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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 424-469.

CHAPTER X. — THE KING OF FRANCE AND HIS BROTHER, THE DUKE OF TOURAINE, WAGER WHICH SHALL ARRIVE THE SOONEST AT PARIS, FROM MONTPELLIER, EACH ATTENDED BY ONLY ONE KNIGHT.

I BELIEVE that the king of France, during his residence at Toulouse, attached much to the state of that part of his realm. He removed séneschals and other officers, and made such reforms that he was popular with all ranks of people. One day, in the presence of his brother, his uncle, the duke of Bourbon, and numbers of lords of France and Gascony, that it might be had in perpetual remembrance, he gave permission to his cousin-german, the lord Charles d’Albret, to quarter the fleur-de-lis of France, alternately with his own; for the arms of Albret were simply gules without any distinction, but at present they are quartered with those of France. The lord d’Albret considered this as a most distinguished gift; and the day the 425 King had thus enriched the arms of Albret, the lord Charles gave a dinner that cost him one thousand francs; and presented the heralds and minstrels who had attended it with two hundred francs, which circumstance caused them to proclaim his liberality.

Shortly afterwards, it was announced that the king would leave Toulouse, on his return to Paris, and his attendants made preparations accordingly. As soon as it was known, the archbishop and sen&ecute;schal of Toulouse, with the citizens and ladies, came to take their leave of the king, who received them all very kindly. He set out from Toulouse after breakfast, and lay the first night at Château-neuf d’Aulroy, and then continued his journey to Montpellier, where he was joyfully received. He there remained for three days to amuse himself; for the town and the ladies afforded him much pleasure. He was, however, very impatient to return to Paris, to see his queen. One day, while at Montpellier, he said, jokingly, to the duke of Touraine, — “Fair brother, I wish we were at Paris, and our attendants where they now are: for I have as great a desire to see the queen, as I suppose you must have to see my sister-in-law.” “My lord,” replied the duke, “we shall never get there by wishing it: the distance is too great.” “That is true,” answered the king; “but I think, if I pleased, I could very soon be here.” “Then it must be by dint of hard riding,” said the duke of Touraine, “and not otherwise, and I also can do that; but it would be through means of my horse.” “Come,” said the king,” “who will be there first? You or I: let us wager on this” “With all my heart,” answered the duke, who would at all times exert himself to get money. A wager was, in consequence, made between them for five hundred francs, who should the first arrive at Paris, setting out, on the morrow, at the same time, taking with them only one servant, or one knight, as they pleased. No one attempted to prevent the race from taking place, and they set out as they had settled it: the lord de Garencieres accompanied the king, and the lord de Viefville the duke of Touraine, thus these four, who were young and active, rode on night and day, frequently changing horses, or had themselves conveyed in carts, when they wished to take any repose.

The duke of Bourbon returned by Puy in Auvergne to his own country, and, on his road, visited his father-in-law, the dauphin of Auvergne, the dauphiness, and their children, who were eight in number, brothers and sisters to the duchess of Bourbon by a second marriage.

The king of France and his brother continued their journey with much exertion, to gain the wager. Consider what pains these two young princes must have taken, for all their establishments were left behind. The king took four days and a half to perform the journey to Paris, and the duke of Touraine only four days and one third,*, so near were they to each other, but the duke won the wager, by the king sleeping eight hours at Troyes in Champagne. The duke embarked on the Seine, and went as far as Melun by water: there he remounted and rode on to Paris, straight to the hôtel de Saint Pol, where the queen and the duchess resided, and inquired after the king (for he was ignorant whether he was arrived or not,) and was rejoiced to learn that he was not come. He said to the queen, “Madam, you will very shortly hear of him.” This was true; for not long after the duke’s arrival, the king made his appearance, and the duke ran to him and said, “My lord, I have won the wager: order me to be paid.” “That is but just,” replied the king, “and it shall be done.” They then related to the ladies their adventures on the road, and how they had come in four days and a half from Montpellier, which was distant from Paris one hundred and fifty leagues. The ladies turned the whole into a joke, and laughed at it; but they were sensible how greatly they must have been fatigued, and nothing but their youth and courage could have borne them through it. You must know, the duke of Touraine insisted on the wager being paid in ready money.

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*  The distance from Montpellier to Paris is 191 leagues. — Gazetteer.

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CHAPTER XI. — THE DEATH OF POPE URBAN AT ROME, CALLED THE ANTI-POPE. — POPE CLEMENT WRITES TO THE KING OF FRANCE, HIS UNCLES, AND THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS, ON THE OCCASION. — THE ELECTION OF POPE BONIFACE BY THE ROMAN CARDINALS.

ABOUT this period, pope Urban VI, died at Rome, to the sorrow of the Romans, who loved him much.*. He was buried, with great solemnity, in the church of Saint Peter; and, when this ceremony was ended, the cardinals formed a conclave to elect another pope, and hastened the matter that it might be done before any intelligence of the death of Urban could be carried to Avignon. Pope Clement and his cardinals did not hear of the decease of Urban until the tenth day after it had happened. They immediately assembled at the palace, where many proposals were discussed; and they had strong hope that the schism of the church would be concluded, and a union formed of the two parties; for this error had lasted too long. They imagined that the cardinals at Rome would not be in any hurry to form a conclave, but would agree to acknowledge the pope of Avignon, and were indulging in these flattering hopes, when other accounts forced them to think differently. They signified to the king of France the death of Urban, whom they called the anti-pope, and entreated him to support the pretensions of Clement, by writing in his favour to his cousins the emperor of Germany, the king of Hungary, the count de Vertus, and to the duke of Austria, who had acknowledged the late pope Urban, and to request they would agree to restore peace to the church; for that there ought not to be any variation in the faith, and, as there is but one God in Heaven, there cannot, nor ought to be, more than one vicegerent on earth.

When this information arrived at Paris, the duke of Burgundy, to whom the pope and cardinals had likewise written to the same purport, was with his nephew. The king appeared very much pleased on hearing it, and said to the duke, — “Good uncle, we had a great desire to march a large army to Rome, and destroy these unbelievers; but this is checked by the death of the anti-pope, for pope Clement and his cardinals have assured us that Urban is dead. They suppose that there will not be any conclave held at Rome to elect another, but that the cardinals will submit themselves to the obedience of pope Clement. He has likewise requested, that we would write to our cousins the emperor of Germany, his brother the king of Hungary, to the count de Vertus, and to the duke of Austria, to secure their favour in his support. What would you advise us to do?” “My lord,” replied the duke of Burgundy, “it is very true that Urban is dead; but we know nothing of the state of the cardinals at Rome, nor of the Romans; nor whether these cardinals mean to persist in their opinion. It will be difficult for them to change, as the Romans are their masters; and as they formerly forced them to elect the archbishop of Bari pope, whom they obeyed as long as he lived, they may again force them to elect another according to their pleasure. You have therefore no occasion to be in any haste respecting this matter, nor to write to those who will not do much for you in the business, as they have already shown. Remain quiet, therefore, until you shall hear further on the subject; for it may happen that the cardinals at Rome may be of one mind, and, though differing with each other, may dissemble with the Romans, and acknowledge no other pope but Clement; and, in order to keep the Romans in good humour, promise them that Clement shall fix his residence at Rome, which he will very readily consent to, if the matter could be brought to depend on that. Should this appear probable, it will then be time for you to write to those Christian kings and lords who hold contrary opinions in religion to you, to entreat they would unite to put an end to the schism, and to promote the re-establishment of union in the church. This is what you ought to do; for we are not as yet assured what turn the business may taken, and it will not be long before we have further intelligence.” When the duke had ended this speech to the king and council, no one made any reply; for they thought the duke’s reasoning unanswerable. The king seemed convinced by it, and said; “Good uncle, we believe your reasons, for you see farther into church 427 affairs than we do; and we will not take any steps in the matter without your advice and approbation.” The business was here ended, and other matters discussed.

The intelligence of the death of Urban caused great disputes among the students at the university. They ceased following their usual studies, and were employed in disputing how the cardinals would act; whether they would elect a pope in the room of Urban, or acknowledge the pope of Avignon. They made it the subject of argument, and it was carried on with much heat and animosity. They knew that clement had written to the king, to the duke of Touraine, to the duke of Burgundy, and to the ministers, on the state of his affairs; and he had also written, in general terms, to the university, that that body might do as much as was possible, and with all diligence, for his assistance. The students proposed several subjects of argument, which were warmly discussed among themselves. Those interested for Clement said, — “It is time for the king and our lords in France to write to the chiefs in Christendom, such as the emperor of Germany, the king of Hungary, the lord of Milan, the duke of Austria, and all who hold contrary opinions respecting the pope, and press them to return to the true faith; for it would do them infinite honour.” Three times, in three several days, the principal students of the university assembled, and went in a body to the hôtel de St. Pol, to entreat the king and his council to put an end to the schism, and to comply with the solicitation of the pope, who had written to them in such humble terms. They, however, were not admitted, nor had any answer given to them, which made them very discontented: however, the following news, which arrived a few days later, appeased them.

The Roman cardinals has assembled in conclave, and elected the cardinal of Naples, a prudent and courageous clerk, to the papacy, who took the name of Boniface†. The king of France and his lords, on hearing this, were very melancholy, and thought the schism in the church likely to continue for a long time. “Now see,” said the duke of Burgundy to the king, “of how little avail your letters would have been, which they were urging you to write: it has happened just as I foresaw.” “My good uncle,” replied the king, “you have indeed judged truly.” Pardons were offered in abundance by Boniface, and notified to all the clergy in the different kingdoms under his obedience. Those who wished to gain them set 428 out on their journey to Rome; but when they approached near Ancona and Romagna, they ran great risks; for sir Bernard de la Salle, who guarded this frontier, and made war on the Romans in the name of Clement, had these pilgrims watched on all the roads, and did them much evil, several of whom were slain or lost. We will for the present leave speaking of these popes, and introduce other events.

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*  He died 18th Oct. 1389. But so far from being beloved, he was detested for his violent and tyrannical conduct. — ED.

†  Pietro, or Perrin de Tomacelli, cardinal of Naples, pope Boniface IX.

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CHAPTER XII. — THE SURRENDER OF THE STRONG CASTLE OF VENTADOUR IN LIMOUSIN, THAT HAD BEEN THE CHIEF RESIDENCE OF GEOFFRY TETE-NOIRE.

YOU have before heard how Geoffry Tête-noire was master of the castle of Ventadour, which he had held against all the force sent against him as long as he lived; that he had laid the country under contributions upwards of thirty leagues round; and that, when he died, he had on his death-bed named his two nephews, Alleyne and Peter Roux, to succeed him in the command, to whom all the leaders of that garrison had in his presence sworn obedience and fidelity. After the decease of Geoffry Tête-noire, these two brothers governed successfully for some time, keeping the whole country under subjection. The castle belonged to the duke of Berry by purchase from the count de Montpensier, and his son, John of Berry, bore its title; but, though the garrison gave him much vexation, he could not then amend it. He had besieged it several times with block-houses, and pressed it as much as he could, but in vain: the garrison held his attempts cheap, and sallied out, whenever they pleased, to overrun the country. The two brothers would not pay any attention to the truce that had been agreed to between France and England, saying they were not bound to abide by it, but would make war when and where they pleased. The two countries of Auvergne and Limousin suffered greatly; and to remedy it, a gallant knight of Auvergne, sir William le Bouteiller, with sir John Bonne-lance, sir Lewis d’Ambiere, and other knights and squires from Limousin and Auvergne, erected block-houses before Ventadour, and had there remained the whole of the season, at the charge of the country.

It was about this time, as I was told, that the governors laid a plot to entrap sir William le Bouteiller and sir John Bonne-lance, who had done them much mischief. They determined to have it told these two knights in a secret way, that they were desirous of surrendering the fort for a certain sum of florins; for they were tired or remaining there longer, and wished to return to their own country or elsewhere. They imagined the knights would readily comply, for the duke of Berry was eager to gain it on any terms; and they resolved not to ask a larger sum than what might be instantly procured. On brother asked the other, “What sum shall we fix on?” “Ten thousand francs, for that will be enough, as we shall have beside the bodies of the two knights by an ambush we will place in one of the towers.”

Consider how foolish these two Bretons mush have been to imagine they could deceive too such knights and keep their money. If evil befell them, they are unworthy of regret or pity. Following their plan, they sent one of their varlets out of the castle, saying — “Go as far as the French clock-houses: allow thyself to be taken, but demand to be carried to sir William le Bouteiller or sir John Bonne-lance, which of them thou pleasest, give them these letters, and require an answer, as their contents are of consequence to them and to us.” The servant, who thought nothing evil, said he would obey their commands, and advanced to the nearest block-house of the French. On perceiving him, those within came out to meet him and demanded his business: he said, he wanted to speak with sir William le Bouteiller or Sir John Bonne-lance. He was conducted to them, for the two knights happened to be then together. When in their presence, he bowed, and took them aside to deliver his letters, saying that sir Alleyne and sir Peter Roux had sent him to them. They were much surprised on hearing this, and that the governors of Ventadour should write to them. They took the letters, and read them; but there contents were merely to say, that Alleyne and Peter Roux would willingly have a parley with them on something to their advantage. When they had perused the letters, they were more astonished than before, and suspected some treachery. They, however, consulted together on what could be wanted with them, and returned a 429 verbal message, that if he governors wished to meet them without the castle, they would promise them, and those who should accompany them, perfect security for their persons until they had re-entered the place. Such was the answer the varlet brought back to his masters. Sir Peter said to sir Alleyne, — “May we confide in such promises?” “Oh yes,” replied his brother; “for consider, their word is given, and they are loyal knights incapable of breaking it.” We will inform then of our intended surrender, which they will eagerly accept.”

On the morrow, about eight o’clock, they ordered the wicket adjoining the ate to be opened, and the bridge to be lowered there, and they leant on the chains until sir William le Bouteiller and sir John Bonne-lance arrived, who dismounted before the bridge, and ordered their attendants to retire. When the two Breton governors on the bridge, saw them, they asked, “May we come and converse with you in safety!” “Yes,” replied the knights; “but is there no treachery on your side?” “Oh no,” answered the Bretons: “it is now truce between us.” “Well then, come with all security, and tell us what you have to say.” Peter and Alleyne Roux then passed the bridge, and went to the place where they were waiting for them. The two knights said, — “What is the subject of the treaty or parley you wish to have with us? Are you inclined to surrender Ventadour?” “Yes,” said they, “but on conditions. We only ask ten thousand for the stores; for we are tired of carrying on the war longer, and wish to retire to Brittany or to whatever other country we may chuse.” The two knights were rejoiced at this proposal, and replied, — You offer terms we shall not refuse; but at this moment we have not such a sum. We will, however, instantly set about providing it.” “Well,” answered the governors, “when you have got it, let us know, and we will keep to our offer: but let the matter be most secret, for it the garrison should hear of it, they would instantly murder us, and you would be disappointed in your expectations of gaining the place.” Sir William le Bouteiller replied, “Never fear us: we will manage the business in such a manner that you shall not incur any danger.” On this, they separated: the brothers re-entered Ventadour, and the knights returned to their quarters.

Sir William le Bouteiller and sir John Bonne-lance believing this transaction was honourable, no way suspecting the Bretons meant to deceive them and gain possession of their persons as well as money, instantly wrote as fair-languaged letters as they could to the duke of Berry, who at that time was at Riom in Auvergne. They desired one of their gentlemen, who had been well educated, called Guyonnel de Saint-Vydel, to carry the letter, and, having informed him of the fact, desired he would forget nothing, in his conversation with the duke of Berry, that might induce him to agree to the terms of surrender: for they thought he would be well pleased, as he had been for a long time very anxious to get possession of Ventadour. The squire, having received the letter, and his instructions, what to say and how to act, left the block-house, and, traversing Limousin and Auvergne, rode on until he came to Riom, where I believe he found the duke of Berry.

On entering his presence, he knelt and gave the duke the letters, recommending to him the two knights, as he knew well how to do. The duke took the letter and read it: when he had a short time considered its contents, he was so well pleased, that he ordered his attendants to take particular care of the squire, which was done. The duke called to him such of his council and treasurers as were with him, and said, — “Here is great news. Our knights, who are blockading Ventadour, write us word they have opened a treaty with Alleyne and Peter Roux, who are willing to surrender that place for ten thousand francs. That is no large sum: it has cost Limousin and Auvergne, yearly, sixty thousand francs, as composition money, to be unmolested by the garrison. We wish to accept their offer, as speedily as may be, lest they should repent of having made it. Now, treasurers, find me instantly ten thousand francs. We will make a loan of them, as is but just; and when we are in possession of this castle, will levy a tax on all the lands which have paid contribution, that will doubly repay us.” “My lord,” replied the treasurers, “we are prepared: only give us five of six days to collect it.” “You shall have them,” said the duke. Thus was the matter settled. The treasurers produced the sum in golden crowns, and in francs of France, which were packed up in four small boxes.

The same day on which those who were to carry the money to the two knights were on their departure, everything being ready for their setting gout, the dauphin of Auvergne and the lord Rencil arrived at Riom, on business with the duke of Berry, such as was common between great lords. They were made welcome by the duke, who was so pleased at the thought of gaining Ventadour so cheaply, that he could not refrain from making them acquainted with it, and showing them the letters from sir William le Bouteiller and sir John Bonne-lance. When they had perused them, they were silent, and the duke noticing it, said, — “What are you considering? Have you any suspicions of deceit? Tell me, before the money be sent off.” “My lord,” replied the dauphin, “you know for how long a time the count d’Armagnac and myself have been employed by the countries of Limousin, Cahorsin, Rouergue, and Auvergne, to gain possession, by force or otherwise, of all the enemy’s forts in these séneschalships. We have entered into several treaties with many of them, but we never could any way make the least impression on the garrison of Ventadour, to induce them to surrender; and scarcely would they deign to return us an answer when we sent to them. If, therefore, they have agreed to the treaty you have shown us, it cannot be from want of provision; for, should not purveyances enter the fort for eight years, I know they have enough; and it is this which astonishes us, and makes us suspect treachery; for such men at arms, when shut up in fortresses, have a lively imagination, and, when it turns to wickedness, they know too well how to succeed: therefore, my lord, be cautious how you act.” “In God’s name,” answered the duke of Berry, “you do not tell us anything extraordinary, but have well spoken, when you thus advise us; and it will take more precautions than I at first intended.”

He then called to him a knight, whose name was sir Peter Mespin, and said, — “You will go with the ransom-money for Ventadour to the block-houses before that place, and tell sir William le Bouteiller and sir John Bonne-lance, from us, to be very cautious how they act, respecting their treaty, and not to put too much confidence in these Bretons of Ventadour; for that we have had such intelligence concerning them, of which they are ignorant, they must be very prudent and observing.”

