and the brothers separated, never to see each other again.

The count d’Armagnac took the road leading to the town of Gap, and sir Bernard that to the castle of Boulogne, where sir Raymond de Touraine resided, who received him very kindly. Sir Bernard eloquently delivered the message from his brother, to inform him the more readily to comply with the request contained in it. Sir Raymond replied, — “Fair cousin, before your brother, the count d’Armagnac, shall have advanced far into Lombardy, or laid siege to any town, it is very possible that I follow him, but it is full time as yet for me and my people to begin our march. If my cousin therefore sends me intelligence about the middle of May I will set out, for by that time I hope to made an end of my war against my uncle, the pope at Avignon, and his cardinals, who not only refuse me justice, but detain from me, by force, everything that my uncle, pope Gregory, disposed of in my favour. They think to tire me out and excommunicate me, but they shall be mistaken. They engage knights and squires to make war on me, by granting them absolution, but such have no 490 talents for war; and I shall have more effective men at arms for a thousand florins, than they can obtain by their absolutions for seven years.” “My good cousin,” answered sir Bernard, “Keep to your resolution: what you say is true; and it would not, by any means, advise you to act otherwise than you do: just as you have spoken will I write to my brother d’Armagnac.”

They were one whole day together, in the castle of Boulogne. On the morrow, sir Bernard d’Armagnac departed, and, crossing the Rhône at the Pont du Saint Esprit, rode over the mountains, through Quercy, until he reached his destination, leaving his brother to manage for himself his war with the count de Vertus. Before, however, he left Pont du Saint Esprit, he wrote letters to the count d’Armagnac, to inform him of the answer he had received from sir Raymond de Touraine, and had also letters from his brother, on his road towards Gap. Having read their contents, he pursued his journey without farther attending to them.

We will continue our history of the count John d’Armagnac † until we bring it to a conclusion, without speaking of other events. It was his great love and affection for his sister and brother, who had been fraudulently disinherited by the count de Vertus, who styled himself lord of Milan, that had induced him thus gaily to march into the plains of Piedmont and Lombardy. There were likewise two very just reasons for this armament: one was, the carrying away such numbers of pillagers, who had for so long a time opposed them; the other, to assist his sister and her husband, who had unjustly been deprived of their inheritance, so that he had, on every account, justice on his side. The companions were unanimous to serve him, and exclaimed, — “Let us cheerfully attack these Lombards: we have a just quarrel and a good captain, which will assist our cause, and we are going to the richest country in the world; for Lombardy receives the fat from other parts; and, as the Lombards are rich and cowards, we shall gain great profit. We, who are captains, shall return so enormously rich, that we need never more think of war, nor carry on any future warfare.”

Such were the conversations on their march; and when they came to a rich country they halted there for some time, to refresh themselves and their horses. At the time I am now speaking of, that gallant English knight, sir John Hactonde‡, was making war on the Florentines for pope Boniface, and had fixed his quarters in the neighbourhood of Florence. That country was well as Perugia were in rebellion against the pope. The count d’Armagnac thought if he could gain the assistance of sir John Hawkwood, who was a most enterprising and courageous knight, he should be more successful in his war. In consequence, during his residence at Grande§, at the entrance into Piedmont, he wrote to him long letters, explanatory of his situation, and the reasons which urged him to make war on the duke of Milan. Having properly sealed these letters, he gave them to a prudent messenger, who performed his duty well, in delivering them to sir John Hawkwood; he was then near Florence, and had under his command full two thousand combatants. He read the letters, or had them read to him. On hearing their contents, he was well pleased, and replied, “That as soon as he should have put an end to the war he was then engaged in, he would not attend to any other before he had jointed the count d’Armagnac.” The squire of the count, who had brought these letters, was an honourable man, and replied, — “Sir, you speak well, and to the point: have the goodness to put into writing what you say, that my lord, the count d’Armagnac, may be the more assured of your intentions.” “Very willingly,” said sir John Hawkwood; “and it is but right, since my pleasure and will are to meet him.” In the course of two or three days, the letters were written and given to the squire who had come from the count d’Armagnac. He instantly set out on his return, and found the count near to Pignerol¶. There were great negotiations going forward between him and the marquis de Saluces, and the marquis was to join him in his war against Milan. The news the squire brought from sir 491 John Hawkwood was highly agreeable to the count d’Armagnac. He said, “that if it pleased God, he would this season make so severe a war on the count de Vertus, that he should be glad to accept of reasonable terms, or he would perish in the attempt.”

From what you have heard, you may suppose the count d’Armagnac had a great desire to aid his sister, and it was compassion for her that urged him to it. When his men at arms had passed the mountains, and had gained the rich plans of Piedmont, near to Turin, they were not long before they made excursions, and committed great destruction on the surrounding villages, which could not anyway withstand them. The count d’Armagnac laid siege to Asti¥, intending to wait there for sir John Hawkwood. Purveyances came from all quarters; and the companions ransomed small forts for provision, and, until their wants were supplied, they took every thing away. The country of Pignerol and the territories of the marquis of Montferrat were open to their foraging for themselves and horses. There came likewise great quantities of provision to them from Dauphiny and Savoy. Many leant to the count d’Armagnac from the justice of his quarrel with the count de Vertus, who had wickedly put to death his uncle Bernabo, to gain his inheritance; and, although several of the great lords of that country were silent on the subject, they felt much compassion for those who had been thus disinherited.