The knight undertook the journey, and, being soon ready, departed with the money from Riom, and rode on until he arrived at the block-houses, where he was kindly received by his companions. The money was unpacked, and placed in security. Sir Peter Mespin, after some general conversation, told his message as follows: “My lord of Berry orders me to inform you, sir William and sir John, that you must act with the greatest precaution in this treaty with the governors of Ventadour, that you may not lose your own persons and the money he sends you by me, for that he has had accounts given him of the characters of these people that displease him much, which is the reason he is anxious for you to act with prudence to be a match for them, as he suspects this offer is only made to betray you. The countries of Auvergne and Limousin would many times have given sixty thousand francs for the evacuation of Ventadour, which the governors well know, and now they offer it to you for ten thousand: it is this which makes my lord suspect treachery.” The two knights were for a moment pensive, and then said, — “Two heads are better than one. You have well spoken, and we thank you for the advice you have given. You will remain here to assist us, which will be but right, for within two days we shall know how the matter will turn out.” Sir Peter Mespin replied, he would cheerfully stay with them.

Shortly after this the two knights sent one of their servants to the castle, for there was now a truce between them, to let the governors know the ten thousand francs were come, and that they were ready to complete the bargain. They replied, they would keep to their agreement, that they might come when they pleased, or inform them when they were to bring the money. Alleyne and Peter Roux, who had no good inclinations as was proved against them, had already made their preparations for the capture of the two knights. They had thus planned it. At the entrance of the castle of Ventadour, and withinside, is a large tower, that commands the gate; and, without having first gained this tower, the castle cannot be won. It was for this reason it was always kept well stored with artillery, provision, and men, that in case the castle should be surprised, the garrison might retire thither in safety.

The two Bretons, whose heads were full of malice, posted in this tower thirty determined men, armed at all points; who, when the French should think themselves in secure possession of the castle, towards late in the evening, were to sally forth and slay all without mercy. Everything being now ready, they sent to sir William le Bouteiller and sir john Bonne-lance that they might bring the money in all security to the castle, the gates of which would be thrown open to them. The French knights were all alive at this message, and said to the servant who had brought it, — “Return to thy masters, and tell them from us, that we will be with them to-morrow morning.” When the servant was gone, the two knights assembled a larger council than every they had before done, on account of the orders sir Peter Mespin had brought from the duke of Berry.

It was resolved in this council to place an ambuscade near the castle, and that the two knights should go thither accompanied by thirty men armed secretly like themselves. On their entrance into Ventadour, they were cautiously to examine every part of it: if they should perceive anything that could induce them to suspect treachery, they were to sound a horn and seize the draw-bridge. On hearing this horn, the ambuscade was to advance full gallop, dismount at the bridge, and gain the castle. In the manner in which they had planned it the project was executed; and on the morrow morning, all being prepared, they rode forward, and placed a large ambush of six score lances, and then, with thirty companions, secretly armed, when to Ventadour, carrying sir Peter Mespin to assist them with his advice. They did not forget the ransom-money, which was neatly packed up in three baskets, on the backs of two strong horses. They found Alleyne and Peter Roux at the barriers, which were thrown quite back on their approach: having passed them and entered the gate, the brothers would have closed the barriers again; but the French knights said, — “Let them remain: is it a fair bargain or not? You know you have engaged to surrender the castle for ten thousand francs in hard money: they are ready, and on the two sumpter horses you see. If you act loyally to us, we will do the same to you.” They knew not what answer to make to this speech; but to prevent them having any suspicions, they said, — “You say well; and we are willing to act as fairly as yourselves.”

The French party passed on, and the barriers remained open. Had they been closed, the ambuscade would never have been able to arrive in time to counteract the trick the Bretons intended playing them, and their scheme would have succeeded. All having entered the gate, Alleyne and Peter Roux went to shut it; but the French said to Alleyne, — “Let it be open: we wish it, for we are ready to pay you down the money as agreed upon between us.” “Be it so,” replied the Bretons: “let us see the cash.” “That you shall,” said the French, and instantly spread on the ground a sheet, on which they emptied the florins. While the two Bretons were examining the money, which made a handsome heap, the knights were doing the same to the castle, — “Have that tower opened before you count the money, for there may perchance be in it an ambush to surprise us, and we may lose our lives as well as our money.”

On this, sir William said to Alleyne Roux, “Let that tower be opened, for we will have that done before we proceed any farther.” Alleyne replied, — “that he would do no such thing, for the keys were lost.” The moment he had uttered this, the knights were more suspicious than before, and said: “Alleyne, it is impossible that the keys of the principal tower should be lost. Open it by fair means, or we will have it forced; for you have promised to surrender to us the castle, as it is, without fraud or treachery, for the sum of ten thousand francs, which you now see lying before you.” Alleyne answered, — “I will neither open it myself, nor suffer it to be done, until I shall have received and placed in security the whole money: when that is done, I will seek for the keys.” The knights replied, — “We will not wait so long; and we tell you plainly, that we expect no favour from your last speeches, which clearly indicate that you mean to deceive us. We therefore arrest you, Peter and Alleyne Roux, in the name of the king, our lord, and the duke of Berry. The tower shall be opened by force, though the doors of it be broken: and every part of it, as well as of the castle, shall be minutely searched, to see if you have not placed an ambush to surprise us, and regain the castle. Should any such be found, you are lost, 432 past redemption, as in justice due to reason; but if, on the contrary, the castle be in the situation it ought loyally to be, from an honourable bargain, we will punctually keep every article of our treaty, and you shall be safely conducted whithersoever you may please; even as far as the gates of Avignon, should you desire it.”

The two brothers were thunderstruck, and half dead, on being thus arrested; and, hearing this declaration of the knights, their courage failed them, and they repented having gone so far, for they found their intentions must now be discovered. The French knights saw plainly they were guilty of what they had suspected, and that the castle was not meant to be surrendered. They made a sign for him who bore the horn to sound for their ambuscade to advance: which having done, those in ambush stuck spurs to their horses, saying, “Let us hasten to Ventadour, for we are wanted: our people have not found things as they expected, and have been deceived by Alleyne and Peter Roux.” They were soon at the castle, for it was not far distant, and the barriers and gate being open, though well guarded by the French, for the Bretons were no longer masters, they entered the place, and found their captains in the court talking to the garrison. The governors were more astonished than before, on seeing themselves thus surrounded by their enemies; for they knew they had acted dishonourably.

Those within the great tower were ignorant of what was going forward; for the openings in the walls were too high for them to see what passed. Some said, — “We hear in the court a great noise: our people may perhaps be tricked, for the French are a cunning race. We thought to deceive, but we may be deceived, and Alleyne, as well as ourselves, may be entrapped and taken; for we cannot get out without his permission.” They would willingly have been anywhere else; for their governors had brought them into a melancholy situation. Sir William le Bouteiller and sir John Bonne-lance, finding themselves so superior in force, spoke out more boldly their sentiments, and ordered the cash, which was scattered over the sheet, to be collected and replaced in the baskets, before the face of the two brothers, who were surrounded by the French. They said; “Alleyne and Peter, give us the keys of the tower; for it must and shall be examined, to see if any one be within it,” but they answered, in the hope of prolonging the time, — “Begin your search elsewhere, and come here at the last.” But the knights replied; “Alleyne, you trifle too much with us, for we will examine this tower first; and, if you make any further resistance, we will put you to death with our daggers.” On hearing this, they feared they would put their threat into execution; for all avoid death as long as they can, though, in good truth, it would have been more honourable for them had they been slain, than carried away, and afterwards punished for this act, by a disgraceful death, as you will speedily hear in his history. During the dispute, Peter Roux thought of an expedient to excuse their conduct, but this was of no avail, and said, — “My lord William, and you sir John, it is indeed true that there are in this tower thirty armed men, whither my brother and self have with much difficulty forced them; for we well knew they would not assent to our treaty with you. It is for this reason that we have confined them in that tower until you should be masters of the castle, and we will, with your permissions, leave them there, to be your prisoners. Give us the money, the whole, or part of it, as you are bounden to do, and let us go away.”

The knights were tolerably satisfied on hearing this; but sir William le Bouteiller, having considered a little, said, — “Whatever truth may be in what you have told us, before we unpack the money again, we must have all the keys of the castle delivered to us, and the different parts pointed out to which they lead.” Alleyne, seeing he could no longer delay, sent for them to the room wherein they were deposited. On their being brought to the court, the knights said, — “Now, explain to us what gates they unlock, and whither they lead.” Very much against their will, they pointed out the keys of the great towers, for their destruction lay in it. When they had possession of them, they opened its gages, and found the thirty companions completely armed, who had been therein hid.

Alleyne was much cast down, when he saw the French knights draw themselves up in array before the gate, and heard sir William le Bouteiller say, — “You are hidden within this tower, come forth instantly and without fear, under pain of being all put to death. We shall make you our prisoners, and you need not fear any punishment if you tell us the 433 truth.” When they saw and heard the French offer them pardon, taking them as prisoners only, they flung down their staves and arms, and surrendered, for defence would not have been of any avail. These men were then separated, and examined one by one in the presence of Alleyne and Peter roux, and acknowledged the intended treason, which they now could no longer deny. The French knights addressed them, — “It is very displeasing to us, that you should have been guilty of so disgraceful a crime. We shall not punish you for it: as it seems to us so heinous, we shall leave it to my lord of Berry; and, if he will shew you mercy, we shall not object. We rather hope he may be so inclined, from the great pleasure the possession of this castle will give him, which was the thing in the world he was most anxious to gain.” This speech gave some hopes to the two brothers, who found themselves fallen into a similar trap to what they had laid for others. They were confined in rooms well guarded, and the garrison in the towers and in others parts of the castle. It was then thoroughly visited, and found full of stores and provision; all of which they left untouched, contenting themselves with the money and arms they discovered, and which, as fair plunder, was divided among them; but the prisoners were given to the knights.

Thus, as I have related, was the strong castle of Ventadour regained by the French. Sir William le Bouteiller appointed a valiant and prudent squire of Limousin, called Peter Madich, governor, with thirty good lances for its defence. He ransomed such as were deserving of it; but having discovered among the prisoners several renegade Frenchmen, who had been cruel plunderers, he had their heads cut off, or hung them on a new gallows that had been erected in front of the castle. When all things had been settled, the two knights resolved to ride to Riom, to wait on the duke of Berry, and carry Alleyne and Peter Roux with them. News was soon spread abroad that Ventadour was retaken, to the great joy of the inhabitants of Auvergne and Limousin; for the enemies of the realm had kept possession of it fifteen years, and, during that time, had done much mischief to the country, and had greatly impoverished it.

Sir William le Bouteiller had found in the castle of Ventadour a young and handsome squire from Brittany, called le Monadich*, a cousin to Geoffry Tête-noire, who had lately left a convent in Brittany, and come thither to earn the art of war, for he would not be a monk. The French knights wanted to have him beheaded, or hanged like the others; but sir William took compassion on him, and saved his life, for which he swore he would faithfully serve him, and remain for the time to come a loyal Frenchman. They made no long stay after this, but, having pulled down the block-houses, went to the duke of Berry. The men at arms separated, each going to his own home. The knights arrived at Riom, with the two brothers prisoners. They were much cast down, and on the road entreated sir William and sir John to interest themselves in their behalf, that the duke might not be too severe on them. The duke was with his duchess at Riom, and most kindly received the two knights: he considered the gain of the castle of Ventadour as a very gallant exploit, for which he made them handsome and rich gifts.

The knights asked him, what was his pleasure respecting the two prisoners. He said, he would consider of it; which having done, it was thought by his council most advisable to send them to the king at Paris. The séneschal of Auvergne was sent for, and to him were delivered the Bretons. He carried them to Paris, where they were confined in the castle of Saint Anthony†, under the guard of the viscount d’Asci, who was at that time governor of it. They were not kept long in prison, but delivered over the provost of Paris, who carried them to the Châtelet, where they were tried and judged guilty of death, as traitors and robbers. They were then given up to the hangman, who placed the bound in a cart, and carried them through the streets, with sound of trumpet, to a place called Les Halles, and put on the pillory, which was turned four times round, that the populace might view them. Their actions were then read aloud; after which they were beheaded and quartered, and their quarters fixed to the four principal gates of the town. Thus did Alleyne and Peter Roux lose their castle of Ventadour, and forfeit their own lives by a disgraceful death.

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*  “The little monk.” — ED.

†  Probably the Bastille, which was at the gate of St. Anthony before the revolution in 1789.

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CHAPTER XIII. — THREE FRENCH KNIGHTS HOLD A TOURNAMENT AT SAINT INGLEVERE, NEAR CALAIS, AND DEFEND THE LISTS, FOR THIRTY DAYS, AGAINST ALL COMERS, FROM ENGLAND, AND ELSEWHERE.

AT this season, the truce between England and France was punctually observed on sea and land by both parties, excepting a few pillagers in Auvergne, who continued a war against the peasants, on each side the river Dordogne. Their principal leaders, who had surrendered on capitulation, were not openly guilty of any breach of the truce, but secretly encouraged the mischiefs that were daily committed in Auvergne. Such complaints were made of this to the king of France, that he determined, with the advice of his council, to remonstrate with the king of England on the conduct of these pillagers, who, notwithstanding the truce, still carried on a war in Auvergne and the adjoining country, which could not be suffered, neither ought it to be. I believe the king of England excused himself, by saying that those who had committed the acts complained of were lawless people. Over whom he had no control.

During the time in which these things were passing, the three knights before mentioned, who had undertaken to maintain the lists against all comers, at Saint Inglevere, near Calais, namely, sir Boucicaut the younger, the lord Reginald de Roye and the lord de Saimpi, were making preparations to fulfil their engagement. This tournament had been proclaimed in many countries, but especially in England, where it had caused much surprise, and excited several knights and squires, who were fond of adventures and deeds of arms, to confer on the subject. Some said they would be blameworthy, if they did not cross the sea, when the distance was so short to Calais, pay a visit to these knights and tilt with them. I will name those who were most eager in these conversations. The first was sir John Holland, earl of Huntingdon, sir John Courtenay*, sir John Traicton†, sir John Goulouffre‡, sir John Roussel§, sir Thomas Scorabonne¶, sir William Cliseton¥, sir William Clinton, sir William Taillebourg**, sir Godfrey de Seton, sir William de Haquenay††, sir John Bolton, sir John Arundel, sir John d’Ambreticourt, sir John Beaumont and many more, to the amount of upward of one hundred knights and squires, who said, — “Let us prepare ourselves to attend this tournament near Calais; for these French knights only hold it that they may have our company: it is well done, and shows they do not want courage: let us not disappoint them.”

This challenge was made so public in England that many who had no intention of taking part themselves, said, they would go thither to witness the performances of others. Such knights and squires as proposed being there, when the appointed term was approaching, sent beforehand their purveyances, and arms for tilting and for war, to Calais. Sir John Holland, half brother to the king of England, was the first to cross the sea: more than sixty knights and squires accompanied him, and took up their quarters in Calais.

At the beginning of the charming month of May, the three before-mentioned young French knights were fully prepared to maintain their challenge in the lists at Saint Inglevere. They first came to Boulogne, where I know not how many days they tarried, and then went to the monastery of Saint Inglevere. On their arrival, they learnt that numbers of English knights and squires were come to Calais, this gave them much pleasure; and to hasten the business, and that news should be carried to the English, they ordered three rich vermilion-coloured pavilions to be pitched near the appointed placed for the lists, and before each were suspended two targets, for peace or war, emblazoned with the arms of each lord. It was ordered, that such as were desirous of performing any deed of arms should touch, or sent to have touched, one or both of these targets according to their pleasure, and they would be tilted with agreeably to their request.

On the 21st of the month of May, as it had been proclaimed, the three knights were properly armed and their horses ready saddled according to the laws of the tournament. On 435 the same day, those knights who were in Calais sallied forth, either as spectators or tilters, and, being arrived at the spot, drew up on one side. The place of the tournament was smooth, and green with grass.

Sir John Holland was the first who sent his squire to touch the war-target of sir Boucicaut, who instantly issued from his pavilion completely armed. Having mounted his horse, and grasped his spear, which was stiff and well steeled, they took their distances. When the two knights had for a short time eyed each other, they spurred their horses and met full gallop with such force that sir Boucicaut pierced the shield of the earl of Huntingdon, and the point of his lance slipped along his arm, but without wounding him. The two knights, having passed, continued their gallop to the end of the list. This course was much praised. At the second course, they hit each other slightly, but no harm was done; and their horses refused to complete the third. The earl of Huntingdon wished to continue the tilt, and was heated, returned to his place, expecting that sir Boucicaut would call for his lance; but he did not, and showed plainly he would not that day tilt more with the earl. Sir John Holland, seeing this, sent his squire to touch the war-target of the lord de Saimpi. This knight, who was waiting for the combat, sallied out from his pavilion, and took his lance and shield. When the earl saw he was ready, he violently spurred his horse, as did the lord de Saimpi. They couched their lances, and pointed them at each other. At the onset, their horses crossed; notwithstanding which, they met; but by this crossing, which was blamed, the earl was unhelmed. He returned to his people, who soon re-helmed him; and, having resumed their lances, they met full gallop, and hit each other with such force in the middle of their shields, that they would have been unhorsed had they not kept tight seats by the pressure of their legs against the horses’ sides. They went to the proper places, where they refreshed themselves and took breath. Sir John Holland, who had a great desire to shine at this tournament, had his helmet braced and grasped his spear again; when the lord de Saimpi, seeing him advance on a gallop, did not decline meeting, but, spurring his horse on instantly, they gave blows on their helmets, that were luckily of well-tempered steel, which made sparks of fire fly from them. At this course, the lord de Saimpi lost his helmet; but the two knights continued their career, and returned to their places.

This tilt was much praised; and the English and French said, that the earl of Huntingdon, sir Boucicaut, and the lord de Saimpi, had excellently well justed, without sparing or doing themselves any damage. The earl wished to break another lance in honour of his lady, but it was refused him. He then quitted the lists, to make room for others, for he had run his six lances with such ability and courage as gained him praise from all sides.

A young and gallant knight of England next came forth, called the earl-marshal‡‡, who sent, according to the regulations, to touch the war-target of sir Reginald de Roye. This being done, sir Reginald came from his pavilion completely armed, and mounted his horse that was ready for him: having had his shield and helmet buckled on, he seized his lance and took his distance. The two knights spurred their horses, but, at this first course, failed in their strokes, from their horses swerving out of the line, to their great vexation. Sir Reginald was hit with the second lance, and had his own broken. At the third course, they met with such force that the fire sparkled from their helmets, and the earl was unhelmed. He continued his career to his own place, but justed no more that day, as he had done sufficiently.

The lord Clifford§§, a valiant knight, and cousin-german to the late sir John Chandos, of famed renown, then advanced, and sent to have the war-shield of sir Boucicaut touched with a rod. Sir Boucicaut instantly appeared, and, having his armour laced, mounted his horse: placing his lance in its rest, they met full gallop, and made, by their blows, the fire fly from their helmets, but they neither broke their lances nor lost their stirrups: having passed, they returned to their places, making ready for the second course. This was done without anyway sparing themselves: sir Boucicaut broke his lance and was unhelmed, but did not for this fall to the ground. Sir Clifford returned to his place, to prepare himself for another course, but sir Boucicaut did not again put on his helmet. Lord Gifford, noticing this, resolved to perform a tilt with another knight, and sent his squire to touch the shield of the lord de Saimpi. The lord de Saimpi being ready, sallied forth from his pavilion; they ran at each other with great force, met full, and lord Clifford broke his lance into three pieces against the target of his adversary. In return, the lord de Saimpi struck off his helmet and both continued their career to their places. The lord Clifford tilted no more that day, for the spectators said he had honourably and valorously borne himself.

Sir Henry Beaumont¶¶ then came forward, and sent to have the target of sir Boucicaut touched, who was instantly ready to reply to the call, having not dismounted from the tilts with lord Clifford. The lord Beaumont did not manage his lance well, and hit Boucicaut on the side; but sir Boucicaut struck him so full on the middle of his shield that it drove him to the ground, and continued his course. Lord Beaumont was raised up by his attendants and remounted. The lord de Saimpi then presented himself, and they tilted two courses very handsomely, without hurt to either.

Sir Peter Courtenay, who was anxious to engage and to run six lances, sent a squire to touch with a rod the three shields of war. This caused a good deal of surprise, and he was asked what were his intentions by so doing. He replied, that he wished to tilt with each of the French knights two lances, if no misfortune befel him, and he entreated they would comply with his request. They were ready to consent to it, and sir Reginald de Roye first offered himself. Having made themselves ready, they spurred their horses, and took good aim no to miss their stroke; but, from the restiveness of their horses, they failed. They were much vexed, and returned to their places. On the second course, they met full gallop; and sir Reginald de Roye, having unhelmed his adversary, returned gently towards his pavilion, his two courses being completed. Sir Peter Courtenay being armed once more, the lord de Saimpi advanced, and their lances were broken at the first shock: they continued their course, when new lances were given them. They advanced towards each other furiously and the lord de Saimpi hit sir Peter, whose horse swerved a little; but sir Peter struck off his helmet, and rode on at a gentle pace to his post. Sir Boucicaut now came to complete the two other courses; and at their onset they struck each other on the shield so 437 rudely that the two horses were suddenly checked in their career: no other damage ensued. At the second course, they were both unhelmed. When these six tilts were done, sir Peter requested, as a favour, to run one more with any of the three knights who pleased, but it was refused; and he was told, that he had done enough that day.

An English knight, called sir John Gouloufre, came forth, armed from head to foot, and sent his squire to touch the war-shield of sir Reginald de Roye. The knight obeyed the summons, and both advanced full gallop. They hit each other’s helmets, but were neither unhelmed nor had their lances broken. Their horses refused to run the second course, to their great vexation. At the third tilt they struck their shields and broke their lances. They were supplied with others, and, from the swerving of their horses, passed their fourth career without striking a blow. The fifth lance was too well employed, for they were both unhelmed, and then each rode to his own party.

Sir John Rousseau¥¥, an expert and valiant knight from England, but well known for his prowess in various countries, ordered his squire to touch the shield of the lord de Saimpi, who was already armed and mounted. On receiving his lance, he spurred his horse against the English knight, and the shock of their spears against the targets instantly forced them to stop. Each returned to his post, and it was not long before they commenced their second course with equal vigour: but when near, the horses swerved, which prevented their stroke. To their sorrow, they were thus obliged to return again to the end of the lists. They were more successful the third course; for they struck each other with such force, that the vizors of their helmets were broken off: the knights continued their career, and the Englishman tilted no more that day.

Sir Peter Shirborne, a young knight, but of good courage, sent his squire to touch the war-shield of sir Boucicaut. The knight was ready to answer him, for he was armed and on horseback, leaning on his spear, to wait for an adventure. Perceiving himself called upon, he raised his spear, and looked to see what his adversary was about, and observing that he was handling his horse, did the same. When they began their course, they couched their spears, thinking to make sure blows; but they were disappointed, to their great vexation, by the swerving of their horses, which forced them to return to their posts. They determined to manage them better at their second tilt, and spurred them both so vigorously, they each struck the other on the vizor. Sir Boucicaut broke his lance, but not so the English knight; for he employed it with such force, that he not only unhelmed, but made the blood spout from his nose as he broke off the helmet of sir Boucicaut, who then retired to his pavilion: he tilted no more that day, for it was now nearly vespers. Sir Peter Shirborne, however, would not desist until he had completed his number of lances: he, in consequence, sent his squire to touch the war-target of the lord de Saimpi, who was prepared to meet him. The two knights spurred on violently against each other, and hit on the top of their helmets; but the lances slipt over, and they passed each other without hurt. The spectators said, had their spears been pointed lower, and the shields received the blows, one or both must have suffered severely from the shock. The next course they struck full on their targets, and broke their lances into three parts; but the blow of the lord de Saimpi was so strong that the English knight lost his seat and fell to the ground, from whence, however, he instantly arose, and was led by his attendants from the lists. The lord de Saimpi returned to his post, viewing the state of his adversary, and showing his willingness to renew the tilt with him he had overthrown or with any other; but none came forward, as it was now time to leave off for this day, and return to their hôtels. The English, and such as had accompanied them, set off full gallop for Calais, where they remained that night enjoying themselves, and talking over the feats of arms that had been performed. The French retired to Saint Inglevere; and, if the English talked much of what had been done, you may readily suppose the French were not silent.

On Tuesday, after mass and drinking a cup, all those who intended to tilt, and those who wished to see them, left Calais, and rode in an orderly manner to where the lists had been held the preceding day. The French were already there, as was right, and prepared to receive them. The day was bright, clear, and sufficiently warm. The English drew up on one side, and armed those who were to tilt. 438

Sir William Clinton, a very valiant and expert knight, was the first who sent his squire to touch the shield of sir Boucicaut; the knight instantly came forth, armed completely for the tournament, mounted his horse, and grasped his lance. The two knights met full gallop, hitting each on the target, but passed on without anything more. The second course was very handsome: they met, and hit each on the helmet, the lances crossing. The third course they struck again their shields, and with such violence that the horses were stopped. The fourth course with lances was gallantly performed, for they hit each other so strongly on the vizors of their helmets, they were driven off by the blow to different sides. The English knight tilted no more that day, for he was told he had done enough.

After this, sir Nicholas Clinton, a young English knight, sent to touch the target of the lord de Saimpi, who immediately appeared ready armed and mounted. The two knights spurred their horses, bearing their spears in good array: when near, they struck their opponent’s target with such violence that the steel remained fixed; and it is wonderful no other harm ensued, for they were both young, of good courage, and did not spare themselves. They neither ell nor were wounded, but their lances were shivered to pieces. They then passed on, each to his post. The second course was well tilted: they struck each on the helmets, but, s it was on the top, they did not damage, and passed on. At the third course with lances, the horses swerved, to their sorrow; and, at the fourth, the lord de Saimpi unhelmed the English knight, who returned to his countrymen and tilted no more, for they assured him he had behaved most valiantly, and that he must allow others to have their share.

When sir Nicholas Clinton was returned from the lists, a gallant knight of England, nearly related to the earl of Huntingdon, called William Seimort***, left his tent, and sent to touch the target of sir Reginald de Roye, who appeared to meet him. Each having taken his post, they vigorously spurred their horses, and gave such blows on their shields, that it was surprising they were not unhorsed; but both kept their seats, as they rode well. They passed on to their places; but the English knight let fall his lance, and sir Reginald bore his in handsome array.

The English knight having had his lance given to him, he placed it in its rest, and spurring his horse, intended to have done wonders. Indeed the blow would have been good if it had been straight, but, by the swerving of his horse, it was very weak; and I doubt if it was not, in some measure, the fault of the knight. Sir Reginald struck him such a blow on his shield, as made him bend backward, but they passed on without further hurt. Being prepared for the third course, they again spurred their horses and couched their lances, and hit each other so rudely on the helmets that the fire sparkled from them. They passed on, but from this blow their lances fell to the ground: persons were at hand to pick them up and give them to the knights. Having replaced the lances in their rests, they renewed the tilt, and, aiming well, struck each other on the vizors of their helmets so severely, that sir William Seimort was unhelmed and nearly thrown to the ground, but, though he staggered, he kept his seat. The English knight then went to his countrymen, and did nothing more that day.

A squire called Lancaster now stepped forth, and sent to touch the shield of sir Boucicaut. He was ready mounted to answer the call, and, having grasped his spear, they met most courageously: they struck their helmets, so as to make the fire fly from them, and it was astonishing they kept them on their heads. No harm being done, each returned to his post, where they made no long stay before they began their second course with great vigour, each hitting on his opponent’s target: the horses swerved, which prevented this from being a handsome or effectual tilt, but this they could not help. At the third lance they met, and the blow was so well placed, that the Englishman was unhelmed, and passed on to his post bareheaded all but the scull-cap, and would not that day tilt more.

A young knight whose name was sir John Tallboys, next made his appearance, completely armed, and sent to touch the war-target of the lord de Saimpi. That knight was ready for the tilt, and, having grasped his spear, stuck spurs into his horse: their first onset was so rough, their lances were shivered. The two knights passed each other without other damage, and were not long before they began their second course, having received new lances, of 439 which there was a provision ready, all of the same length. From the fault of their horses, though they aimed well, they missed hitting; but the third course was well performed, for they unhelmed each other, and then each retired to his own party, and the English knights did nothing more than day.

Sir Godfrey de Seca next presented himself: he was a gallant knight, and showed, by his manner of riding and bearing his lance, that he was an able tilter, and desirous of renown. He sent his squire to touch the war-target of sir Reginald de Roye. That knight came forward instantly, as he was ready mounted, and, placing himself properly for the tilt, they both set off full gallop, and gave such blows on their targets, that though their spears, from their strength, did not break, they remained fastened to the shields, and by dint of hard pushing, the horses were checked: each knight returned to his post without losing his lance, but bearing it handsomely before him. Having placed them in their rests they again spurred their horses, which were strong and active, but by their swerving they missed their stroke and dropped their spears. Those near picked them up and returned them, and again they renewed the tilt; for they were heated, and seemed unwilling to spare each other. The English knight hit sir Reginald a very severe blow on the top of his helmet, without otherwise damaging him; but sir Reginald gave him so strong a thrust on the target, (for at that time he was counted one of the stoutest tilters in France, and was smitten with love for a young lady that made all his affairs prosper) it pierced through it as well as his left arm: the spear broke as it entered, the butt end falling to the ground, the other sticking in the shield, and the steel in the arm. The knight, however, did not for this fail to finish his course gallantly; but his companions came to him, and the broken spear and steel were extracted, the blood stanched, and the arm tied up. Sir Reginald returned to his friends, and there remained, leaning on another lance that had been given him. Sir Reginald was much praised by the French and English for this tilt; and no one said anything improper against him, on account of the Englishman being wounded, for such are the events of arms: to one they are fortunate, to another the reverse; and, to say the truth, they did not spare each other.

An English squire, called Blaquet†††, then sent to strike the war-shield of the lord de Saimpi. When they were both ready, they spurred their horses, and hit on the helmets hard blows, though the points of their spears slipped off: on finishing their career, they lost their lances. When they were restored to them, they began their second course, but, by the fault of their horses, nothing was done. At the third onset, Blaquet gave the lord de Saimpi a hard blow on the helmet, but was struck by him much harder on the vizor, and unhelmed, with a force that broke the buckle which fastened it behind, and it fell on the ground. They finished their course, and the English squire went among his countrymen, not intending to tilt more that day. The lord de Saimpi remained gallantly on horseback, leaning on his spear, to wait until he should be again called upon.

Sir John Bolton, a gallant knight from England, shortly after this tilt was over, sent his squire to touch the shield of the lord de Saimpi, who, being prepared, entered the lists, his target on his neck and spear in hand. Each hit his adversary’s shield, and it was surprising they were not pierced, for their lances were strong, and their heads well tempered; but they passed without further loss than of their spears, which fell to the ground. When they were picked up and given then, they again spurred their horses, and struck the helmets, but without effect, and continued their career. At the third course their horses crossed. The lord de Saimpi, at the fourth, unhelmed sir John Bolton, by a hard blow, and then the two knights returned to their friends.

Thomelin Messidon‡‡‡, a young English knight, well and richly armed, with a great desire to gain honour, sent to touch the shield of sir Boucicaut, The knight instantly came forth, and, having grasped his lance, both spurred their horses; and each made his strike by crossing under the helmet: they passed on without hurt or blame, but were not long before they spurred on again. In this course, they hit very roughly on the targets; Thomelin Messidon shivered his lance; but sir Boucicaut’s blow was so severe, it drove his opponent over the crupper of his horse to the ground. Those of his party ran to raise him up, and carried him off, for he tilted no more that day.

Another squire of England, called Navarton§§§, instantly stepped forth, and sent to touch the war-shield of Boucicaut, saying he would revenge his companion, whom he had struck to the ground in his presence. Boucicaut was ready to answer him, being armed and mounted, and leaning on his spear. They met full gallop, and hit each other on the vizors of their helmets, but passed on without other damage. Having had their helmets re-aligned, and their lances given them, they again met with great violence, and from the shock of the blows on the targets, the horses were stopped, and the lances broken into three pieces, but they completed their course without any hurt. They had new spears given them; and at the third course sir Boucicaut was hit hard on the target, but he gave Navarton a blow that unhelmed him: he then withdrew to his countrymen, and tilted no more that day; for they said he had done sufficient, and had gained great applause.

After this, another squire advanced, called Sequaqueton¶¶¶, an able man at arms and expert tilter. He sent to touch the shield of sir Reginald de Roye, who replied, that he was prepared and mounted. They spurred their horses, and gave violent strokes on their targets, without sparing each other. Sequaqueton bore himself handsomely without falling, to the surprise of the spectators, for sir Reginald’s blow made him bend backward almost on the crupper of his horse; but he raised himself, and gallantly finished his career with the loss only of his lance. Having received another, they ran the second tilt with great courage, and struck such blows on their helmets as made the fire fly from them. It was a handsome course, and no damage done. They repaired to their posts, and spurred again for the third time. In this tilt, Sequaqueton was severely unhelmed, and on the point of falling, both himself and horse, for he staggered considerably. The squire, when on his feet, returned to his companions and tilted no more: indeed, there was an end to the whole for the day, as it was now late. The English collected together, and returned to Calais, as did the French to St. Inglevere.

You must know, though I have not before made mention of it, that king Charles of France was present at these justs. Being young, and desirous of witnessing extraordinary sights, he would have been much vexed if he had not seen these tournaments. He was therefore present at the early part and latter end of them, attended only by the lord de Garencieres; but both so disguised that nobody knew of it; and they returned every evening to Marquise¥¥¥.

The ensuing day, Wednesday, was as fine as the foregoing; and the English, who had crossed the sea to take part in or view this tournament, mounted their horses, as the same hour as on the preceding day, and rode to the place appointed for the lists, to the delight of the French, who were rejoiced to see then. It was not long after their arrival when an English squire, a good tilter, called John Savage, squire of honour and of the body to the earl of Huntingdon, sent to touch the shield of sir Reginald de Roye. The knight answered, he was ready and willing to satisfy him. When he had mounted his horse, and had his helmet buckled and lance given to him, they set off full gallop, and gave such blows on the targets, that had the spears not broken, one or both must have fallen to the ground. The course was handsome and dangerous; but the knights received no hurt, though the points of the lances passed through the targets, and slipped off their side-armour. The spears were broken about a foot from the shaft, the points remaining in the shields; and they gallantly bore the shafts before them, as they finished their career. The spectators thought they must have been seriously wounded; and the French and English hastened each to their companion, whom, to their joy, they found unhurt. They were told they had done enough for that day; but John Savage was not satisfied, and said he had not crossed the sea for only one tilt with a lance. This was reported to sir Reginald, who replied, — “He is in the right; and it is but just that he should be gratified, either by me or by one of my companions.” When they had rested themselves a while, and received new lances, they began their second course, each aiming well at the other; but they failed, from the swerving of their horses, to their great vexation, and returned to their posts. Their lances, which had been accidentally dropped, were given to them, and they set off on their third course. This time they hit on 441 the vizors of their helmets; and, by the force and crossing of their lances, both were unhelmed as they passed. The tilt was much applauded for its correctness and vigour. When they were returned to their posts, the English told John Savage, that he had very honourably performed, and that it was now time for him to make way for others to tilt as well as himself. He complied with this, and, laying aside his lance and target, dismounted, and rode on a hackney to witness the performances of others.

An English squire, named William Basquenay, cousin to the earl marshal, came forth fully armed for the occasion, and sent to have the war-shield of sir Boucicaut stricken. The knight instantly made his appearance at the end of the lists, and each galloped towards the other as straight as they could. They struck their helmets gallantly; and the blow was so effectual on the vizors that they were both unhelmed, and continued their course without further hurt. Their friends who were near re-adjusted their armours; and, giving them their spears, they commenced their second course by desperate strokes on their targets; but, the lances breaking, no harm was done, and they continued their career. They were supplied with new lances, that were stout and good; but, from the fault of their horses, they missed their strokes. At the fourth lance, they hit; and William Basquenay was unhelmed a second time, and then returned to his companions, not tilting more that day.

A squire from England, whose name was John Scot, sent to have the war-shield of the lord de Saimpi touched. He immediately appeared, and at their onset they gave such blows on their targets as stopped their horses; but, their lances being strong, they neither broke nor fell out of their hands. The second course was well performed: the lord de Saimpi hit his adversary; but Scot had more success in unhelming him, for which he was much applauded by his countrymen. The lord de Saimpi was soon re-helmed; and, grasping his spear, they spurred against each other with great violence. They placed their blows on their targets, but with a force that drove John Scot out of his saddle to the ground, and thus did the lord de Saimpi revenge himself. The squire was raised, and carried off by his companions.

Bernard Stapleton, an English squire, sent to strike the lord de Saimpi’s shield, who was not dismounted from his last tilt. They met, and hit each other on the helmets so forcibly as to make the sparks fly from them; but they passed on without hurt and returned to their posts. Still grasping their spears, they couched them, and at this second course struck very severe blows on their targets, but kept their eats well, without falling or staggering, to the end of their career. The third lance struck the helmets, and both were unhelmed. The English squire returned from the lists, as his friends him he had acquitted himself with honour.

The next that presented himself was a young gay knight from England, who shone in tournaments, in dancing, and in singing, called sir John Arundel. He sent his squire to touch the war-shield of sir Reginald de Roye. The knight replied, that he wished for nothing more agreeable than to tilt with him. Having received their spears, they galloped off at the same moment, and gave and received hard blows on their shields; but they kept their seats handsomely, and continued their career. Their lances having fallen from their hands, were restored to them by those appointed for that purpose; and they began their second course with blows on the helmets that made the fire fly, but they passed on without further hurt. At the third onset, the horses swerved; and the knights, in their attempt to strike, lost their lances, and with difficulty recovered themselves. At the fourth they struck the helmets, but without harm or unhelming. At the fifth course, they hit each other on the targets, and broke their lances, without any other damage. Sir John Arundel completed his career, and returned to his friends.

After this Nicholas Stone, an English squire, went to touch the war-shield of sir Boucicaut. The knight seizing his lance, they spurred against each other and hit on the helmets; but the spears slipped off, and they passed unhurt. Holding still their lances in the rests, they set off again, and hit so hard on the targets, that the horses staggered with the shock, and the knights dropped their spears. When they had received their lances, they again galloped off full speed, and their blows on the helmets were effectual: at least the English squire lost his helmet and retired, for his friends said he had done enough.