During the siege of Asti, very agreeable news was brought to the count d’Armagnac from sir John Hawkwood. He informed him, that the Florentines and Venetians had submitted to the mercy of the pope; that he was to be paid sixty thousand florins, for himself and his companions; and that, the moment these were received, he would march with five hundred men at arms and a thousand infantry** towards the frontiers of Genoa, and, whether his enemies would or not, he intended to force a passage to join him. The count d’Armagnac and his army were much pleased at the thoughts of being assisted by so able a commander as sir John Hawkwood; and he was advised to break up the siege of Asti, and transfer it to a larger town called Alexandria, situated at the entrance of Lombardy, and, after they should have conquered it, to advance to Vercelli, which is also a large and handsome city. The siege was in consequence transferred from Asti to Alexandria, which is a fine city, and seated in a rich plain in the frontiers of Piedmont and Lombardy, in the direct road to Genoa. The men at arms had crossed the Tesino and lodged themselves at their ease in this plentiful country.

Sir Galeas, lord of Milan††, count de Vertus, resided in the city of Pavia, and daily heard of his enemies establishing themselves in his country: but his greatest surprise was, how the count d’Armagnac found money to satisfy the large body of men at arms he had brought with him. His council, with whom he conversed on this subject, replied, — “Sir, these are free companions, and part of those pillagers who have so long harassed France: they do not require pay, but to seek adventures, and run the chance of gain from plundering the country. In order to deliver France from them, after the surrender of their strong holds, the count d’Armagnac leads them hither. The duke of Berry and the dauphin of Auvergne, whose lands they sorely oppressed, treated with them by means of the count d’Armagnac, who offered the king of France and the above-mentioned lords to engage them in his quarrel with you. By dint of money he purchased their forts; and the king of France granted them a free pardon for all their past deeds, on condition they joined the count d’Armagnac, and whatever they could conquer in these countries was to be their own. They therefore ask no pay; and there are among them men at arms that have five or six horses, who, if in their own country, would be constrained to go on foot like absolute paupers. They adventure themselves boldly, and it is hazardous to engage with them, for they are all of determined courage. The best advice we can give is, that you guard well your cities and principal towns, which are strongly garrisoned and well provided with all things; for they have no artillery, nor any machines for carrying on a siege worth thinking of. They will advance to the barriers of your towns to skirmish and do gallant deeds of arms; but they will not gain anything you may regret, if one may judge by what has passed, for they have now 492 Been in this country more than two months, and have only conquered a small and insignificant fort. Let them therefore come and go, without offering them combat; for they will soon be tired of the war, and will be defeated without a battle. When the have destroyed all the low countries, they will be in want of provision, and famine will force them to return, if no worse accidents befal them. You must order your men at arms to keep in bodies near to each other, that, in case of need, they may succour and give advice to those of our garrisons who may want it. Reinforce with them all your towns and castles; for the rich citizens are not accustomed to war, and will not defend themselves like knights or squires who have been brought up to the profession. Send some of your chivalry into Alexandria: you will gain doubly by it, for your city will be more ably defended, and your subjects will love you with greater affection when they see you are attentive to them in their distress. You are beside bounden to do this, for they pay you taxes and other levies for your governing and taking care of them. Your enemies cannot have a sufficient force to surround the town; and, when the inhabitants shall see them arrive, their courage will be raised, their attachment to you increased, and any treaties they might have thought of entering into with your enemies will be put an end to.

The lord of Milan followed the advice that had been given him, and, without delay, sent thither a body of knights and men at arms that were in his pay. On being mustered, they amounted to five hundred lances; and an ancient knight, who had long been used to arms, called sir James de la Berme‡‡ was appointed their commander. They rode through bye ways until they arrived at Alexandria in the evening, and entered it, when their enemies had retired fatigued to their quarters, from skirmishing at the barriers, for they could not remain idle. The citizens were rejoiced at the arrival of sir James de la Berme and his companions, and not without cause; for the count d’Armagnac, not having seen any men at arums during the three days he lay before it, concluded none were in the town, and had kept up a continual assault at the barriers; but, small as the defence was, it had done so well, that the Armagnacs had not gained any advantage. Sir James de la Berme, on entering the town, retired with his men to the lodgings which had been assigned them, and, having taken some refreshment, they were waited on by the principal inhabitants, to congratulate them on their arrival. He inquired into the state of the town, and the numbers and situation of the enemy, in order that he might act accordingly. The most intelligent replied, “that from the moment the count d’Armagnac had come, there had never been any cessation of skirmishes and attacks on the barriers.” “Well,” replied the knight, “to-morrow, if it please God, we will see how they bear themselves, and what they may be inclined to do. They are ignorant of my arrival, and I will lay an ambush for them, and made a private sally.” “Ah, my lord,” said those who had before spoken to him, “you must be very cautious how you act, for they are sixteen thousand horse at least, and, should they discover you in the open plain, they will surround and overpower you by their numbers, without striking a blow.” The knight answered, “We will consider more if it; for, since we are come, we must attempt some deeds of arms.” The conversation now ended, and every one returned to his home; but the knight told his men, secretly, he intended making a sally and placing an ambush, that all might be prepared against the morrow.