Another squire from England, called John Marshal, advanced to the lists, completely 442 armed, and sent to touch the war-target of sir Boucicaut, who replied, he was ready, and waiting to be called upon. At their first course they hit each other on the targets, but the lances fell to the ground, and they returned to their station without other damage. On their being restored, they continued their tilt, and struck hard blows on the helmets without anything more, and pursued their career, bearing their lances handsomely before them. When they had rested a little, they considered how they could best annoy each other, and, having aimed well, spurred on their horses. John Marshal gave such a thrust on Boucicaut’s shield that his lance was broken to the stump, and Boucicaut’s blow unhelmed his opponent, and drove him on the crupper of his horse. The squire, notwithstanding, completed his course without falling, and then went to his companions, who said he ought now to be satisfied, for that he had well performed.

When the squire had withdrawn, a young and frisky English knight advanced, who was eager to gain renown. His name was sir John Cliseton****, and he bore for arms a field argent, fretted azure, with a mullet argent in chief. He sent his squire to touch the war-shield of sir Reginald de Roye, who was much pleased at the summons. Having taken their stations and received their lances, they spurred their horses and hit each other full on the helmets, but passed and completed their career. They kept their lances in the rests, and were not long before they commenced the second course, in which they gave heavy thrusts on their shields, but without any loss, except of their spears, which fell to the ground. Having received their lances, they hit each other, on the third course, such blows on the tops of the helmets as made the fire fly. At the fourth course their horses swerved, to their great disappointment. The fifth was well performed, for each broke his lance. The two knights grew warm, and plainly showed they were desirous of trying each other’s valour to the utmost. When at their stations they had fresh lances given then, that were stiff enough; and, after a short delay, they again spurred their horses, and laid in such blows on the helmets that both were unhelmed. This course was greatly praised by all present, and when they had completed their career, they returned to their countrymen; for the English knight tilted no more that day.

When this was finished, a squire from England, called Roger Lamb, whose arms were a cross gules, on a field argent and sable quartered, came forward, handsomely equipped, and gaily sent to touch the war-target of the lord de Saimpi. The knight instantly obeyed the call, and by his alacrity showed he preferred tilting to remaining idle. On the first onset, they checked their horses, by the force of their blows on their shields; but the lances, being strong, did not break, and they continued their course. On the second tilt, they hit the helmets hard enough; but, as the points of their lances grazed off, no harm was done. Roger Lamb was unhelmed at the third course, and returned to his countrymen without doing more that day.

After this a gallant knight from that part of Hainault called Ostrevant, a good man at arms and able tilter, offered himself. He had been educated in England at the court of king Edwards, and his name was sir John d’Ambreticourt, and brother to that excellent knight, sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt. He bore for his arms ermine two bars humetty gules, each charged with three escallop shells argent. The knight was well equipped for the tournament, and sent one of his squires to touch the war-target of sir Reginald de Roye. Having taken their station, they eyed each other well, and spurring their horses, gave such blows on the shields as made sparks of fire fly from them, and the horses to bend under them. The tilt was handsome, for no harm was done, and they continued the career. They were not long before they ran their second course, and again hit on the shields. It was wonderful that this was not attended with mischief, for they were both strong and courageous tilters, fearless of death or danger. The shock of this attack was so great that their horses were forced on their haunches, and the two knights staggered. Nevertheless they continued their career, but with the loss of their lances. Having received their lances, they ran their third course, and sir John d’Ambreticourt unhelmed sir Reginald de Roye so as to injure him very considerably, and to terminate his career. Sir Reginald went to his party, and plainly showed he would not tilt more that day. When sir John d’Ambreticourt perceived this, as he had a 443 great delight in tilting, he sent to touch the war-shield of sir Boucicaut, who instantly advanced to the lists. Having had his target buckled on, and placed his spear in the rest, they spurred against each other, and gave such blows on the shield that it was surprising they were not pierced through; but this might be owing to the swerving of the horses. When returned to their stations, they did not remain long before they commenced their second course with vigour, and hit each other hard on the helmets; but the spears slipped off, and they continued their career. The knights having lost their spears, they were brought to them by their squires, and they renewed the tilt. This time they very both very severely unhelmed, and gallantly finished their course.

The English now collected together, as evening was approaching, and returned to Calais, where they passed the night in talking over the different feats of arms that had been that day performed. The French amused themselves in like manner at Saint Inglevere. On Thursday morning, the fourth day of the tournament, the English found that there were yet many knights and squires who had not entered the lists, and who had purposely come from England; they therefore said, that all who had any intentions to tilt should do so, otherwise they would not be handsomely treated. The lords of England had agreed to return to Saint Inglevere on the Thursday, for those who pleased to perform their justs: in consequence, they left Calais after mass, and, on arriving at the lists, found the three French knights ready in their pavilions to answer all who might call on them, attended by those that were to serve them and such as came to witness the deeds of arms.

An English knight, called sir Godfrey d’Estas††††, was the first who entered the lists: he bore for arms a lion sable on a field or, with three bars gules, and charged with a mullet or, on the dexter paw of a lion, and was completely and gaily armed. He sent a squire to touch the war-shield of sir Boucicaut, who instantly advanced from his pavilion prepared to obey the summons. Having received their spears and bucklers and eyed each other for a short time, they spurred on their horses, and both struck violent blows on the helmets; but, as the points of their lances slipped off, they continued their course to their stations. Keeping the lances in the rests, the recommenced the tilt, and met with such force on their bucklers, that had not their spears broken, much mischief might have ensued. When they had rested a while and had new lances, they ran a third course with great violence, and hit the vizors so fairly and well, that both were unhelmed; they continued their career, and then retired to their own people. The English knight did nothing more this day, for he was told that he had performed well, and must give way to others.

Alain Bourch‡‡‡‡, an able and expert English squire, sent to touch the war-target of the lord de Saimpi, who came from his pavilion in obedience to the call. They gave blows on their helmets, at the first onset, that made the fire sparkle, but no other harm was done. At the second tilt, their lances met on their bucklers with such force as shivered them in pieces, but they continued their career unhurt. They were quickly supplied with new lances; and, spurring on the third time, they placed their thrusts so well and strong that they were both unhelmed, and completed their course: the Englishman retired to his countrymen, to allow others to show their skill and valour.

An English squire, called John Storp§§§§, sent to touch the target of sir Boucicaut, who issued forth out of his pavilion, and his horse being ready, mounted him, and entered the lists. They failed in their first course, from the fault of their horses. When they returned to their stations, they were not long before they ran the second; and, although hey gave each other severe blows on the helmet, no mischief ensued. At the third course, John Storp was forcibly struck to the ground; whence he was raised by his friends, and did no more that day.

A Bohemian knight now advanced, who was of the household of the queen of England, called sir Herchauce. He was esteemed a strong and expert tilter, and bore for his arms three griffins’ feet sable on a shield argent onglé with azure. When he entered the lists, he was asked which of the three knights he wished to tilt with: he replied, “With Boucicaut.” 444 On this, an English squire was sent, according to the regulations, to touch sir Boucicaut’s war-target. The knight, having kept himself prepared for an summons, left his pavilion, and, having fastened his buckler and grasped his lance, entered the lists. His opponent was then ready to meet him; and spurring their horses, they thought to give full strokes; but it was not so, from the ill conduct of the Bohemian knight, for which he was greatly blamed. He had, out of the line of tilting, hit sir Boucicaut on the helmet, and continued his career: for this impropriety, of which the English saw him guilty, he had forfeited his arms and horse, should the French insist upon them. The French and English held a long conversation on this ill-placed stroke; but at last the French knights pardoned it, the better to please the English. Herchauce begged as a favour that he might be permitted to run only one course more. On being asked, “With which of the three knights?” he sent to touch the target of sir Reginald de Roye. That knight was waiting in his pavilion, not having tilted that day, and declared his willingness to accommodate sir Herchauce, since his request had been granted. Sir Reginald mounted his horse, and having had his buckler fastened, and his lance given him, he eyed his opponent, that he might well point his stroke. Both spurred their horses at the same moment, and hit on the shields; but sir Reginald (who was one of the firmest and bets tilters in France) thrust with such force as made the Bohemian fly out of his saddle, and fall so severely on the ground that the spectators imagined he was killed. Sir Reginald continued his course to his own station. Sir Herchauce was raised with much difficulty by his attendants, and carried to the English, who were well pleased at what had happened to him, for the uncourteous manner in which he had run his first course. He had not any desire to tilt more that day.

The next who came forward was Robin Seorneborne¶¶¶¶, an able and gay squire from England. He sent to touch the war-target of the lord de Saimpi, who was ready mounted and prepared to answer him. At their first course they hit their helmets, and continued their career. At the next, they struck their bucklers, but unsuccessfully, as before, excepting the loss of their lances. Having received them again, they, on the third onset, placed their thrusts so ably and forcibly on the vizors, that both were unhelmed, and finished their course. The English squire returned to his companions, and was idle during the rest of the day.

Another English squire, called John Merlan, now advanced. He bore for arms a bend sable on a field argent, charged with three lion-heads sable, and sent to tough the war-target of sir Reginald de Roye. The knight answered, he was at his service. Having entered the lists, they at the first onset gave violent blows on the helmets, but without any effect, and, by firmly holding their lances, returned to their stations without loss of any kind. The second course, their spears met on their bucklers, and the horses were checked; having thrown down their lances, they continued their career, each to his station, and made ready to tilt well the third lance. When their spears had been given them, they set off full gallop, and sir Reginald hit John Merlan a blow on his buckler, which forced him out of the saddle to the ground. He continued his course to his station, and the Englishmen was raised and carried to his countrymen.

John Mouton, another squire from England, next offered himself. He bore for arms a chevron sable on a field gules, three pierced mullets or, with an indented bordure sable, and sent to strike the war-shield of sir Boucicaut, who replied, he was always ready to tilt. Their first strokes met on their bucklers, but without damage. It was not their fault, for the blows were well placed, and they gallantly passed, bearing their lances before them, to their stations. They were not long before they commenced their second tilt, and hit very severely on the helmets, but without loss, excepting their lances, and returned to their posts. Those who were appointed to gather the lances that fell, instantly presented them to the knights, who renewed the tilt; but at this third course sir Boucicaut unhelmed John Mouton, who retired to his companions.

A very handsome knight from England now came forth; he was well armed at all points, and kept an excellent position on his horse, and was called sir Jaquemin Strop¥¥¥¥. He sent to touch the war-target of the lord de Saimpi, who, being mounted and armed before his pavilion, advanced to the lists. At their first course, they missed their stroke, from their 445 horses running out of the line, which vexed them much. They were not long before they again set off, full gallop, and, when they met, gave such blows on the helmets as made them strike fire: they passed on without loss but of their spears. As soon as they were returned to their stations, their lances were brought them, and after a short delay, they began their third course. The both hit with great force on the bucklers: but sire James Strop’s lance broke, while sir Reginald unhorsed his opponent and continued his career. Sir James was raised from the ground by his attendants, and did no more that day.

Another English knight, called sir William Masquelee, was ready to enter the lists, and to engage with whoever pleased; for he had crossed the sea with the earl of Huntingdon in this view. He sent to touch the war-target of sir Boucicaut, who had his buckler fastened, and instantly advanced to meet his adversary. They both at the same moment spurred their horses, which were fresh and eager to begin the course; for the very instant they felt the points, they bounded forward. The two knights took good aim, and mutually gave such strokes on their helmets that fire sparkled from them; and, though the points of the lances slipped off, the tilt was much praised by all present. They continued their career to their different stations, but did not make any long stay before they again spurred their horses and couched their spears, for they did not drop them, and met with such violence, that their lances much have pierced the bucklers, if the horses had not swerved. The finished their course, throwing down their lances, and completed their career like good tilters, in excellent array to their posts. Having received their spears, they set off as fast as their horses could carry them, and, on their meeting, hit the vizors of the helmets severely. The tilt was loudly applauded, for they were both unhelmed, and bare-headed all but the scull-caps: they finished their career, and then returned to their friends, for they had excellently performed.

An English squire called Nicholas Lamb, well and elegantly armed, advanced, having a great desire to try his skill in arms. He sent to strike the war-target of the lord de Saimpi, who was already mounted and armed, in front of his pavilion, with his buckler on his breast, blazoned with his arms. He grasped his spear, and flew to the lists with the eagerness of a hawk to seize his prey. The English squire did the same, and, setting off at full speed, they gave such blows on their bucklers, that their lances were shivered: it was fortunate they broke, or the knights must have been greatly hurt, or unhorsed, but they kept their seats firmly. When returned to their stations, they were supplied with new lances, and with them, at the second course, made the fire fly from their helmets: no other damage was done, for the spears had crossed, and they continued their career to their posts. After a short rest, they commenced their third tilt, and had well examined where they could best place their thrusts. This was gallantly performed; for they hit, justly, the upper parts of the helmets, and the points of the lances entered: both were so neatly unhelmed, that the lacings burst, and the helmets flew over the cruppers of their horses on the field. The knights kept their seats and completed their course in handsome array, and then returned to their countrymen.

The tournament was now at an end, for no more tilters appeared on the part of the English. The earl of Huntingdon, the earl-marshal, the lord Clifford, the lord Beaumont****, sir John Clifton, sir John d’Ambreticourt, sir Peter Sherburne, and all those knights who had tilted the preceding days, then waited in a body on the French knights, and thanked them warmly for the amusements they had given them. They said, — “All the knights who have accompanied us having now tilted, we take our leave of you, and return to Calais on our way to England. We know well that whoever may wish to try their skill in arms will find you here for thirty days, according to your proclamation. On our return to England, we shall loudly speak of your gallantry, and tell all those who may inquire of these deeds of arms to come and witness them in person.” “Many thanks,” replied the three knights: “they shall be made welcome, and delivered by deeds of arms as you have been; and we desire you will accept our best acknowledgments for the courtesy you have shown us.”

In such friendly manner did the English and French knights separate, in the plain of St. Inglevere: the first took the road to Calais, but made no long stay; for on the Saturday morning they embarked on board passage-boats, and landed at Dover about mid-day, when each retired to his inn. They staid the whole of Saturday, and Sunday until after mass, at 446 Dover; where having refreshed themselves and their horses, they continued their journey to Rochester, and there lay that night; on the morrow they arrived at London, when they separated, and each returned to his home. The three French knights before named kept their engagements valiantly at St. Inglevere. When the English knights were gone, the king of France and the lord de Garencieres, who had witnessed the tournament in disguise, returned to their inn at Marquise; and on the morrow, at break of day, they set out for Paris, and never cawed riding until they came to Creil†††† on the river Oise, where at that time the queen of France resided. Scarcely any one knew that the king was present at these tilts, but his confidential valets-de-chambre.

From the time the English left Calais, I never heard that any others came from England to St. Inglevere to try their skill in arms. The three knights, however, remained thee until the thirty days were fully accomplished, and then leisurely returned each to his home. When they waited on the king of France, the duke of Touraine and other lords at Paris, they were most handsomely received. Indeed, they were entitled to such reception, for they had gallantly behaved themselves, and well supported the honour of the king and of the realm of France.

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*  My MSS. have sir Peter Courtenay.

†  “Sir John Traicton.” Q. Drayton. The MSS. Peter.

‡  “Sir John Goulouffre.” Q. Sir John Walworth.

§  “Sir John Roussel.” Q. Russel.

¶  “Sir Thomas Scorabonne.” Q. Sherburne.

¥  “Sir William Cliseton.” Q. Clifton.

**  “Sir William Taillebourg.” Q. Tallboys or Talbot.

††  “Sir William de Haquenay.” Q. Hackney.

‡‡  I suppose this must be Thomas Mowbray, earl of Nottingham and earl-marshal: he was afterwards created duke of Norfolk. See Dugdale.

§§  Froissart calls him sir Louis de Clifford, but he was Thomas lord Clifford of Cumberland. See Dugdale.

¶¶  Lord Beaumont. See Dugdale.

¥¥  He is called before Roussel. In the MS. in the British Museum, Roussel.

***  Q. Seymour. — ED.

†††  “Blaquet.” Q. Blake.

‡‡‡  “Thomelin Messidon.” It is Messiden in the MSS.

§§§  Warneston. Buchon.

¶¶¶  “Sequaqueton.” Q. Swinnerton.

¥¥¥  “Marquise,” — a town in Picardy, five leagues from Calais, three and a half from Boulogne.

****  “Sir John Cliseton.” Q. Clifton.

††††  “Sir Godfrey d’Estas.” Q. Eustace.

‡‡‡‡  “Alain Bourch.” Q. Birch. Lord Berners calls him Aleyne Borrowe.

§§§§  “John Storp.” Lord Berners — Scrope.

¶¶¶¶  “Robin Seorneborne.” Q. Sherburn, or Shirburn.

¥¥¥¥  “Sir Jaquemin Strop.” Q. Sir James Scrope.

*****  “Lord Beaumont.” Dugdale says his name was John, instead of Henry, as Froissart calls him.

†††††  “Creil,” — diocese of Senlis, ten leagues and a half from Paris.

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CHAPTER XIV. — THE DUKE OF BOURBON IS APPOINTED CHIEF OF AN EXPEDITION TO AFRICA, THAT IS UNDERTAKEN BY SEVERAL KNIGHTS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, AT THE SOLICITATION OF THE GENOESE.

I HAVE delayed for a long time speaking of a grand and noble enterprise that was undertaken by some knights of France, England and other countries, against the kingdom of Barbary. I wish not to forget nor to defer it; but, as I had begun on the tilts at St. Inglevere, I was desirous to complete that account. Since that is done, I will return to other subjects, and refresh my memory accordingly; for such events as I have to relate are greatly amusing, and, if I had not taken pleasure in inditing them, I should never have succeeded. The text of the subject I mean to proceed on says, that about this time the Genoese were reported throughout France and other countries to be desirous of raising a large army to invade Barbary; and that all knights, squires or men at arms, who would engage in this expedition, should be supplied from Genoa with such purveyances as biscuit, fresh water, vinegar, and vessels and galleys to transport them thither.

The cause of their forming this armament was, that the Africans had attacked the country of Genoa, plundering the islands belonging to them, and carrying off such from the coasts of Genoa as were not on their guard, by which they were kept under continual alarms. They possessed also a town, situated on the sea-shore of Barbary, which is beyond measure strong, and called Africa*, surrounded with high walls, gates and deep ditches. Like as the strong town of Calais is the key of France and Flanders, and whoever is master of it may at all times enter those countries, and from thence may be sent a powerful force by sea, to do mischief to their neighbours; just so is the town of Africa the stronghold of the inhabitants of Barbary, Bugia and Tunis, and other infidel countries. The Genoese, who are rich merchants, bore great hatred to this town; for its corsairs frequently watched them at sea, and when strongest, fell on and plundered their ships, carrying their spoils to this town of Africa, which was, and is now, their place of deposit, and may be called their warren.