The next day, sir James de la Berme and his troops being armed, made a sally through a private gate, on the opposite side of the town to the place where the besiegers lay. He was accompanied, at the distance of half a league, by about three hundred of the townsmen, to a narrow valley where they could not be seen. He had left two hundred without the barriers, with orders, if they were attacked to defend themselves faintly, retreating towards the valley, where they would be supported by the ambuscade. They promised punctual obedience to these orders. The day was exceedingly hot; but the count d’Armagnac was young and enterprising; having heard mass in his pavilion and drank a cup, he demanded his arms, and, having completely equipped himself, displayed only his pennon, and was attended by no more than one hundred men; for he did not expect to meet with greater opposition than usual, and advanced at a slow pace towards the barriers. True it is, that some few man at 493 arms followed him by degrees; but others said, — “What signifies arming? and why should we give ourselves so much trouble, when we cannot meet with any one at the barriers worth fighting with?” They staid, therefore, within their camp, eating and drinking. The count d’Armagnac, on coming to the barriers, began to overthrow and beat down many of those posted there to receive him, as good men at arms know how to do; but the townsmen did not wait long, before they began to retreat slowly towards the ambuscade.

When sir James de la Berme saw it was time, he sallied forth out of the ambush, and the Armagnacs were surrounded and attacked on all sides. They valiantly defended themselves and were reinforced by little and little with men from the camp. Many gallant deeds were done this day, which was the feast of St. James and St. Christopher. It was so very hot, that those who bore arms thought they were in an oven, for there was not any wind; and the young men at arms were overpowered by the heat, and unable to exert themselves. Add to this, that the force of the lord de Milan was three to one of the Armagnacs. The dust oppressed them so much, they could not see each other; but the Armagnacs, in this, suffered the most. This was an unfortunate day for the count, who was so overcome by the heat, and near fainting, that he withdrew from the battle, without friend or foe knowing whither he was gone. He had retreated to a small grove of alders, through which ran a little brook; and he no sooner felt his feet in the water, than he thought he was in paradise, and seated himself by the side of the stream. He, with some difficulty, took off his helmet, and remained covered only by the linen scull-cap, and then plunged his face in the water, at the same time, unfortunately drinking large draughts; for he was thirsty from the heat, and could not quench it. He drank so much, that his blood was chilled, and a numbness of limbs seized him, with a strong inclination to faint. He could not move, and lost the use of his speech. His attendants knew not what was become of him, and were the more uneasy, because many prisoners had been made; they therefore ceased fighting.

A short time after this, a squire belonging to the duke of Milan perceived the count d’Armagnac, and wondered much, when he saw him, who he could be; for it was visible he must be some knight or man of high rank: he called out, “Who are you? Surrender; for you are my prisoner.” The could heard him, but could not make any answer, as he was unable to articulate, but held out his hand, and made signs that he surrendered. The squire then endeavoured to raise him but, fining his attempts vain, seated himself beside him, while the skirmish was still continued, and many gallant actions performed.

Sir James de la Berme being a prudent and valorous knight, perceiving the day was his own, and that many of the enemy were killed and wounded, but that his men were growing weary, and the Armagnacs increasing by fresh men from their camp, ordered a retreat to Alexandria, his men vigorously defending themselves as they retired. The squire, who had fortunately found the count d’Armagnac in the state I have mentioned, unwilling to leave him behind, for he thought him a person of distinction, called to some of his companions to assist in carrying him to the town; and declared that whatever he should receive for his ransom, he would handsomely divide with them for the trouble they would have. They complied with his request, and, with some difficulty, carried him to the squire’s lodgings in the city, where the count was disarmed, undressed, and put to bed. By this time, sir James de la Berme had, with his men, re-entered the place, and barricaded the bars and gates, having many prisoners with them. They disarmed and refreshed themselves with what they found at their quarters, as did likewise the Armagnacs, who had been at this skirmish, on their return to the army.

When it was mentioned in the camp that no one knew what was become of the count d’Armagnac, they were much alarmed, and some went to search the places in the neighbourhood where the skirmish had been fought, but, to the great dismay of their companions, they returned without having discovered any traces of him. The squire, into whose hands he had fallen, desirous to know who he was, addressed himself to a Gascon squire, a man of honour that had been made prisoner, and begged of him to accompany him, with the person who had captured him, to his lodgings. They went thither, and the Lombardy squire led the Gascon to his chamber, where the count d’Armagnac lay bitterly bemoaning. He brought a candle near his face, and said to the Gascon, “My friend, do you know who this man is?” 494 The Gascon, leaning down to examine his features, instantly recognized him, and replied, — “Yes, I ought to know him well; for it is our commander, the count d’Armagnac.” The Lombardy squire was rejoiced to hear his prisoner was of such distinction; but the count was so very ill he heard nothing they asked of him. Upon which, his master said; “Come, come, let us leave him quiet, that he may recover himself,” and they all quitted the chamber. He died, however, that same night. When, on the morrow, it was known that the count d’Armagnac had died in his bed at Alexandria, sir James de la Berme would not that it should be made secret, but sent information of the event by some of the prisoners to the camp. To see how they would act on the occasion.

The whole army were in dismay on hearing their loss; for they had now no commander in chief to look up to, as they were mostly all free companions. They therefore said, “Let us hasten back to our own countries, for we have lost all opportunities of gaining anything here.” It was soon known in Alexandria that the Armagnacs were in despair for the death of the count: they therefore made a sally from the town, advancing full gallop to the camp, shouting “Pavia for the lord of Milan!” Not one of the Armagnacs made any defence, but allowed themselves to be slain, like wicked people as they were: the conquest was great, for the army were so cast down, that they surrendered without striking a blow, and throwing down their arms, made for Alexandria, whither the Germans, and other soldiers in the pay of the lord of Milan, drove them like a herd of Cattle. This unexpected death of the count d’Armagnac happened very unluckily for himself and his army. Had he remained quite but five days, sir John Hawkwood would have arrived with five hundred horse and one thousand foot; and many valiant deeds would have been done by this knight and his men; but an end was now put to every thing by this loss.