The Genoese to put an end to such conduct, and to satisfy the complaints of their subjects, that were daily made to them from the island of Albe†, Isja‡, Guerse§, Buscan¶, Gorgennen¥, and from the coast as far as the gulf of Lyons to the islands of Sardonne**, Finessee††, and even from the coast of Majorca‡‡, determined to make their situation known to the court of 447 France, and to offer to such knights as would undertake an expedition against these infidels, vessels and provision, with a passage thither and back free of all costs, provided that one of the king’s uncles, or his brother the duke of Touraine (who, being young, ought to labour to gain renown) would take the chief command. They likewise offered the aid of pilgrims, from foreign parts to assist them, twelve thousand select Genoese cross-bows, and eight thousand infantry armed with spears and shields, all at their expense. They imagined, that as now there was a truce between France, England and their allies, their knights would, from having nothing to do, be glad to join in this warfare, and that they should have numbers of them from those kingdoms.

When this intelligence was first brought to the French knights and squires, they were much rejoiced, in hope of gaining honour; and the ambassadors from Genoa were told they should not return without their business being attended to, and succour afforded them, for their anxiety to extend the Christian faith was very praiseworthy. They waited at Paris, while it was under deliberation of the council who should be appointed commander-in-chief. The duke of Touraine offered his services to the king and council; but they, as well as the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, remonstrated, that this command was not fit for him. They considered, that as the Genoese insisted on the king’s brother, or one of his uncles, taking the command, the duke of Bourbon would be the most proper person, and that he should have for his second the lord de Coucy. The Genoese ambassadors, having received a favourable answer from the king, and certain assurances of being assisted with knights and men at arms from France, under the command of the duke of Bourbon, in the course of the year, were greatly contented. They took leave of the king, and returned to their own country, to relate the good news, and make preparations accordingly.

Reports of an invasion of Barbary were soon spread throughout France: to some knights and squires it was agreeable, to others the contrary; all who were desirous of going thither could not, as it would have been at their own charges, for no lord paid for any but those of his own household. It was also ordered, that no one from France should make part of this expedition but such as had the king’s leave: for the council wished not the realm to be void of defence, and the Genoese were expressly bound not to suffer any servants to embark, but solely such as were gentlemen, and men who could be depended upon. It was, besides, meant as a compliment to the knights and squires of other nations who might wish to join in the enterprise. This regulation gave pleasure to all foreign knights who heard of it. The duke of Bourbon, having accepted the command, sent his servants to Genoa, where they were to embark, to make the necessary preparations for him and his household. The gallant count d’Auvergne, who was likewise of the expedition, did the same. The lord de Coucy, sir Guy de la Tremouille, sir John de Vienne, and all the great barons and knights of France who had obtained leave to make part of this army, were not behindhand in sending thither purveyances suitable to their state. The lord Philip d’Artois, count d’Eu, sir Philip de Bar, the lord de Harcourt, sir Henry d’Antoing, did so likewise. From Brittany and Normandy many great lords made preparations for this expedition to Barbary, as well as from Hainault; among the last were the lord de Ligne and the lord de Havreth. Several knights came from Flanders; and the duke of Lancaster had a bastard son, called Henry de Beaufort, whom, through devotion, he sent thither. He had him well accompanied by many knights and squires of rank in England.

The count de Foix was unwilling his bastard son, Evan of Foix, should remain behind, and had him properly attended by knights and squires, as he wished him to keep his state grandly. Every one had taken care to send beforehand all he should want; and those at the greatest distance from Genoa, left their countries the middle of May, but it was about a month before all were assembled. The Genoese were well pleased on their arrival, and made handsome and rich presents to the chiefs, the better to secure their affections. As the knights arrived, they were posted adjoining each other, and, on being mustered by the marshals, amounted to fourteen hundred knights and squires. They were embarked on board of ships and galleys, that had been properly equipped for the voyage, on Saint John Baptist’s day, in the year of grace 1390.

It was a beautiful sight to view this fleet, with the emblazoned banners of the different lords glittering in the sun and fluttering in the wind; and to hear the minstrels and other musicians sounding their pipes, clarions and trumpets, whose sounds were re-echoed back by the sea. When all were embarked, they cast anchor, and remained that night at the mouth of the harbour; but the servants and horses were left behind on shore. A horse worth fifty francs was on their embarkation sold for ten, as many of the knights and squires were uncertain when, or if ever, they should return, and the keep of five horses at Genoa was upwards of a franc a day: they therefore, on departing, made of them what money they could, but it was little enough.

There were about three hundred galleys to transport the men at arms and archers, and upwards of one hundred vessels for the purveyances and other necessaries. On the morrow, at day-break, they weighed anchor, and rowed coastwise that and the succeeding night. The third day, they made Porto-fino, where they lay that night: at sun-rise, they rowed to Porto-Venere, and again cast anchor. The ensuing morning they weighted and took to the deep, putting themselves under the protection of God and St. George. When they had passed the island of Elba, they encountered a violent tempest, which drove them back by Gorgona, Sardinia and Corsica, into the gulf of Lyons, a position always dangerous; but they could not avoid it, for the tempest was so violent, that the ablest mariner could not do anything to prevent their running the utmost risk of destruction: they waited therefore the will of God. This storm lasted a day and night, and dispersed the fleet. When the weather became calm and the sea tranquil, the pilots who were acquainted with those seas steered as directly as they could for the island of Commeres§§, which is but thirty miles from the town of Africa, whither they bent their course. The masters of the vessels had held a council before they entered the gulf of Lyons, and determined, that should they part company, they would rendezvous at the island of Commeres, and wait there until they were all 449 assembled. This plan was adopted; and it was upwards of nine days before all were collected, so much had they been scattered.

The island of Commeres, though not large, is very pleasant. The lords there refreshed themselves, and praised God for having all met again without essential loss or damage. When on the eve of departure, the French lords, who took the lead, held a council on their future proceedings, as they were now so near the port of Africa. We will for a while leave this expedition, and speak of events that happened in France, more particularly in Auvergne.

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*  “Africa,” a sea-port town of Barbary, seventy miles distant from Tunis. It was razed to the ground by Andrew Doria, by the command of the emperor Charles V. and has never been rebuilt.

†  “Albe.” Q. Elba.

‡  “Isja.” Q. Ischia.

§  “Guerse.” q. Corsica.

¶  “Buscan.” Q.

¥  “Gorgannen.” q. Gorgona.

**  “Sardonne.” Q. Sardinia.

††  “Finessee.” Q.

‡‡  “Majorca,” &c. belonged to the king of Arragon.

§§  “Commeres.” This island is called Conimbres and Cominieres, in the printed and MS. editions. I suppose it must mean Comino or Cumin, Cuminum, and formerly Hephestia, a small island in the Mediterranean, between Gozo and Malta, belonging to the knights of Malta. — BAUDRAN.

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CHAPTER XV. — AYMERIGOT MARCEL, CAPTAIN OF THE PILLAGING COMPANIES, HAVING FORTIFIED LA ROCHE DE VENDAIS ON THE BORDERS OF LIMOUSIN AND AUVERGNE, IS BESIEGED BY THE VISCOUNT DE MEAUX, BY COMMAND OF THE KING OF FRANCE.

DURING the time of the assembly of this body of men-at-arms in France, for the expedition to extend the Christian faith, and gain renown, there were another sort of men-at-arms wholly given up to plunder, in Limousin, Auvergne, and Rouergue, who, in spite of the truce, were continually doing mischief to these countries, which thought themselves in security. The king of France had caused the truce to be publicly notified to the captains of the freebooters, particularly to Perrot le Béarnois, governor of Chaluçet, Aymerigot Marcel, Olim Barbe, captain of Donzac in Auvergne, who were personally named in the act, and were assured, that if the truce were in the smallest degree infringed, those guilty of it should be corporally punished, without hope of mercy. This was done, that there might not be any excuses made from ignorance of the treaty. Some of the captains, fearful of a disgraceful death, or of incurring the king’s indignation, kept the peace very well. Others did not, for which they paid severely, as you will hear in the continuation of this history.

You have before found it related in the course of these chronicles, indited and arranged by me, sir John Froissart, treasurer and canon of Chimay, how peace had been agreed on with many of the captains of castles in Auvergne, Limousin, Rouergue, and Cahorsin, by the mediation of John count d’Armagnac, and Berald dauphin of Auvergne, to whom they had surrendered their castles for different sums of money. The captains were also, by these treaties, bound to renounce, during the truce, the continuance of the warfare in France, and to accompany the count d’Armagnac to Lombardy, or whither else he might lead them. He was desirous to employ them in a war he was meditating against the lord Galeas de Visconti, count de Vertus, for having disinherited his cousins german, the sons of his late uncle the lord Barnabo, as has been before mentioned.

The count d’Armagnac and he dauphin of Auvergne had laboured hard to gain over these captains, that the country might be at peace; and for this end a large sum had been raised in Auvergne, Gevaudan, Rouergue, Cahorsin and Limousin, to the amount of two hundred thousand francs. This tax pressed so hard on rich and poor, that many were forced to sell their inheritances to obtain peace. They imagined, that having paid such sums, they should remain unmolested by these robbers; but it was not so in many places, more especially in those parts where Aymerigot Marcel had his garrison. Notwithstanding the fact that he had surrendered, by capitulation, his castle of Aloise, which is situated in the heart of Auvergne, to the count d’Armagnac, he continued to do much mischief to the inhabitants. Aymerigot was so rich as to be able to pay down, if necessary, for his ransom, one hundred thousand francs, which he had gained by plunder during ten years that he had carried on this trade. The count d’Armagnac was anxious to have Aymerigot among his followers to Lombardy, for two reasons: one was, to have his advice, as in everything relative to war he was subtle and enterprising, and very able respecting the escalade of forts, and the mode of war to be carried on: he therefore caused him to be told how desirous he was of his company, and that he would be a great gainer if he would join him. The other reason of his wish was, that if Aymerigot should remain behind, although he had sold Aloise, he might still do great harm to that country.

Aymerigot dissembled in his negotiations with the count, and said to those sent to him, —  450 “When I shall witness the departure of the count d’Armagnac to Lombardy, and see for certain that he is in earnest, I do not think, from the inclination I feel towards him, that I shall remain behind.” This was the only answer that could be obtained from him. The count d’Armagnac resided in Comminges and in the Toulousain, making his preparations and collecting men at arms. He would have hastened his expedition, if that to Africa has not interfered; but that delayed it for some little time, for many knights and squires who were gone thither had promised him their assistance, as soon as he should begin his march. The suddenness of the invasion of Barbary deranged his plans, and likewise induced the more speedy capitulations with the captains of the free companies.

Aymerigot Marcel was much vexed that he had sold his castle of Aloise, near St. Flour*, for his importance was lost, and he was less feared. During the time he held it against the whole force of the country, he was dreaded and respected by his companions in arms. He kept it always in good repair and well provisioned; for his compositions with the country round amounted to twenty thousand florins yearly. He was quite melancholy, when he thought of his reduced state, and would not diminish his treasure, which he had gained by his robberies, now the means of increasing it were closed. He said to himself, that he heartily repented what he had done, because in his opinion the pillaging life he had led, taking all things in consideration, was not to be despised. At times, he conversed on this subject with his former companions, and said, — “There is no pleasure nor glory in this word like what men at arms, such as ourselves, enjoyed. How happy were we, when riding out in search of adventures we met a rich abbot, a merchant, or a string of mules, well laden with draperies, furs, or spices, from Montpellier, Beziers, or other places. All was our own, or at least ransomed according to our will. Every day we gained money. The peasants of Auvergne and Limousin loved us, and provided our castle with corn, meal, baked bread, litter for our horses, oats, hay, good wine, fat beeves, sheep, and all sorts of poultry: we lived like kings; and when we went abroad, the country trembled: every thing was ours, both in going and returning. How did I and the bourg Copane take Carbat? and how did I and Perrot le Béarnois win Chaluçet? How did we, you and I, without other assistance, scale the strong castle of Marquel, that belongs to the count-dauphin? I only kept it five days, and paid down on a table five thousand francs for it, of which I gave back one thousand, from love to the count’s children. By my troth, this was a profitable and pleasant life, and I feel myself much reduced by selling Aloise, which was strong enough to resist any force that could be brought against it; and was beside, at the time of my surrendering, so plentifully stored with provision and other necessaries, that it would not have needed anything for seven years to come. I consider myself, therefore, as deceived by this count d’Armagnac: indeed, Olim Barbe and Perrot le Béarnois forewarned me that I should repent when too late, and I now find their words very true, for I most certainly do repent having parted with this castle.”

When his companions, who were now poor, thus heard Aymerigot complain, and perceived he was in earnest, they replied, — “Aymerigot, we are ready to obey your commands. Let us renew the war, and consider what strong place we may seize on in Auvergne or Limousin, and fortify it. We shall soon recover our losses, and have full scope for pillaging, as the count-dauphin and his brother Hugh are now out of the country, with many other knights and squires, on the expedition to Barbary; and in particular the lord de Coucy, who is lieutenant for the king over all these parts, is now likewise absent on this same expedition. We need not therefore fear him, nor the duke of Berry, who is at Paris, and has been so some time amusing himself.” “I know not well how to act,” said Aymerigot; “for though I am well inclined to follow what you advise, yet as I am personally named in the treaties, I am particularly pointed at.” “Ah,” answered his companions, “that need not make any difference, if you be will. You are no vassal to the king of France, and therefore owe him neither homage nor obedience. You are the king of England’s man; and your inheritance, which is now destroyed, was in Limousin. We make war to obtain a livelihood, for we must live, and the English will never be displeased with us for so doing. All who wish for gain will join us; and I think we may show a sufficient cause for making war, by 451 declaring we have not been paid the compositions that are due to us from Auvergne. Let us send, therefore, the peasants of different villages (taking care, however, to be strong enough to enforce our orders,) and tell them, that unless they compound with us, we will make war on them.” “Well, be it so,” replied Aymerigot; “but where can we at this moment fix our place of residence?” some of them said, — “We know of a fort that is dismantled, belonging to the lord de la Tour, which no one guards. Let us go thither, and repair and strengthen it; and, when this id done, we will garrison it, and overrun at our pleasure Limousin and Auvergne.” “And where is this fort situated?” asked Aymerigot. “One league from la Tour,” answered those who were acquainted with it, and had well examined its situation: “it is called la Roche de Vendais.” “On my faith, you say well: it is the very place for us,” replied Aymerigot; “and, although the lands are now separated from its dependance, it is a mesne fief on Limoges. We will go and look at it, and, if worth wile, take possession and fortify it.”

Havig determined on this, they all went to la Roche de Vendais, examined its strength minutely, and were more pleased with it than before: they instantly took possession, and by degrees fortified the placed before they made any excursions or did harm to the country. When they had made it sufficiently strong to withstand an attack or siege, and the companions were all mounted, they began to overrun the more immediate neighbourhood, to make prisoners and ransom them. They laid in stores of flesh, meal, wax, wine, salt, iron, steel, and other necessaries; for nothing came amiss to them that was not too hot or too heavy.

The inhabitants of the country were much astonished at this, for they thought themselves in perfect security on account of the truce between the two kings; but these robbers seized whatever they pleased in their houses, or in the fields, calling themselves the Adventurers. The lord de la Tour had his town and castle well guarded, for he was not well pleased to have such neighbours a league from his residence. The dauphiness of Auvergne, a valiant a lady and of great prudence, who lived with her children in the strong castle of the good town of Sardes, situated on the river Evoque, did not think herself in safety when heard that Aymerigot and his band had fortified themselves within la Roche de Vendais. She instantly ordered the garrisons of her castles of Marquel, Ondable, Chillac, and Blere, to be reinforced with men at arms, to avoid their being surprised; for she much dreaded Aymerigot, ever since he had received from her, in one payment, five thousand florins.

The countries of Auvergne and Limousin now took alarm; and the knights and squires, with the townsmen of Clermont, Montferrant, and Riom, and the towns on the Allier, resolved to send notice of their situation to the king of France. In this they were joined by the dauphiness; but, during this time, those in la Roche de Vendais fortified themselves very strongly, and while about it the erected huts covered with boughs for their horses. When it was known to those who had been disbanded, and were now out of pay, that Aymerigot Marcel was continuing the war, they were much rejoiced: many came to offer him their services, and he had very soon more than he wished. None of them asked for pay, but solely to be retained by him, for they knew well that those under him would gain a sufficiency from the overplus of the plunder which he gave up to his men. Sometimes he made excursions in the upper parts of the district, and sometimes on the contrary side, for no one ventures as yet to oppose him, so that his fame was spread far and near. Nothing was talked of in Auvergne and Limousin but the robbers of la Roche de Vendais, and greatly was the country frightened by them.

The garrison of Chaluçet, under the command of Perrot la Béarnois, adhered steadily to the truce; and when he learnt that Aymerigot was thus harassing the countries where the inhabitants imagined themselves to be at peace with every one, he was much angered, and said he behaved very ill. He also sent to tell him not to expect any assistance, nor to be admitted into Chaluçet nor into any other place under his command. Aymerigot was indifferent as to this, for he had plenty of places to retire to, in case of need, beside Chaluçet, and men enough. There were besides numbers that had nothing to do, and wished for mischief, who daily offered to increase his forces. Perrot le Béarnois forbade his men, under pain of death, to make any sallies injurious to the country people, for he declared he 452 would most strictly and honourably abide by the letter of the truce. Olim Barbe, however, captain of Donzac, dissembled in this business, saying publicly he would adhere to the terms of the truce; but I was told that his men sometimes made excursions privately, and, when they had collected any considerable booty, he insisted on having the advantage of it.

The deputies from Clermont, Montferrant, and Riom, arrived at Paris, where they found the king, the duke of Berry, the duke of Touraine, and sir Oliver de Clisson constable of France. They immediately waited on the duke of Berry and his council, to state the cause of their coming, and to inform them that Aymerigot Marcel was pillaging Auvergne, and that evil-minded persons were daily increasing. They entreated them for God’s sake to provide a remedy, for, if it were suffered to continue much longer, the whole of Auvergne and Limousin would be completely destroyed. The king and the duke of Berry were much astonished on hearing this intelligence, for they thought the whole country was at peace, in conformity to the truce. The deputies were asked if the garrisons of Chaluçet and Donzac remained quiet; they replied, — “they had no complaints to make against any one but Aymerigot Marcel and his companions, who had fortified la Roche de Vendais.” “Well,” replied the king and the duke of Berry, “now, good people, return home, and look to us; for we will speedily provide a remedy that shall be sufficient: make what haste you can back, and tell this as our answer, to those who have sent you.” The deputies were well pleased with this speech, and, having reposed themselves for two days at Paris, they set out on their return, having taken leave of the king and the duke of Berry.