You may suppose the count de Vertus was in high spirit on hearing his enemies, whom he greatly dreaded, were killed, made prisoners or put to flight, and that the count d’Armagnac was dead. He more dearly prized his knight, sir James de la Berme, through whose prudence and valour this good fortune had befallen him. He appointed him commander in chief of his chivalry, and president of his council. The lord of Milan considered how he should act towards the prisoners; and, as he was anxious to free his country of them, he behaved in the most courteous manner, giving to every gentleman a horse, and to the infantry one florin each, besides their liberty, free of ransom; but he made them all take an oath that they would never more bear arms against him.

Thus did this army return defeated from Lombardy and Piedmont, to Savoy and Dauphiny; but they were in the utmost distress, for the inclosed towns refused them admittance, and the gates of all castles were shut against them. They had soon spent their florins, and it was necessary for them to work or starve. Some showed compassion, and gave them money; but others, on the contrary, laughed at and abused them, saying “Go, go seek your count d’Armagnac, who has burst himself by drinking at a fountain near Alexandria.” They were still worse off when they came to the rivers Rhône and Saone, which they thought to cross without molestation; but it was otherwise, for the king had commanded all the bridges and fords to be guarded against them. They fell now into the greatest poverty, and were never after able to unite together.

Thus was the armament of count John d’Armagnac destroyed, and his sister remained in the same distressful state as before. The lord of Milan ordered the body of the count d’Armagnac to be embalmed, put into a coffin, and escorted by a bishop of his country and such of his relations as had remained to his brother sir Bernard d’Armagnac, who was much concerned at the melancholy event, but could not any way remedy it. The count d’Armagnac was buried in the cathedral church of Rodez, where he lies.

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*  “Gap,” — an ancient city in Dauphiny, capital of the Gapencois, generality of Grenoble.

†  John III of Armagnac. His sister had married Charles Visconti, the son of Bernabo. — ED.

‡  “Sir John Hactonde.” — Sir John Hawkwood.

§  “Grande,” — in the MSS. Grenido. Q. Grenoble. The count of Armagnac entered Italy in July, 1391.

¶  “Pignerol,” — an episcopal town of Piedmont, at the entrance of the valley of Perouse.

¥  “Asti,” — an ancient town of Piedmont, five leagues N. E. from Albi, eight S. W. from Casal.

**  Mille brigands. A thousand soldiers armed with brigandines.

††  He was created duke of Milan 1395, by Winceslaus king of the Romans. — Dict. Hist.

‡‡  Known also as Jaques del Verme.

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CHAPTER XXVII. — THE KING OF ENGLAND IS ANXIOUS TO MAKE A PEACE WITH FRANCE. — THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER THROWS OBSTACLES IN THE WAY. — SIR PETER DE CRAON, FORMERLY THE FAVOURITE OF KING CHARLES AND HIS BROTHER THE DUKE OF TOURAINE, INCURS THEIR HATRED, AND TAKES REFUGE WITH THE DUKE OF BRITTANY.

SIR Thomas Percy, as you have heard, was sent by the king of England to propose of treaty of peace to the court of France, for king Richard was very desirous to accomplish it. Two of his uncles, the dukes of Lancaster and York, were of his opinion; but his other uncle, Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, earl of Essex and Buckingham, and constable of England, would no way listen to it; telling his friends secretly, that he would never agree to any peace with France, whatever negotiations might be taken in hand on the subject, if it were not an honourable one; that all the towns, castles and lordships which were yielded to England, but had since been fraudulently taken back, must be restored, and the sum of 1,400.000 francs, which had remained unpaid by the French when they began the war, must also be paid down. He declared, that as long as he lived he should never change these sentiments; in which he was joined by many of the barons of England, particularly the earl of Arundel, who privately said the duke of Gloucester was in the right, though they dissembled their opinions in public from seeing how much the king of England was bent upon peace.

The poorer knights and archers were of course for war, as their sole livelihood depended upon it. When these things are considered, and the claims of the French, it will be very clear nothing like peace could be concluded. The French demanded to have Calais destroyed, and possession given them of the lordships of Guines, Hames, Merle, and Oye, with the lands of Fretun and the dependencies of Guines as far as the river that runs by Gravelines. True it is, the king of France and his commissioners were willing to give up to the king of England and his heirs as many lands in Aquitaine of equal or more value as to revenue than 496 those they demanded; but the duke of Gloucester made too firm an opposition to this article, saying, — “The French wish to pay us back with our own lands; for we have the charter of king John, sealed by him and his children, which gives up to us the whole of Aquitaine in fee simple. Whatever they have taken from it since, has been a fraud and a robbery; and their whole attempt, night and day is to deceive us. Should Calais and the Lands they require be given up them, they will be lords of the sea and attack our coasts. Never, therefore, so long as I live, will I consent to peace with France on these terms.”

At the time I am now speaking of, a knight of noble extraction, from Anjou and Brittany, was greatly in favour with the king of France, as well as with his brother the duke of Touraine. His name was sir Peter de Craon, and of such power that nothing was done but with his advice. He had been favourite of the late duke of Anjou, king of Sicily, and was immensely rich, which had given rise to many scandalous reports against him; for it was currently said in France, that he had robbed the duke of Anjou. This caused him to avoid the presence of the young king of Sicily and the queen his mother; but he had managed to acquire the affections of the king of France and the duke of Touraine. The constable sir Oliver de Clisson, was likewise in high favour with the king and his brother for the meritorious services he had done them in arms, and his brilliant actions during the reign of the late king. Sir Oliver’s daughter was married as you have heard, to John of Brittany, brother to the Queen-dowager of Sicily; and this marriage had sorely displeased the duke of Brittany, who mortally hated the constable, considering both him and John of Brittany as his secret enemies. He had often repented not having put the constable to death when he had him in his castle of Ermine. Sir Peter de Craon was a favourite with the duke of Brittany, being also his cousin, and, during the reign of his power with the king of France and the duke of Touraine, would willingly, had he been able, have caused a quarrel between them and the constable. Thus envies and jealousies, which have always underhand ruled in France, continue to act until they bring their favourites to an unfortunate end.

The constable of France had been so loyal in his whole conduct towards the crown, that he was beloved by all except the duke of Burgundy; and the hatred he bore him, originated in the duchess, who was a lady of a high spirit, and too nearly related to the duke of Brittany to love the constable; besides, she continued the affection of her father to all whom he loved, and hated those he had hated; such was her temper. Sir Peter de Craon, who at this time resided at the court of France with the duke of Touraine, kept up a frequent correspondence with the duke of Brittany, they writing, in the most friendly manner, to each other concerning the state of their affairs.

I am unable to describe the exact grounds of their correspondence; but I, John Froissart, author of this history, during the time of my residence at Paris, (which was when sir Peter de Craon made the daring attack, in the night-time, on the constable, who narrowly escaped death, as I shall relate) seeing public affairs likely to be much troubled and turn out unfortunate, made many and frequent inquiries why sir Peter de Craon had so very suddenly lost the affections and favour of the king and the duke of Touraine. I had so often demanded the cause from those who ought to be acquainted with it, that at last I heard the truth of what was commonly believed to have occasioned it. He was under the displeasure of the duke of Touraine, for having revealed secrets intrusted to him by the duke to the duchess; and, if he did so he behaved shamefully. The duke was so fond of sir Peter de Craon that he made him his companions, dressed him in the same clothes as himself, and carried him wherever he went, intrusting him with all his most secret thoughts. The duke, at the time young and amorous, much amused himself with the company of ladies and damsels, and, as I heard, was particularly attached to a young frisky damsel of Paris. His intrigue was known and his secrets betrayed, to the great vexation of the duke, who could not accuse any other of having done it but sir Peter de Craon; for to him alone the duke had discovered it, and had led him with him when he visited secretly this noble young lady. The duke was much smitten with her, and had proffered her, if she would consent to his wishes, one thousand golden crowns; but she had refused them, saying, “That her love for him was not on account of his riches, but that his affection had won hers; and that she scorned to sell her honour for gold.” The whole of this business was told the duchess, who sent for the young lady to her chamber. 497 On her entering, she called her by her name, and, with much anger, said, “How is this? do you seek to wrong me with my lord?” The lady was thunderstruck, and, with tears replied, “Oh no, madam: please God, I never will nor even think of it.” “It is not so,” said the duchess; “for I am well informed, my lord and you love each other mutually; and the matter is so far advanced, that at such a time and place he offered you a thousand golden crowns to possess you. You refused them, for which you behaved well, and this time I forgive you; but, I caution you, if you value your life, not to have any further conversation with my lord, but through your regard to me send him a dismissal.”

The young lady, finding herself very justly accused and in some danger, replied: “Madam, I will free myself from him as soon as possible, and henceforth so act that you shall never again hear anything disagreeable of me.” On this, the duchess permitted her to depart, and she returned home. The duke much in love, and ignorant of what had passed, went to the place where the lady resided; but, on seeing him, she fled, and acted contrary to her usual manner, showing dislike rather than love; for she was afraid to do otherwise, from the promises she had made to the duchess. The duke noticing such a difference in his reception, was very melancholy, and would know the cause of it. The young lady, with tears, said, — “My lord, you have revealed to the duchess the offer you once made me, or, if not yourself, some one has done it for you: recollect yourself, for you are discovered. Madame de Touraine told me of it herself and frightened me exceedingly; but she has this time forgiven me, on condition that I promised, on my oath, never again to give her cause for jealous by any further conversation with you.” The duke was much vexed at hearing this speech, and said; “Fair lady, I swear on my faith, that I would rather have lost one hundred thousand francs, than have betrayed you to the duchess. Since you have given her a promise on oath, keep it; but, cost what it may, I will find out who has discovered our secrets.” He then went away, and though he dissembled his agitation, he did not think the less concerning the cause. In the evening he came to the duchess’s apartments and supped, showing her more affection than he had hither to done, insomuch that, by fair speeches and attentions, the duchess discovered the author of her information concerning his intrigue to be sir Peter de Craon.