The king and his council did not delay attending to this business, for the duke of Berry had large possessions in Auvergne, and urged them on. They considered whom they should send thither, for the lord de Coucy, the lieutenant of all the country, from la Rochelle to Bourdeaux, was now abroad in Barbary. He had, indeed, at this departure, appointed his cousin, sir Robert de Buthune viscount de Meaux, his deputy during his absence. The council did not forget this, and thought he was best entitled to the command. Inquiries were made where he was to be found, and they learnt that he was at his residence at Condé sur Marne. Letters were written to him, in the king’s name, for him to come to Paris, and the messenger hastening with them, found him and his lady at Condé. Having delivered his letters, the viscount read their contents, and said he would instantly obey the king’s orders, as was but right. Having made his preparation as speedily as he could, he left Condé and rode on to Paris, where he waited on the king and council. On entering the council-chamber he was told, — “viscount, make hast and assemble all your retainers of men-at-arms, for you must immediately set off for Auvergne. There are bands of pillagers, of whom Aymerigot Marcel as we are informed, is the chief, who rob and imprison the country people. Let them be driven thence; and if you can any way entrap Aymerigot, and deliver him up to us, we shall have great joy. Orders have been given for you to receive the pay of your men-at-arms at Clermont in Auvergne; and, with regard to your expenses thither, speak to our treasurer of the army. He has been charged to pay your smaller expenses, and to hurry you away, for the business requires it.

The viscount replied he was quite ready, and, leaving the council, returned to his inn, where he employed persons to write to such knights and squires of the isle of France and in Picardy, who were his acquaintance and dependants, desiring them instantly to set out for Chartres, where they would find him prepared to muster them. All to whom he had sent complied with his request; for they loved him, and looked to him as to an able captain. They were all at Chartres on the appointed day, and amounted to two hundred lances, good men and to be depended on. After they had been mustered, they left Chartres, and took the road towards Auvergne, through the Bourbonnois. The news of this assistance coming thither was soon spread abroad, to the great joy of the inhabitants of Auvergne. It was fortunate so much haste had been made in forwarding this force; for, had it been delayed six days later, Aymerigot and his troops had planned to ravage the country, between Clermont and Montferrant and down the river Allier, and also the surrounding country of Riom, as far as Gannat†. Had they done so, they would have plundered it of one hundred thousand francs at least; for the parts I have mentioned are the very richest in Auvergne. None 453 could have opposed them, for the whole country was void of men at arms; and the reports were, that Aymerigot troops were more numerous than ever.

Aymerigot and his men were prepared for this excursion; but they learnt, I know not how, whether from pilgrims or spies, that a large body of men at arms was marching against them, under the command of the viscount de Meaux, to besiege and to drive them out of their fortress of la Roche de Vendais. This intelligence made them defer their intended excursion, and shut themselves within their fort, for they foresaw they would be besieged. Aymerigot now began to repent what he had done, for should he be taken, no ransom would be accepted for his life. He thus opened himself to some of his companions: “I am completely disgraced, by having followed bad advice, and avarice will be my ruin; for I shall be destroyed without hope of ransom.” They replied — “Why are you now so doubtful of yourself? We know you are the most powerful man at arms in these countries, and you have a good garrison, well provided with all things. We are men of determined resolution, as eager to defend our lives, as you can be to defend your own. You cannot be ruined without our suffering with you: if, unfortunately, you be made prisoner, you are so wealthy, you can easily tempt them with your ransom; but our poverty must prevent us from so doing, and our heads pay the forfeit. We will therefore sell them as dearly as we can, and guard them to the utmost of our abilities. Be not, therefore, alarmed at anything you may see or hear: we need not care for the siege, if we manage our defence with prudence.” Thus did the companions of Aymerigot Marcel comfort him.

The viscount de Meaux, with his men at arms, continued their march through Moulins, in the Bourbonnois; but the duchess of Bourbon, daughter to the count dauphin, received there the viscount and the knights very grandly, and entertained them at dinner. That evening they lay at Saint Pourçain. Thence they marched to Gannat, Aigue-perses‡, and Riom, where they halted. They then marched to Clermont, and were gladly received by the bishop and the inhabitants. The men at arms received pay at Clermont, for a tax had been levied to this effect, and it was there delivered to them. They continued their march to Notre-Dame d’Orcinal§, four leagues from la Roche de Vendais. The viscount de Meaux there fixed his quarters, as the knights and squires from Auvergne and Limousin had named this place for the point of assembly. When they were all collected, they amounted to more than four hundred lances, and one hundred Genoese cross-bows. There were with the viscount, the lord de Montagu from the Vermandois, and his brother, the lord de Dommart, sir Bernard de la Riviere, sir William le Bouteiller, the lord de Domme, the lord de la Roches, the lord de la Tour, sir Lewis d’Abiere¶, the lord de Saint-Ampisse, sir Robert Dauphin, with many more. The captains of the Genoese were two valiant squires, called Albert d’Espinolle and Callinace. Sir Lewis l’Esgivesle, a gallant squire, was at this time the viscount’s master of the household. The Genoese, as well as the whole army, were completely equipped with arms and other necessaries, or they would not have passed the muster made by the viscount de Meaux.

The garrison under the command of Aymerigot Marcel and his uncle Guyot du Sel, in la Roche de Vendais, hearing that so large a force was now advanced to Notre Dame de Roquemadour, with the intention of besieging them, called a general council, to consider how they could the most effectually resist it. They first resolved, they had not any occasion for horses, since they would be prevented from using them by the siege. Tolerably near to la Roche de Vendais was another fort, called Saint Soupery, under the government of Aymerigot, where his wife resided, and whither he had sent the greater part of his wealth. He gave orders for the servants and horses to be received in this fort, until better times. La Roche de Vendais was naturally strong, and the present garrison had fortified it by every means in their power. The lord de la Tour was greatly blamed by this country for his neglect of it, and they said it was from this circumstance that they were now so harassed; and, if he had thought the expence of keeping a guard too great, why had he not given it up to the inhabitants of the country, who would have dismantled it, so that no one would have ever thought 454 of repairing it? whereas now the walls had been left entire, and the mansion tolerably good: such was the state in which Aymerigot had found it.

La Roche de Vendais is separated from the high mountains that surround it, and is seated on an insulated rock; one side of which they had so strongly fortified that it could only be approached in front, and attacked by skirmishes. The force, under the command of the viscount de Meaux, left Notre-Dame de Roquemadour, and advanced to la Roche de Vendais, which they laid siege to, and by degrees improved their quarters. The countess-dauphine, on hearing that la Roche de Vendais was besieged, with a sufficient force under the viscount de Meaux, was greatly rejoiced; and as she imagined, from the haste in which he had left Paris, he might not have brought tents or pavilions with him, she instantly ordered two handsome tents belonging to her lord to be made ready and sent to him as a loan, for his better accommodation during the siege. The viscount received very thankfully these tents, which came so opportunely, and returned his best compliments to the countess for her attentions. The lord de la Tour was at home, being but one league from his castle, so that he had every thing he could wish for. The other knights and squires accommodated themselves as well as they could. They had provision in abundance and cheap, for it was sent thither from all quarters. As it was the middle of August, the weather was warm and pleasant, and the knights were comfortably lodged under huts made of green boughs.

Intelligence was brought to the army that made them suspicious lest the neighbouring garrisons of Chaluçet and Donzac would unite together, and one morning or evening, when they were off their guard come an attack them, to force them to raise their siege. The viscount de Meaux and his knights held a council on this intelligence, and resolved to send a herald to Perrot le Béarnois, governor of Chaluçet, and to Olim Barbe at Donzac, to know whether they were at war or peace with these garrisons, and according to their answer to prepare themselves. The herald, being instructed as to what he was to say and how he was to act, departed, and, on his arrival at Chaluçet, accidentally found Perrot la Béarnois at the barriers amusing himself with his companions in throwing the bar. He dismounted, and asked for the governor. On his being pointed out, he advanced towards him, and punctually delivered the message he had been charged with. Perrot replied, — “Herald, you will tell your masters who have sent you hither, that we mean as loyally and truly to keep the truce which has been concluded between France and England, as we expect it will be kept with us. Should any of our people infringe the smallest article of it, and we be made acquainted therewith, we will lay hands on them, if it should be in our power, and inflict such punishment as they deserve and as we have promised to execute on them. I wish you would also tell your masters, that what Aymerigot Marcel has done was without any advice from us, to whom he never spoke on the subject. We have forbidden him or his people to seek refuge within our domain, and should they think of so doing it will ill befal them.

The herald was conducted within the fort, and entertained at dinner; after which he took his leave, and Perrot, out of love to the lords of France, presented him with ten francs. The herald received them thankfully, and departed for Donzac, where he saw the governor Olim Barbe a Gascon. He addressed him as he had done Perrot, and received for answer, that he would not on any account infringe the truce, for by so doing he should be disgraced. The herald dined at the castle of Donzac, and, on taking leave, had ten francs given to him. He returned to la Roche de Vendais, where he was surrounded by knights and squires anxious to hear the answers he had brought. The herald minutely related every thing that had passed; and the viscount de Meaux and his companions were more easy respecting Perrot le Béarnois and Olim Barbe than before: without fear from that quarter, they continued their siege with greater vigour.

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*  “Saint Flour,” — a town in Auvergne, 22 leagues from Clermont-ferrand, 25 from Riom.

†  “Gannat,” a town in the Bourbonnois, five leagues from Riom.

‡  “Aigues-perses,” — a village in Limousin, diocese of Limoges.

§  “Notre-Dame d’Orcinal,” — is not in the Gazetteer, but Notre-Dame la Roquemadour, which is the name in the MSS., is a celebrated pilgrimage in Query, near Figeas[?].

¶  In the MS. it is sir Louis d’Antibiere.

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CHAPTER XVI. — AYMERIGOT MARCEL ENDEAVOURS, BUT IN VAIN, TO RAISE THE SIEGE OF LA ROCHE DE VENDAIS BY LETTERS AND MESSAGES TO THE KING OF ENGLAND, THE DUKE OF LANCASTER, THE VISCOUNT DE MEAUX, AND EVEN TO THE DUKE OF BERRY.

DURING the siege of la Roche de Vendais, which lasted for nine weeks, there were constant skirmishes between the two parties, in which many were wounded by the cross-bows, for the Genoese are expert marksmen. The garrison had much the advantage of the besiegers, and I will tell you how. They could sally forth whenever they pleased, for it would require six thousand men at least to have completely surrounded the castle. When the siege first took place, Aymerigot felt that he was acting wrong; but to turn the matter as much to his advantage as he could, and if possible preserve la Roche de Vendais, he determined to send one of his men, who was well spoken, to England, with credential letters to the king and the duke of Lancaster. Aymerigot opened the matter to his uncle, Guyot du Sel, who, though about sixty years of age, was well acquainted with arms and with mankind. Guyot approved of the manner in which his nephew intended acting, and said, that to send a person well spoken, and well informed, to England, would not be lost pains. They selected a varlet who had been educated by them, and instructed him as follows: “We will conduct thee in safety out of this fort, in spite of our enemies, and give thee money sufficient for the journey thou art to perform, as well as for thy other wants. Thou wilt carry to England these three letters; one to the king, one to the duke of Lancaster, and the other to the king’s council; which thou wilt punctually deliver, thou wilt recommend me handsomely to them; and, as these are credential letters, they will ask, ‘What is the object of thy coming?’ thou wilt say that Aymerigot Marcel, their little solider and subject, who is firm in his obedience to their will, is besieged in a small fort belonging to the king of England, as one of the mesne fiefs of Limousin; that those who are before it exert themselves to their utmost to gain the place, and make him and his companions prisoners; that the besiegers are sent thither by the king of France, under the command of a cousin to the lord de Coucy, called sir Robert viscount de Meaux; that the object of this mission is to request the king of England, his council, and the duke of Lancaster, as lieutenant for the king in the Bordelois, to write to the viscount de Meaux to depart instantly from before la Roche de Vendais with all his men. Be sure to have inserted in the letters for the viscount, that he be careful not to infringe the truce signed at Leulingham, or to dread the consequences, because I know not what effect these letters may have on the viscount, nor what answer he will make, for he is a strange sort of a man. Obtain, likewise, letters from the king, the council, and the duke of Lancaster, to the duke of Berry; for, if he please, the siege will be instantly raised. Manage to bring back with thee, for thy greater credit, one of the knights of honor to the king or the duke of Lancaster, or Derby the Herald. Salute him from me, and say, if he will accompany thee, (for he is an able negociator, and well acquainted with the duke of Berry and the lords of France,) I will give him one hundred francs. Keep well in thy memory all I have said, and tell every one to whom thou shalt speak, that this little fort, which I have garrisoned, will be very convenient to the English on the renewal of the war; for it is situated on the borders of Auvergne and Limousin, and those countries may be made to contribute upwards of two hundred thousand francs in one season.”

Aymerigot Marcel having, in the presence of his uncle, well tutored his messenger, and given him his credential letters, and one hundred francs for his expenses, he was escorted from the fort at midnight, on foot, to another fort belonging to Aymerigot, called Saint Soupery. He there chose the best horse, as they were all at his disposal, for he had a long journey to make, and passed through France as a native of the province of Auvergne. On his arrival at Calais, he made acquaintance with sir John Beauchamp, the governor, to whom he told a part of his business that he might be the sooner forwarded on his journey. This succeeded; for sir John ordered him an immediate passage to Dover, whence, on having his horse put on shore, he continued his road to London, and there arrived in a day and a half. He was fortunate to find the king, his two uncles of Lancaster and York, with the council, at the palace of Westminster, considering the affairs of Northumberland, and what force they should 456 send thither, for the Scots no way observed the truce. The messenger from Aymerigot having intrusted the subject of his coming to the master of the inn where he put up, he conducted him to Westminster, and procured him admission to the duke of Lancaster, who had arrived before the other counsellors, and was in the presence-chamber. He presented the duke with the letter addressed to him, who, having opened and read it, took the messenger aside to learn the cause of his arrival. The varlet related to him every particular wherewith Aymerigot had charged him. The duke, having heard him, asked if he had more letters. He replied, “One for the king, and another for the council.” “It is well,” answered the duke: “I will obtain for you an audience,” and gave orders to one of his attendants to take care of him.

The duke entered the council-chamber, and when he saw a favourable opportunity, mentioned the arrival to Aymerigot’s messenger: by his motion, the varlet was introduced, and presented this letters to the king and to the council. When they were read, he was desired to explain the object of his mission. Being well tutored, and not afraid of speaking, he was not abashed, otherwise he need not have made the journey, and he explained so eloquently the reasons of his coming, and the wishes of Aymerigot, that he was attentively listened to. When he had told all he was charged with, he was informed that they would consider the matter, and that he should have an answer to his demands. He then quitted the council-chamber, and waited for the answer to the letters. He was told that the king would write to the viscount de Meaux, and to the duke of Berry, in the manner Aymerigot had desired. The duke of Lancaster promised to do the same, and that these letters should be delivered by an English squire attached to the duke; and that Derby the herald should cross the sea and accompany them when they gave their letters, to aid their success; for he was well known to many lords in Auvergne, particularly to the duke of Berry.

Aymerigot’s messenger was very happy to hear this, and followed so closely the duke of Lancaster that in a few days the letters were written, and the gentleman, whose name I believe was Cherbury, who was to carry them, received orders of departure. The herald Derby most willingly went with him, for Aymerigot’s varlet had told him from his master, that if he would cross the sea, he should receive one hundred francs on his arrival at la Roche de Vendais. The letters being sealed, these three took their leave of the duke of Lancaster, and hastened to Dover: they crossed to Calais in a passage-boat, where they lay the night, and at low water disembarked their horses, and on the morrow rode to Boulogne. They passed through Picardy to Paris, but, making no stay there, continued their journey to Auvergne.

When arrived at Limoges and the environs of la Roche de Vendais, they cautiously advanced to enter the castle privately; but, on consideration, the squire and herald did not think it prudent to enter la Roche de Vendais, but sent the messenger forward, saying they could now find the way themselves, and that it would not have a good appearance should they be seen with him, for it would look as if he had been sent to bring them from England; and that what they had to say to the viscount de Meaux would come with more weight as from the king of England himself than if any others had interfered in it. The varlet agreed to their reasons, and, at night-fall, returned to their fort, by a road he was acquainted with, without any hindrance from the besiegers. He here found Aymerigot Marcel, his uncle Guyot du Sel, and the other companions, who made him good cheer, and were astonished that he could have returned from England in so few days. He related every thing that had passed, and that a squire from the duke of Lancaster and Derby the herald had accompanied him with letters from the king and the duke to the viscount de Meaux and to the duke of Berry, should there be occasion. “And why did they not come with you hither?” asked Aymerigot. “Through prudence, as they told me,” replied the varlet, “for they will undertake the commission and delivery of their letters themselves, and think it better than that any appearance of collusion should be seen between you and them.” “They act wisely,” said Guyot due Sel,” and show by this, that the king of England and the duke of Lancaster send them of their own accord, and that they are interested in the matter.” “Such are their intentions,” answered the messenger.

Aymerigot was delighted on hearing this, and told his varlet that he had done justice to his commission, and he in a few days would handsomely reward him for it. The English squire and 457 Derby rode on for la Roche de Vendais, to the place where the besiegers lay, and inquired for the quarters of the viscount de Meaux. On being conducted thither, they found the viscount amusing himself with seeing the bar thrown. On their approach, they bowed, which civility he returned, and asked, “whence they came.” They replied, “from England, and that they were sent by the king and the duke of Lancaster.” “You are welcome,” said the viscount, “but what business can have brought you to this wild country?” “My lord,” answered Derby, “this is a squire attached to the duke of Lancaster, who brings you letters from the king of England and from his lord, which, if you please, you will read. I have accompanied him, because I am so well acquainted with this country, to serve him was a guide.”

The squire presented his letters, which the viscount, after examining the seals, knew to be authentic, and to come from England. He called one of his men aside who could read, and had their contents repeated over two or three times, until he was fully master of them. He was a while pensive, for the king of England had written, to complain that he was day and night occupying a part of his territories with a large army, and doing acts to infringe the truce, which he ought not to do, being directly contrary to the articles that had been sworn and sealed between him and his adversary of France; and that as soon as he should have perused these letters, he must raise the siege, march away his army, and leave Aymerigot Marcel in peaceable possession of a castle which had cost him such large sums to fortify. Such and many other expressions in favour of Aymerigot, did these letters contain. The letter from the duke of Lancaster was nearly similar to those from the king and council; for he was sovereign lord and duke of Aquitaine.