The duke took no further notice of the matter, and, having passed the night, on the morrow, at nine o’clock, mounted his horse, and went from the hôtel de St. Pol to the Louvre. The king was going to hear mass, and received his brother affectionately; but perceiving from his manner that he was angered, he said, “Fair brother, what ails you? you seem much agitated.” “My lord, if I am I have good cause for it.” “What is the matter?” said the king, “we wish to know it.” The duke, unwilling to hide his grief, told him, word for word, everything that had passed, complaining bitterly of sir Peter de Craon, and added: “My lord, if it were not for the love I bear you, and for my own honour, I swear on the faith I owe you I would have him slain.” “Do no such thing,” said the king; “we will order him, by our special counsellors, to quit instantly our palace, for that we have no further need of his services; and do you the same on your part.” “That I intended,” replied the duke of Touraine, who was satisfied with what the king had said. This same day, sir Peter de Craon was told by the lord de la Riviere and sir John le Mercier, from the king, that he must no longer reside in the palace, and instantly seek other lodgings. At the same time, sir John de Bueil and lord d’Ervaux, séneschal of Touraine, delivered him a similar message from the duke of Touraine. Sir Peter seeing himself thus dismissed, was much ashamed and greatly angered: he could no way account for it, as the messengers had not declared to him the cause of his disgrace. Being desirous of admittance to the presence of the duke to learn from him how he had angered him, he was told, that neither the king nor the duke would ear anything he had to say. When he found his disgrace was resolved on, he packed up all he wanted, and set out much dejected, from Paris, for a castle of his in Anjou, called Sablé*. He remained there for some time, but in very low spirits, from being driven from the palaces of France, Touraine and Sicily. He therefore determined, since their gates were shut against him, that he would retire to the duke of Brittany and relate to him what had happened.

This he executed, and met the duke at Vannes, who received him kindly. He had 498 already heard what had befallen him, and sir Peter again told him every particular that had passed, and that he was banished the court of France. The duke of Brittany, having heard his story, replied, “Good cousin, make yourself easy: it is the lord de Clisson who has brewed this mischief for you.” From this speech a deadly hatred sprain, and greatly increased, as you will hear in the course of this history. Sir Peter de Craon lived so long with the duke of Brittany that he was forgotten in France; for the constable and the king’s council never publicly mentioned his name. They did not like the duke of Brittany more for having invited and retained him; but the duke was indifferent to the king of France’s anger or love, and provided all his towns and castles plentifully with stores and provision, plainly showing he cared not whether it was war or peace between him and France. Every thing he did was known to the king and his council; and those most in the king’s favour thought him presumptuous, and menaced him for his conduct. The duke held their menaces cheap, and declared he would wage war on the count de Penthievre in earnest, and on all his abettors, for he had just cause of quarrel. He said, “This count de Penthievre, our cousin, signs himself John of Brittany, as if he were our heir. We have no objection to his signing John for that is his name, or count de Penthievre; but we are resolved he shall lay down the ermines and title himself John of Blois, or of Châtillon, and bear none other arms but those; if he refuse, we will force him to do it, and take from him his lands, which he holds in vassalage from us. With regard to the duchy of Brittany, he need not think of that, for we have a son and a daughter who are our heirs. Let him seek some other inheritance, for he will be disappointed in ours.” Such were the conversations of the duke with sir Peter de Craon, who, far from contradicting any of his future plans, rather urged him on, from hatred to the constable and council of France.

We will now leave this subject, and speak of a more melancholy one relative to the count Guy de Blois, whom I have before mentioned in this history as my great patron and master.

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*  The castles of Craon and Sablé are in Anjou, two leagues distant from la Flèche.

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CHAPTER XXVIII. — THE DEATH OF THE YOUNG COUNT LOUIS DE CHASTILLON, SON TO COUNT GUY TO BLOIS. — THE SUDDEN DEATH OF GASTON COUNT DE FOIX.

I HAVE already spoken of the marriage that took place between Louis de Chastillon, son of the count de Blois, and the lady Mary, daughter of the duke of Berry. In the settlements of this marriage, the duke managed well for his daughter; for she had a dower of six thousand livres French money (which are well worth the same sum of francs, reckoning them as florins) assigned her on the county of Blois, so that if she survived her husband, the country of Blois would be obliged to pay her this sum annually during her life. Now it fell out, that about St. John Baptist’s day, in the year of our Lord 1391, the boy whom I have called Louis de Blois, son to the count de Blois, left his father at the château des Moutils*, situated in the county of Blois, and set out for Hainault to visit his mother and wife. Not long after his arrival, he was seized with a fever, for he had rode very hard and the weather was hot: he was also of a tender age, being no more than fourteen years old, and, in spite of the physicians, he died, for they could not check the fever. His parents, you may suppose, were much grieved for the loss of their heir, as was the young lady of Berry: she loved him most affectionately and considered herself as nobly married. The count de Blois was uneasy at the consequences, of his affairs were rather in confusion, and he knew the duke of Berry to be avaricious beyond measure, who, in order to grasp at the dower of his daughter, would take possession of the county of Blois: he therefore waited the event in silence.

Thus were the two daughters, Bona and Mary, widowed in the same year. The oldest was married to Amadeus count of Savoy, who died very suddenly, and so much was said on the subject that sir Otho Grandeson was near being arrested for the suspicions that were laid to his charge, and forced to quit Savoy, France, and Germany, to fix his residence in England.