The viscount de Meaux, having consulted some of his friends, said to the squires and the herald, — “My fair sirs, the intelligence you have brought demands full consideration: I will advise upon it, and you shall soon have my answer.” They were thus conducted to the viscount’s tent, to partake of his wine. During this, a council was summoned of the lord de la Tour, sir William le Bouteiller, sir Roubert Dauphin, sir Louis d’Abiere, the lord de Montagu, and sir Berald de la Riviere, for this last was of the household of the viscount. When they were assembled, the viscount explained to them the cause, and laid before them the letter he had received. The knights were much surprised how intelligence of their siege could have been carried to England for such letters to be sent from thence, as their siege had not lasted one month. “I will tell you what I imagine,” said the viscount; “this Aymerigot is a cunning fellow; and the moment he perceived we intended besieging him, he sent a person to England to request such letters might be written as are now before you, and which I shall obey or not as I please. I inform you that I shall instantly answer them: but, in regard to the orders of the king of England and the duke of Lancaster, I shall not pay any attention to the, for I am no way bound to obey them, but solely the king of France, my lord, who has intrusted me with this command, and sent me hither. Let the herald and squire be introduced, and I will give them my answer.” They were sought for, and conducted to the assembly of the viscount and his knights; when in their presence, they bowed their heads, and the viscount thus spoke: ‘You Derby, and you Thomas Cherbury, for such I think are the names you are designed by in the letters which you have brought from the king of England and the duke of Lancaster. They have been informed, it seems, (but I know not how, whether by a messenger from Aymerigot Marcel or some friend of his, who has been in his name to England,) that I am quartered with a large army on the lands of the king of England, and order me instantly to raise the siege, march away my men, and leave Aymerigot in peaceable possession of the small fort that has cost him so large a sum to repair and strengthen. They tell me likewise that I am risking my own dishonour, by thus infringing a truce, which has been agreed to for three years, between the kings of France and England, and their allies. I declare to you, my fair sirs, that I will not, by any means, violate the smallest article of the truce, nor shall it be infringed by any act of mine, during my residence here. I am the king of France’s subject, my liege lord, who has ordered me hither as his marshal, for the present, from the complaints that have been made him, by the nobles and other inhabitants of the countries of Auvergne and Limousin, of the great damages they have suffered from Aymerigot Marcel, who ash seized a fort on the confines of these two provinces that had been abandoned, and was never again intended to be inhabited, 458 which he has repaired and strengthened, not as a mansion, or house for recreation, but as a castle and rendezvous for robbers and marauders. I am therefore ordered hither to defend and guard the country against such pillagers as may be collected within this fort, called la Roche de Vendais, to prevent their increase in numbers and in wickedness, and to arrest all of them I may be able to lay hold of, that they may suffer the punishment due to their crimes. In consequence, my fair sirs, I shall strictly obey the commands I have received, and loyally acquit myself of my duty. Of course, therefore, I shall not move from hence for any orders I may receive, until I shall have possession of this fort and the garrison that now holds out against me and my companions.

“Should Aymerigot Marcel set up a plea, that I have any way broken the terms, which is equivalent to a perfect peace for the time, let him come forth, and I will have him fought with by as good if not a better man than himself, and proved that it is he alone who has, and continues to violate the articles of the truce. Now, my fair sirs, having maturely weighed everything, I have given you my answer, and you may return when you please; but it beg that, on your return, you will neither add to nor diminish any part of what I have said to you; for reporters, by not relating the exact words in which any conversation has taken place, do not truly inform their lords of the matter.” “My lord,” replied the squire, “Derby and myself are come hither solely to hear what answer you shall be pleased to make us, and carry it back, and since you have done so, we need not longer remain.”

They took leave of the viscount, who ordered ten francs to be given to the herald, out of affection to the king of England, who had sent him, and regard for the duke of Lancaster, to whom he was attached. When they were on the road to Clermont, for they said they had come that way and would return by the same, and when they had advanced about half a league, the following conversation passed between them: “We have had ill success: we must wait on the duke of Berry, who lies in Auvergne.” “He is lord of this whole country,” said Derby, “and himself duke of Berry and Auvergne. If he will order the viscount de Meaux to decamp, he must do so, for he dare not disobey him. As we have letters to him from the king and the duke of Lancaster, it is but right he should see them, and that we should know his intention on their subject.” Thus did they converse until they arrived at Clermont. They were made welcome, for the herald was well acquainted in these parts, having been there before; and when any questions were asked, who and what they were, they declared themselves messengers from the king of England. Having inquired where the duke resided, they were told at a handsome castle called la Nonnette. The herald knew it well, and, leaving Clermont, they rode to Issoire, and thence to la Nonnette, but the mountain is very steep on which is situated the castle. On their arrival they found numbers of the duke’s servants playing in the square before the castle-gate. The herald was known to many of them, and conducted to the duke of Berry, who, in consideration of his regard to the king of England and the duke of Lancaster, ordered him and his companion to be well taken care of.

The squire, being the bearer of the letters from the king, presented them to the duke, who, having read them twice slowly through, paused a little, and then gave such courteous answers as both were satisfied with; for he said, “from his affection to his cousin, he would do all in his power to comply with their requests.” The herald and squire concluded from that, that they should completely succeed in their mission, and were in high spirits; but, as you shall hear, they were disappointed. The duke of Berry was not neglectful of the business, and exerted himself to have the siege of la Roche de Vendais raised, from his regard to the king of England and the duke of Lancaster, who entreated it; and engaged, that if Aymerigot Marcel were left in the quiet possession of his fort, he should not, hereafter, molest the country, and that he should make any reparation to the king of France for having offended him. The duke of Berry, anxious to oblige the English who were in the castle, wrote letters to this purport to the viscount de Meaux; and, before they were sealed, had them read to his guest, who were exceedingly pleased with their contents.

The letters were dispatched by an able squire of the duke to the viscount de Meaux, who having learnt their contents, summoned his principal knights and had them again read in their presence, during the time the squire who had brought them was made welcome; for, 459 out of love to the duke of Berry, they gave him good cheer. “Gentlemen,” said the viscount to his companions, “we shall never have peace since the duke of Berry supports Aymerigot, who is the greatest enemy Auvergne and its poor inhabitants have ever had, and for these last twelve years has so sore oppressed them. I thought the duke hated him; but it seems I was mistaken, for he commands me to break up the siege. I will not at this moment obey his orders, but excuse myself from so doing, by the commission I have received from the king our lord, who strictly enjoined me, on leaving Paris, not to quit this place for any orders I might receive, except they come from himself, until I had conquered the fort of la Roche de Vendais, and taken Aymerigot by fair or foul means. The duke now commands me to raise the siege, the instant I have read his letters; but, by my faith, I will do no such thing.” “Sir,” replied the knights and squires of Auvergne, “you say loyally and well: we will keep steady to you. We suppose that my lord of Berry is induced to write thus in favour of his enemies, by similar letters from the king of England and the duke of Lancaster to those you have received, which the herald and English squire have carried to him.” “I dare say you have guessed right,” said the viscount: “I will, if I can, find out the truth of it.”

The squire was called in to receive his answer, and when in the presence of the assembled knights, the viscount thus addressed him, calling him by his name, for he knew him well, — “Peter, I wish you to understand that I owe, and am desirous of paying, all obedience to my lord of Berry, for he is so noble, and so nearly related to the king, that I should be sorry to do otherwise, but myself and companions, whom you see, have been for these five weeks before this fort, to take it and the thieves who garrison it, by positive orders from the king and his council. We wonder, therefore, and not without reason, how my lord of Berry can entreat us in favour of his enemies, and desire us to raise the siege and march away. We all agree in declaring that, if it were done, we should give the greatest encouragement to all thieves who in future may overrun the kingdom, and induce them to commit the greatest outrages. Peter, you will tell the duke of Berry from us all, and from me in particular, that we are ready and willing to obey his commands, but that I have been so positively ordered to continue this siege, with as much vigour and patience as possible until I be master of the place and garrison, that I dare not act contrary; and say, that I shall not obey any other commands but those of the king, whose subject I am, and who has sent me hither. I beg of you, peter, to tell me one thing, if it is not an improper question for you to answer, how comes it that my lord of Berry sues in favour of Aymerigot Marcel, who has done such mischief to Auvergne and Limousin, now that he is in a fair way of being caught and punished for his wickedness and breach of faith in the articles of the truce?”

The squire replied, — “Two Englishmen, a herald and another, have come to the duke, with very pressing letters from the king of England and the duke of Lancaster in favour of Aymerigot.” “I readily believe you,” said the viscount: “it is Derby the herald, and a squire called Cherbury, who likewise brought me the other day letters similar, I supposed, to those you mention. Say also from me, in addition to what I have before spoken, that I beg my lord of Berry to consider well this matter; that letters thus obtained from lords on the other side of the water deserve no attention from lords on this side, who love the honour or advantage of the kingdom of France.” “My lord,” answered the squire, “be assured that I will repeat every word you have said to the duke of Berry, for Aymerigot is not so much in my favour but I would rather see his punishment than his deliverance.” On this, the squire took leave of the viscount and knights present, mounted his horse, and rode to la Nonnette, where he related to the duke of Berry, that the viscount de Meaux would not, for any other commands but those directly from the king, break up his siege. This answer was not very agreeable to the duke, who imagined he was of that importance, his letters ought to have attention paid them in France, or at least in Auvergne. When Derby and his companion learnt the purport of the answer, they were much cast down, for they saw they had laboured in vain. They asked the duke, what they were now to do. “Shall we leave you with unsatisfactory answers to our king and the duke of Lancaster? who had the fullest hope you would have had the siege of laRoche de Vendais raised, for it is within 460 your territories.” “A little patience,” replied the duke: “Aymerigot is in a very strong place, and, unless some unfortunate accident happen, cannot for a long time be taken. I must shortly go to Paris; and, when there, I will press the matter warmly with the king and his council, since my good cousins of England are so earnest in the matter. You both shall accompany me and witness the exertions I make.” This speech contented the squire and the herald.

Within four days afterward, the duke set out from la Nonnette, leaving there the duchess and the greater part of his household, and went to Riom in Auvergne. He waited there eight days for the count de Sancerre and the lord de Renel*, whom he had sent to Avignon on his private affairs. On their arrival, they set out together through the Bourbonnois, and, by a short day’s journey, came to Bourges, where they tarried two days. On the third, the duke departed, and came to Mehun-sur-Yevre†, where he had one of the handsomest castles in the world; for the duke had expended upwards of three hundred thousand francs in building and ornamenting it. He remained there a fortnight, to the great uneasiness of the two Englishmen who were suitors for Aymerigot: but, as they could not help it, they dissembled their thoughts. Indeed, the duke no longer intended interfering about him, and I will explain why. The count de Sancerre, the lord de Renel, and sir Peter Mespin, were his principal advisers: they heavily charged Aymerigot with several crimes, gently blaming the duke, and saying it was unbecoming him to interfere in the affairs of so notorious a pillager, whose whole life had been infamous; that he had committed such disgraceful acts in Auvergne and Limousin, it would be improper to speak in his favour, and that he ought to be left for the king’s justice to punish. This, and speeches similar to it, has so cooled the duke as to prevent him from thinking longer on the subject; but the two Englishmen did not neglect their duty in reminding the duke of it, who, dissembling his real opinion, courteously answered, — “Have patience: we shall soon be at Paris.” Notwithstanding this, he still remained at Mehun-sur-Yevre more than three weeks, planning new improvements with his master of the works, Andrew Beau-neveu, in sculpture and painting; for in such arts he took great delight, and was well skilled in them. There was not a more able man in this respect than master Andrew Beau-neveu, in any country, as may be judged from the many fine works he executed in France, Hainault, (his native country,) and England, where they now remain.

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*  “The lord de Renel.” The MSS. have Revel.

†  “Mehun-sur-Yevre.” Charles VII. built a large castle, or probably repaired this of the duke of Berry, wherein he died 1461, having starved himself for fear of being poisoned by his son, Louis XI.

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CHAPTER XVII. — AYMERIGOT MARCEL HAVING LEFT LA ROCHE DE VENDAIS, TO SEEK SUCCOUR FROM OTHER PILLAGERS, HIS LIEUTENANT, GUYOT DU SEL, IS SURPRISED BY AN AMBUSCADE, AND THE PORT SURRENDERS ON CAPITULATION.

I WILL now relate what happened to Aymerigot Marcel, and to his fort of la Roche de Vendais. He had a quick imagination, and concluded, from the continuance of the siege, that the letters from the king of England and the duke of Lancaster had failed in the effect he looked to from them. He therefore thought of another expedient, which was to leave his castle and ride night and day unto the garrisons in Perigord and other places. To call upon Guyonnet de Sainte Foix, Ernauton de Sainte Colombe, Ernauton de Rostem, John de Morsen, Peter d’Anchin, Remonnet de Copane, with other Gascon and Béarnois men at arms of the English party, and entice them by fair speeches to enter Auvergne for the sake of plunder, and then to advance to la Roche de Vendais, some morning or evening, to capture the knights and squires before it, which would bring them more than one hundred thousand francs for their ransoms, without counting smaller articles of pillage. He explained his whole plan to his uncle, Guyot du Sel, and asked his opinion. He replied, that he very much approved of it, for that he saw no other means of being delivered from the French. “Well, uncle,” said Aymerigot, — “since you approve, I will undertake it; but I must beg one thing of you before I set out.” “What is that?” replied Guyot. “It is, that during 461 my absence you never sally out of the castle, nor open the barriers, whatever skirmishes the French may make, for you may lose more than you can gain.” “I will take care not to do it,” answered Guyot: “we will remain shut up here, until your return or until he hear some news of you.” “Indeed, my good uncle, I beg it of you, for we cannot vex them more than by keeping within our walls: as for their attacks and skirmishes, we do not value them.” within three days after, Aymerigot left the castle attended only by a page, and began his journey without fear of the French. His intention was to bring back with him some bold companions, and raise the siege.

Although Aymerigot had quitted la Roche de Vendais, it was unknown to the besiegers; for the garrison could go in and out without danger from them. There were daily skirmishes before the castle and at the barriers; and, about five or six days after the departure of Aymerigot, there was a grand assault made by the French, who were divided into three parties, all of which were engaged. Guyot du Sel was a good man at arms, and had long used them; but through arrogance, and neglecting to observe the orders of his nephew not to open the barriers nor to sally forth on any account, he suffered as you will hear.

Three squires, two from Auvergne and one from Brittany, displayed great courage, and were pre-eminent at this attack at the part of the old walls very near the castle. The squires from Auvergne were called Richard de la Violette and Lubinot de Rochefort; the Breton was le Monadic, who, when made prisoner, at the taking of Ventadour, had attached himself to sir William le Bouteiller. This assault lasted until night, and, though these squires gained renown, the besiegers, in spite of their labour and pain, made no other profit. The viscount de Meaux determined, that at the next skirmish he would place an ambuscade of twelve men at arms in an old grotto withoutside the fort; and he told his men, — “Advance to skirmish at the barriers; and if you shall perceive the garrison inclined to make a sally, as is likely enough for such covetous persons to do, retire gently on this side the ambush, when you will wheel round to renew the attack, and they, being thus surrounded, will be made prisoners or slain.”

The viscount’s plan was executed. Those named for the ambuscade were Lewis de la Glisvelle, Robert de Bethencourt, Vandelle, William de la Saulsoye, Peter de Saint Vidal, Gionnet de Villeracque, Peter de Col, Andrew de la Roche, John Salmage, with three others to make up the dozen of good men at arms, who posted themselves within the old grotto. Another party went to skirmish, under the command of the three before-named squires: they were richly armed at all points, the more to tempt the avarice of the garrison, and were only twelve in number. When arrived at the barriers, they purposely began the attack most awkwardly, so that Guyot du Sel held them cheap, and said to his companions, — “By Saint Marcel, we will make a sally; for there are at the barriers a set of youngsters who, from their manner, do not seem much accustomed to the use of arms. We will teach them their use; and they cannot avoid being our prisoners. At these words, he had the barriers flung open, and sallied forth, forgetful of his promise to Aymerigot. The great desire he had to perform some deed of arms, and to gain a prize, induced him to act thus. The French were much rejoiced to see the garrison without the fort, and that Guyot du Sel was among the first: they retreated by little and little until they had passed the ambush, eagerly pursued by Guyot’s party. When those in ambush saw it was time, they quitted the grotto, and posted themselves on the road to the fort, shouting out — “Coucy for the viscount!” and thus enclosed their front and rear.

Guyot du Sel, observing this, knew he had been in fault, and that it would be difficult for him to save himself, or to return to the fort. He began to retire towards the barriers, but was strongly opposed. Why should I lengthen my story? They were all made prisoners, as it were in a trap, and led in triumph to the quarters of the viscount and the other knights. When the viscount de Meaux saw Guyot du Sel, he asked him “where was Aymerigot Marcel?” for he thought he was in the castle. Guyot replied, “he was ignorant where he was, for he had left the fort twelve days ago.” The knights, hearing this, concluded he was gone to seek for aid. Guyot du Sel and his fellow-prisoners were then ordered away; and the viscount asked the knights of Auvergne, “what should be don to these prisoners/” for he wished to act from their decision. Sir William le Bouteiller answered, — “Sir, I certainly 462 believe that Aymerigot Marcel is gone to persuade the garrisons of other forts to come to his assistance: he will easily find, in spite of the truce, adventurers, who will join him in his wickedness, and they may fall on us some morning or evening when we are unprepared to resist them, and do us much damage: Aymerigot is very cunning, and of great wealth. Let us therefore tell Guyot du Sel to surrender la Roche de Vendais, and if he refuse his consent, that his own head, and those of all his companions, shall instantly be sacrificed.”

“This is good advice,” replied the viscount; “for, in truth, to obtain this fort are we come into the country. If we have not now Aymerigot Marcel, another time we may be more successful.” Upon this, the viscount, the lord de la Tour, sir Robert Dauphin, sir William le Bouteiller and their companions, advanced as near to the forts as they could, carrying with them Guyot du Sel and the other prisoners. The viscount, addressing himself to Guyot as the captain, said, — “Guyot, you, as well as your friends, who are now our prisoners, must know that, unless you will surrender to us the fort of la Roche de Vendais, we shall instantly order your heads to be cut off; but, if you will yield it up, we will allow you freely to depart whither you please. Now, consider which you prefer, death or liberty.” Guyot du Sel replied, “My lord, I will do all I can to accommodate you,” and with this he advanced to the barriers to speak with those within the fort. You must know, that the remaining garrison looked on themselves as conquered; for they knew not how to act, or whom to choose for their leader, since they had now lost their two captains, the most able among them. Guyot du Sel had not sooner explained his situation than they agreed to surrender on the terms, that they should carry away with them all they were able, and be allowed one month to retire whither they pleased. This was instantly agreed to, and written and signed. The French, by the fortunate issue of the skirmish, became masters of la Roche de Vendais: so true is it, that good or ill fortune in ar4ms is the lost of perseverance.

The whole country was much rejoiced on hearing of this surrender. The articles of the treaty with Guyot du Sel were punctually observed, and when the garrison had packed up all they could carry, they had permission to depart, and passports given them, to continue for one month. The viscount de Meaux and his knights abandoned la Roche de Vendais to the country people, who instantly set about demolishing it, and never left it until there did not remain one stone on another. The men at arms from Auvergne, who had joined the viscount, now took leave of him, and returned to their homes. The viscount permitted many of his own men to depart for Picardy: he himself went for la Rochelle, but stopped at Saint Jean d’Angely, to defend that part of Saintonge against pillagers, who, whenever they found a good opportunity, overran it, for his orders were to oppose them.

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CHAPTER XVIII. — THE MESSENGERS FROM ENGLAND, HEARING OF THE SURRENDER OF LA ROCHE DE VENDAIS, TAKE LEAVE OF THE DUKE OF BERRY. — AYMERIGOT RETURNS TO THE HOUSE OF A RELATION, CALLED TOURNEMINE, WHO BETRAYS HIM TO THE KING OF FRANCE. — HE IS CARRIED TO PARIS, AND THERE BEHEADED AND HIS BODY QUARTERED.