In this year, died likewise suddenly,, the noble and gallant count de Foix. I will say 499 how it happened†. True it is, that of all the pleasures of this world he took most delight in the chase, and was always well provided with hounds of all sorts, having never less than sixteen hundred. The count de Foix was at this season hunting in the forest of Sauveterre,, on the road to Pampeluna in Navarre, not far distant from Orthès in Béarn. The day he died, he had all the forenoon been hunting a bear, and it was late in the evening when he was taken and cut up. His attendants asked where he pleased to have his dinner prepared: he said, “At the inn of Rion, where we will dine, and in the cool of the evening ride to Orthès.” His orders were obeyed. The count with his companions rode a foot’s pace towards the village of Rion, and dismounted at the inn. The count went to his chamber, which he found ready strewed with rushes and green leaves; the walls were hung with boughs newly cut for perfume and coolness, as the weather was marvellously hot, even for the month of August. He had no sooner entered this room, than he said, “These greens are very agreeable to me, for the day has been desperately hot.” When seated he conversed with sir Espaign du Lyon on the dogs that had best hunted; during which conversation his bastard-son sir Evan and sir Peter Cabestan entered the apartment, as the table had been there spread. He called for water to wash, and two squires advanced, Raymond de Lasne and Raymonet de Copane: Ernaudon d’Espaign took the silver bason, and another knight, called sir Thibaut, the napkin. The count rose from his seat, and stretched out his hands to wash; but no sooner had his fingers, which were handsome and long, touched the cold water, than he changed colour, from an oppression at his heart, and, his legs failing him, fell back on his seat, exclaiming, “I am a dead man: Lord God, have mercy on me!” He never spoke after this, though he did not immediately die, but suffered great pain. The knights present and his son were much terrified; they carried him gently in their arms to another chamber, and laid him on a bed covering him well, thinking he was only chilled.

The two squires who had brought water to wash in the bason, said, to free themselves from any charge of having poisoned him, “Here is the water: we have already drank of it, and will now again in your presence,’ which they did, to the satisfaction of all. They put into his mouth bread, water, and spices, with other comforting things, but to no purpose, for in less than half an hour he was dead, having surrendered his soul very quietly. God, out of his grace, was merciful to him.

You may imagine all present were exceedingly afflicted at what had happened: they fastened the door of the chamber, that his household might not instantly be made acquainted with his death. The knights seeing sir Evan lamenting and wringing his hands, said to him, — “Evan, the business is over: you have lost your father and lord. We know that he loved you in preference to all others. Take care of yourself: mount your horse, ride and gain possession of the castle of Orthès, and the treasure within it, before any one know of our lord’s death.” Sir Evan made them a low reverence, and replied: “Gentlemen, I return you many thanks for the friendship you now show me, I trust I shall not forget it; but tell me what are my lord’s tokens, or I shall not gain admittance into the castle.” “You say true,” answered the knights: “take them.” This he did. The tokens were a small golden ring the count wore on his finger, and a little knife with which he sometimes cut his meat at table. These were the tokens the porter of the castle at Orthès was acquainted with, and had he not seen them he would never have opened the gate.

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*  “Les Moutils,” — a village in the Blesois, diocese of Blois.

†  Gaston de Foix was born in 1331, and died in 1391. His character is nowhere better delineated than in the pages of Froissart; from them posterity have formed their judgment. One accomplishment, however, he has left unrecorded: Gaston was a poet, or at least a rhymer, for the verses he has left behind him do not display much of the poetic fire; but the accomplishment of verse-making was considered a necessary part of a Provençal gentleman’s education, and accordingly we find that Phœbus possessed it. This surname, or rather sobriquet, is not well accounted for; some say it was given from his love for the chase, others from his fair complexion, and others from his choice of the sun as his armorial bearings. — ED.

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CHAPTER XXIX. — SIR EVAN DE FOIX, BASTARD-SON TO THE LATE COUNT, INTENDING TO CARRY AWAY PRIVATELY THE TREASURE OF HIS FATHER IS DISCOVERED BY THE TOWNSMEN OF ORTHES, WHO, HOWEVER, PROMISE EVERY ASSISTANCE TO HIM AND TO HIS BROTHER THAT IS NOT INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE TRUE HEIR TO THE COUNT DE FOIX, THE VISCOUNT DE CHASTELBON.

SIR Evan de Foix left the inn at Rion with only two servants, and rode in hast to Orthès, where nothing was known of the count’s death. He passed through the streets without speaking to any one, or his errand being suspected, until he came to the castle, and called to the porter. The porter said, “What does my lord Evan want? Where is my lord?” “He is at Rion,” answered the knight, “and has sent me to seek for some things that are in his chamber, and to return back to him. To convince you of what I say, look here are his tokens, his ring and knife.” The porter, having eyed them through a window, knew them well and opened the wicket, through which sir Evan entered, and his servants led the horses to the stable. When sir Evan had passed the gate, he told the porter to fasten it; which being done, he seized the keys, and said to him, “Thou art a dead man, if thou do not obey me.” The porter was frightened, and asked the cause. “My lord and father is dead,” said the knight, “and I wish to gain possession of his treasure before any one know of it.” The porter obeyed, as it was necessary for him to do; but he would indeed have preferred that sir Evan should have the treasure to all other persons. Sir Evan knew well enough where it was deposited, in the great tower, but he had three pair of strong doors to open, and with separate keys, before he could gain admittance. These keys he was unable for some time to find, as they were in a small long box of fine steel, locked with a little steel key, which the count de Foix carried with him when he rode abroad; and it was found hanging to a piece of silk which he wore over his shirt. The knights, who were watching the body of the count at Rion, noticing this key, could not imagine the use of it; but the chaplain of the count, sir Nicholas de l’Escalle, being present, knew it well. He had been much loved by the count, who entrusted him with all his secrets, and, when he had visited his treasure, had never taken any one but his chaplain with him. On seeing the key, he said,” Sir Evan will lose his pains, for without this key he can never enter the treasury: this opens a small steel casket in which the other keys are.” The knights were vexed at hearing this, and said, “Carry it to him, sir Nicholas: you will act well by so doing, for it is better sir Evan should gain the treasure than any other: he is a good knight, and our late lord loved him exceedingly.” The chaplain answered, “Since you advise me, I will cheerfully do it;” and, instantly mounting his horse, he hastened with the keys to the castle of Orthès, where sir Evan was very melancholy at not finding the keys, and at the impossibility of forcing the locks of the doors, as they were very strong, and he had not any instruments for the purpose. While he was in this distress, and sir Nicholas on the road to assist him, it was known in Orthès (I know not whether by inspiration, or from women and servants returning from Rion) that the count de Foix, their lord was no more.

This was very afflicting news, for the count was greatly beloved by all ranks. The whole town was in motion, and met in the public square, where they conversed together on the subject. Some who had noticed sir Evan ride up the town, said, “We saw sir Evan de Foix gallop towards the castle, and he seemed much distressed.” Others replied, “Without doubt, what we have heard is true; for it is not usual for him to ride without his father.” As the men of Orthès were thus conversing and murmuring, the chaplain, sir Nicholas, fell into their hands. They surrounded him to enquire the news, and said, “Sri Nicholas, how fares my lord? they tell us he is dead: is it true?” “No,” replied the chaplain: “he’s not dead, but most dangerously ill; and I am hastening to seek for some things that may do him good, which I shall return with to him.” On saying this, he passed on to the castle. Having gained admittance, sir Evan was rejoiced at his arrival, for without the small key he could never have entered the tower.

I will say how the townsmen behaved. They began to suspect the death of the count has been hid from them, and said among themselves, “It is now night, and we hear nothing 501 certain of our lord’s health, from his officers or secretaries. Sir Evan and his chaplain, who was his confidential secretary, have entered the castle: let us guard that place this night; and to-morrow we shall have certain news. We will send privately to Rion to inquire how things are; for we know that the greater part of our lord’s treasures is in the castle, and if he be robbed or defrauded of any part of it, we shall be blamed. We must therefore be on our guard concerning what passes.” “That is true,” replied others, who thought the advice good. They instantly surrounded the castle, and placed sufficient guards at all the gates of the town, so that no one could enter or go out without permission: and this strict watch they continued until the morrow. The truth was now known of the count’s death, and caused the greatest tribulation among the inhabitants of all descriptions, for he was much beloved by his subjects. The guards were now doubled, and the principal townsmen drew up before the castle.

When sir Evan de Foix saw, from the castle of Orthès, the manner in which the townsmen had drawn themselves up,, and that the death of the count was known to them, he said to the chaplain, — “Sir Nicholas, I have failed in my attempt: I can never go hence without leave of the inhabitants, for they know my father is dead, and their numbers are every moment augmenting. I must humble myself to them, for force will be of no avail.” “You say well,” replied the chaplain: you will gain more by civil words than harsh ones: go, and speak to them, but act cautiously.” Sir Evan went to a tower near the gate, which had a window looking over the bridge to the square where the townsmen were assembled. It was in this tower the lady Jane of Boulogne was brought up and educated, until she became duchess of Berry, as has been already noticed in this history.

Sir Evan opened the window of the tower, and called to him some of the principal inhabitants, who advanced on the bridge, to hear what he had to say. He thus addressed them aloud, — “Good people of Orthès, I know but too well why you are thus assembled and sorrowful: you have good cause for it. I therefore most earnestly entreat, for the love you bore my late lord and father, that you will not be displeased nor angered, if I have hastened to take possession of this castle and what is contained within it, for I mean nothing but what is just. You know the great affection my lord and father had for me, and that he would willingly have made me his heir. It has happened, by the will of God, that he died without having completed any regulations to that effect, which has thrown me upon you, with whom I was brought up and educated, a poor knight, bastard to the count de Foix. I therefore beg you would counsel me how to act, and assist me in this time of distress. I pray God that you will have compassion on me, as it will be an act of charity; and I shall open the castle for your free admittance, as I never thought of closing its gates against you.”

The chiefs among the townsmen answered, — “Sir Evan, you have well spoken, and to the purpose, and we are satisfied. We therefore say, that you shall live among us: and it is our intention that you keep this castle, and all that is within it, which we will aid you to defend. Should the viscount de Châtellon, your cousin, who is heir to the territory of Béarn, and the nearest relation to our late lord, our father, claim any thing belonging to this castle, we will strenuously defend you, and your brother sir Gracien, in your rights. But we suppose, that when the king of France was last at Toulouse, and our lord, our father, waited on him, some regulations were made respecting these matters; and your cousin, sir Roger d’Espaign, ought to know all the circumstances relative to them. We will write, to inform him of the death of our lord, and to invite him hither, to give us his advice, as well on the state of Béarn, and Foix, which may fall to ruin, as respecting the moveables and funeral of our lord. What we have now said, we promise you most faithfully and loyally to observe.”

Sir Evan was well satisfied with this speech, and threw open the gates of the castle for all to enter who pleased. Many did so, examined it well, and placed sufficient guards to defend it.

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