YOU have heard how la Roche de Vendais was won, to the contentment of the surrounding country, for, had it been otherwise, it would have suffered much from the garrison. News of this was carried to the duke of Berry at Cantelon, a manor of his situated between Chartres and Montlehery, nine leagues from Paris; but he was indifferent about the matter, for he was become quite cool in regard to soliciting the king in favour of Aymerigot Marcel.

When Derby the herald heard, of the surrender from the duke’s knights, he said to Cherbury, — “I have lost one hundred francs, which Aymerigot had promised me.” “For what? and how have you lost them?” asked the squire. “In God’s name,” said Derby, “la Roche de Vendais has surrendered: the French have conquered it. Let us take leave of the duke of Berry and return to England, for we have nothing further to do here.” “Since it is so,” answered the squire, “I agree to it.” They demanded leave of the duke to depart, who granted it, and gave them letters to the king of England and the duke of 463 Lancaster, in answer to those they had brought. On their departure, he presented the herald with forty francs, and gave to the squire a handsome hackney. On quitting the duke, they took the shortest road to Calais, and, I believe, went straight to England.

News of the loss of this fort was carried to Aymerigot Marcel, as he was raising troops to break up the siege. When he first heard it, he would have all the particulars told him. On learning that it had been occasioned by an imprudent sally Guyot du Sel had made on the French, he exclaimed, — “Ah, the old traitor! by saint Marcel, if I had him here, I would slay him. He has disgraced me and all my companions. On my departure, I had most positively ordered him not to quit the fort, whatever attempts the French might make, and he has done just the contrary. This loss can never be recovered; nor do I know whither to make my retreat. The garrisons of Chalucçet and Donzac are determined to abide by the truce, and my companions are scattered abroad like discomfited persons; but, if they were with me, I know not whither I could lead them. Considering all things, I am in a distressing situation: I have too greatly angered the king of France, the duke of Berry, and the barons and commonalty of Auvergne, to expect any favour; for I have made war on them during the truce, thinking to gain, but I am now more likely to lose everything: I know not how to act; I wish at this moment that my wife, myself and fortune, were in England; we there should be safe; but how the devil are we to get thither? for I shall be robbed of my wealth twenty times before I can arrive at the sea-shore. All the roads through Poitou, Normandy, and Picardy, that lead to the sea, are well guarded. I have forfeited my life; that is clear; and, if I am taken and sent to Paris, shall be punished accordingly, and lose my all. My safest plan will be to make for Bordeaux, and to have my wealth sent thither by little and little, and then to remain there as long as the truce holds; for I am in hope that, after these truces, a curse on them! the war will be renewed with more vigour than ever between France and England. The free companions will, by that time, have spent their former gains, and be eager to replenish their purses.” Thus did Aymerigot Marcel converse with himself: he was cast down and sorrowful, and knew not from whom to ask advice, nor whether to return to Auvergne, or go to Bordeaux and send for his wife, and have his fortune brought thither by little at a time. If he had followed this plan, he would have done well; but he acted otherwise, and, as the event will show, suffered for it. It is thus Fortune treats her favourites: when she has raised them to the highest point of her wheel, she suddenly plunges them in the dirt: witness Aymerigot Marcel. The foolish fellow was worth, as was believed in Auvergne, more than one hundred thousand francs in money, which he lost in one day, together with his life. I therefore say, that dame Fortune played him one of her tricks, which she had played to several before, and she will do the same to many after him.

Aymerigot, in his tribulations, bethought himself of a cousin-german he had in Auvergne, a squire called Tournemine, to whom he resolved to apply, and ask his advice. This he did, and, only attended by a page, entered the castle of his cousin. He thought to be well received there, on account of his relationship, but was disappointed; for this squire was not in the good graces of the duke of Berry, who indeed hated him, as the squire knew well. He was afraid of the consequences, and resolved, on seeing his cousin Aymerigot enter his castle, to arrest him and inform the duke of Berry what he had done, and offer, if he would forgive him and be on good terms for the future, to deliver up Aymerigot Marcel, for him to do with him as he should please. All this he executed; for, when Aymerigot entered the castle, he was shown into a chamber, when, having pulled off his sword and cleaned himself, he asked the servants, “Where is my cousin Tournemine?” “He is in his chamber,” replied the servants, who already knew their master’s design. “Come and see him.” “With all my heart,” said Aymerigot. Having put on a new dress, and laid aside his coat of mail, which he usually wore, he said to his servants, “Come, let us go to my cousin Tournemine, for it is a long time since I have seen him.” They conducted him straight to his chamber, and, on entering it, Aymerigot saluted him, suspecting no evil: but Tournemine said, — ‘How is this, Aymerigot? Who has sent for you? and what has brought you hither? You wish to dishonour me. I therefore arrest you as my prisoner; for I should not otherwise loyally acquit myself to the crown of France, nor to my lord of Berry: you are a wicked traitor, who have broken the truce, and shall suffer for it: it is on your account the duke of 464 Berry hates me mortally, but, through your means, I will make my peace; for, dead or alive, you shall be given up to him, and never, on any other account, shall you leave this castle.” This speech astonished Aymerigot, who replied, — “Why, Tournemine, I am your cousin. Are you in earnest in what you say? or do you do it to try me? I came hither, in full confidence, to see you and ask your advice, and I meet with this cruel and harsh reception.” “I know not what you proposed for yourself,” answered Tournemine, “but I shall certainly execute what I have intimated to you,” and then laid hands on him: his servants, who knew what they were to do, advanced and seized him. Thus was Aymerigot taken without a possibility of making any defence; for, as I have said, he had disarmed himself; nor could any entreaties prevent Tournemine from ordering him heavy fetters on his legs, and causing him to be confined in a strong tower under safeguards.

When this was done, he had the gates of the castle locked, taking himself the keys, ordering his servants, under pain of death, not to go near the gates unless sent by him. He then wrote letters to the duke of Berry, to say he had made Aymerigot Marcel is prisoner; and if he would forgive him and make a solid peace, he would give him up to his pleasure. When the letters were finished and sealed, he called to him his most confidential servant, and said, — “Set out instantly for Paris, and deliver these letters to the duke of Berry: recommend me to him, and be sure not to return without answers.” The varlet took the letters, mounted an active horse, and rode to Paris, where the duke of Berry was. On being admitted, he presented the letters from his master, Tournemine. The duke, having opened and read them, said smiling to his knights, — “Would you like to hear news? Aymerigot Marcel is caught: his cousin-german Tournemine, as he writes me word, holds him in prison.” The knights replied, — “My lord, this is excellent news for Auvergne and Limousin; for they have had, for a long time, a bad neighbour in Aymerigot. 465 He has done so much mischief, that if you please, he shall make his end on a gibbet, for he deserves no favour nor pardon.” “I know not,” said the duke, “what the king or his council may wish to do with him: I shall talk with them on the subject.” Not long after this conversation, the duke took boat and crossed the Seine to the Louvre, where the king and his council were. He related the intelligence he had received, and gave them the letters of Tournemine to read, which afforded satisfaction to all. The lords said, that such pillagers always came to a disgraceful death, and that sooner or later it awaited them. It was determined, that the duke of Berry should undertake the management of this business, and order the séneschal of Auvergne to fetch Aymerigot, and bring him to Paris, where he should be confined in the Bastille, at the gate of St. Anthony, and delivered over to the provost of the Châtelet, who would take good care of him. It was also resolved, that on account of the agreeable service Tournemine had now done to the crown of France, all his former misdeeds should be forgiven, and a pardon granted by letters patent, which Tournemine’s servant brought back with him, and by it pleased his master greatly, for in them he confided.

It was not long before the séneschal of Auvergne, by an order from the duke of Berry, came to the castle of Tournemine, and had Aymerigot Marcel delivered up to him: who was thunderstruck at thus finding himself in the hands of his enemies. Why should I make a long story of it? The séneschal had him escorted by a body of men at arms through the country, and crossed the Seine and Marne at Charenton. Thence he conducted him to the castle of the Bastille, and delivered him to the charge of the viscount d’Achy, who was at that time governor of it. He was not long detained there, but given up to the provost of the Châtelet, who carried him thither. True it is, that he offered sixty thousand francs for his pardon, but no one would have anything to do with him: they told him the king was rich enough, and wanted not his money. From the time he was delivered to the provost, there was no delay in his trail, when he was condemned to a shameful death, as a traitor to the crown of France.

He was first carried in a cart to the pillory in the market-place, and turned round within it several times. His different crimes were then read aloud, for which he was to receive death. Sir William le Trun* was by his side a long time, and talked much with him, on the affairs of Auvergne as it was supposed, to learn the truth respecting several captains of forts, whether they had been associates in his wickedness. This was certainly known to the lords, but I never could gain information respecting it. His head was cut off, and his four quarters affixed over four different gates of Paris. Such was the end of Aymerigot Marcel; but I know now what became of his wife, or of his wealth.

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*  In the MSS. it is sir William le Bouteiller, which I should think more probable.

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CHAPTER XIX. — THE CHRISTIAN LORDS WEIGH ANCHOR, AND LEAVE THE ISLAND OF COMINO, IN ORDER TO LAY SIEGE TO THE TOWN OF AFRICA. — THE MANNER IN WHICH THEY CONDUCT THEMSELVES.

I HAVE dwelt very long on the subject of Aymerigot Marcel, in detailing his actions, that I might illustrate his life and death; for in such a history as this, both good and bad must be spoken of, that they may serve as an excitement or warning in times to come. Had Aymerigot turned his mind to virtue, he would have done much good, for he was an able man at arms and of great courage; but, having acted in a different manner, he came to a disgraceful death.

We will return to the noble enterprise the knights of France and other countries had undertaken against Africa, and continue our narrative from the place where we left off. It was, I believe, at the island of Comino that the knights had assembled, after the great storm in the gulf of Lyons, to wait for those who had separated from the fleet, as that island was but thirty miles from Africa, whither they were bound. They remained there nine days, and, when recovered from their fatigues, they addressed the masters of the galleys as follows: “Gentlemen, we are now on the nearest land to the strong town 466 of Africa, whither, if it please God, we will go, and besiege it. We must therefore consult with you how we may enter the harbour and disembark. We propose to send in advance our smaller vessels, called brigandines, to amuse the enemy, while we remain at the mouth of the harbour; on the following day we will, at our leisure, land through God’s grace, and encamp ourselves as near the town as possible, out of the reach of their bricolles*: the Genoese cross-bows shall be drawn up, and ready for defence or attack. We suppose that, on our debarkation, a multitude of your young squires will demand to be knights, for increase of honour and advancement. Instruct them gently how they ought to act, for you are very capable of doing it; and know, gentlemen, that we are well inclined to acquit ourselves handsomely towards you; and, to show our eagerness to annoy the enemy, we shall take every possible pains that this town of Africa may be won. It has done you too great damage to be longer endured, and is, beside, the key of the empire of Barbary and the surrounding kingdoms of Africa, Morocco and Bugia. Should God, of his goodness, permit us to conquer it, all the Saracens will tremble, as far as Nubia and Syria, and we shall be everywhere talked of. With the assistance of the princes of Christendom, who are the nearest to us, we may reinforce it with men, and victual it again; so that, if once we gain possession, it will become a place for all knights and squires to adventure themselves in arms against the enemies of God, and conquer their lands.” “My lords,” replied the masters of the vessels, “we shall never pretend to teach you how to act, but give our opinions with all modestly and humility; for you are too noble, wise and valiant, for us to pretend to lay down rules for your conduct.” The lord de Coucy said, — “We should, however, wish to have your opinions, for we have observed nothing but what is praise-worthy in you; and, as it is you who have brought us hither, to accomplish deeds of arms, we shall never act without having your advice.” Such were the conversations held in the island of Comino, in the presence of the duke of Bourbon, the count d’Eu, and some of the great barons of France, with the captains of the Genoese vessels, before they sailed for the coast of Africa.

When all was ready, and the men at arms had re-embarked on board their galleys, with a good will to meet their enemies the Saracens, the admiral gave orders for the trumpets to sound, and the fleet to get under weigh. The sea was now calm, and the weather fine: it was a pleasure to see the rowers force their vessels through its smooth surface, which seemed to delight in bearing these Christians to the shores of the infidels. Their fleet was numerous and well ordered; and it was a fine sight to view their various banners and pennons, emblazoned with their arms, fluttering with the gentle gales, and glittering in the sun. Late in the evening, the Christians saw the towers of Africa, as pointed out to them by the sailors, which, as they advanced, opened more to their view. Every one was rejoiced at this sight, and not without cause, as they had in part accomplished the object of their voyage. If the Christians, on thus seeing Africa, conversed much concerning the war they were about to commence, the Saracens, who had as plainly observed them from their town, and were on the watch, did the same. They were astonished at the great number of vessels, of all descriptions, and concluded they had a very large army on board, to besiege the town. They were not cast down with this, for they knew the place was strong, well fortified with towers, and plentifully stored with artillery and provisions.

On their first noticing the fleet, they sounded, according to custom, a number of bells on the towers, to alarm and inform the country that an enemy was on the coast. There were encamped near the town a large body of barbarians and infidels, whom the king of Tunis and Bugia had sent thither to defend the coast, and prevent the Christians from making any progress into the interior of the country. The noise of the trumpets and drums announced to them the arrival of the Christians; and, in consequence, they formed their array according to their manner, and sent some of the ablest captains to the shore to observe the motions of the enemy, and the manner of their embarkation. They also posted their most expert men at arms on the towers and battlements of the town, that they might not be taken by surprise; for it was strong enough to resist everything but a long siege, if they were on their guard.

As I, John Froissart, the author of these chronicles, was never in Africa, I sought all the information I could from those knights and squires who had been on this expedition, and 467 made several journeys to Calais to learn the truth of all that had passed†. [Having inquired as to the size and form of the town of Africa, some who had been there figured it out to me, and said it was in the form of a bow, like to Calais, extending its arms towards the sea. This town of Africa at the time the lords of France and other nations were before it with an anxious desire to win it, was wonderfully strong, surrounded with high walls at proper distances: the entrance of the harbour was defended by a tower larger than the rest, on which was placed a bricolle to cast large stones and quarrels, with which it was well provided.

When the Christians approached the harbour, the walls of the town seemed to be hung with either cloths or tapestry, somewhat similar in appearance to coverlids of beds. They cast anchor about one league distant from the port, where they remained until the morrow. The night was clear and serene, for it was the month of July, about Magdalen-tide; and they made themselves comfortable, rejoicing that, through God’s pleasure, they had so far succeeded as to have the town of Africa now before them.

The Saracens, who were on the opposite shore observing the Christian fleet, held this night a council on their future mode of proceeding, for they knew the town would be besieged. They thus conversed among themselves: “Our enemies are now arrived: they will, if they can, land and lay siege to Africa, which is the key to the adjoining kingdoms. We must, therefore, consider well our plans for opposing them; otherwise we shall be greatly blamed, and especially if we should not at first dispute their landing.” It was proposed by a valiant Saracen, called Mandifer, to resist their landing, as being the most honourable, and to oppose them instantly with their whole force, or they would probably have fault found with them. This was strongly supported by many, as it seemed the most courageous plan; when an ancient Saracen began to speak, who had great influence among them, as he showed. This lord came from a town in Africa called Maldages, and his name was Bellius. He gave his opinion quite contrary to that of Mandifer, and supported it with the following reasons: — “Gentlemen, we are sent hither to guard the coast and defend this country; but we have had no orders from the kings of Tunis or of Bugia to attack our enemies without having maturely considered the consequences. What I have to propose, I will maintain by such reasons as these: First, you must suppose that this army of Christians has been long in preparation, and is provided with all things necessary. Their captains, you may also believe, are perfect men at arms, as able in council as in the field, with the greatest ardour to perform deeds of arms. If we meet them on the shore, they will advance their Genoese cross-bows, for you may be assured they have brought numbers of them. It will be against them who have such excellent cross-bows that we must support the first attack; and we are not armed nor have we shields to guard us against their arrows: our men, finding themselves wounded, will draw back and refuse the combat, so that these Genoese will make good their landing in spite of us. Their men at arms, desirous of displaying their courage, will leap from their boats, and, observing our disorder, will attack us with lances, and gain a victory: should this happen, the town of Africa is irrecoverably lost for anything we can do to prevent it. Those within will be so much discouraged by our defeat, that before our men can be rallied, the place will be taken by storm or capitulation, and be so well guarded that we shall have the greatest difficulty to regain it. The French, and those with them, are very expert and subtle in arms. I therefore maintain, that it will be more to our advantage that the enemy should be ignorant of our force at the onset; for at this moment we have not a sufficiency to offer them battle, though our strength is daily increasing. I advise, that we suffer them to disembark at their ease; for, as they have no horses to advance into the country, they will remain where they land, suspicious of our intentions.] The town of Africa is not afraid of them, nor of their attacks, for it is tolerably strong, and well provided with everything. The air is now warm, and will be hotter. The will be exposed to the heat of the sun, while we shall be in the shade. Their provisions will be destroyed, without hopes of having a supply, if they make any long stay, and we shall have abundance from our own country: we will frequently beat up their quarters; and should they be unfortunate 468 in these skirmishes, they will be worn down. We must avoid all general engagements, otherwise we cannot conquer them; but we shall do it by this plan, and trusting in the climate, which is so contrary to the nature of their constitutions. [They will not have any reinforcements, and we shall have many. The extreme heat of the sun, and the fatigue they will undergo from being always armed in fear of us, will very soon bring on disorders which will carry numbers to the grave, and thus shall we be revenged without striking a blow.] Such is the plan I propose; and, if I knew of any better, I would lay it before you.”

All those in the council who had been used to arms adopted the advise the old Saracen lord had given. It was in consequence forbidden, under pain of death, for the army to attack or skirmish with the Christians on the sea-shore, but they were ordered to remain quietly in their quarters, and suffer them to land and encamp themselves without any opposition. None dared infringe these orders. They sent a body of their archers into the town of Africa, to assist in its defence, and never made any movement until the morrow, so that the country seemed uninhabited.

The Christians having lain this night, as I have said, at anchor at the mouth of the harbour, made themselves ready the next day, which was a clear bright morning, for approaching the town, being very desirous to land. Trumpets and clarions began to sound and make a loud noise on board the different galleys and ships. When it was about nine o’clock, and the Christians had drunk a cup, and partaken of soup made of Grecian or Malmsey wines, with which they had abundantly provided themselves, to cheer their hearts and raise their spirits, they began to execute the plan they had laid down while at the island of Comino. They sent, as it seems to me, some light vessels called brigandines, armed with bricolles and cannons, first towards the harbour. When they were properly drawn up in array, they entered the haven, and saluted the town with arrows and stones; but the walls were hung with wet carpeting to deaden their blows. These brigandines entered the port without damage, and were followed by the galleys and other vessels in such handsome order as to make a pleasant show. In turning into the harbour, there was a large castle with towers, and on one larger then the rest was placed a bricolle, for the defence of the place, which was not idle, but threw quarrels among the fleet. On each of the towers on the walls was a bricolle which shot well; and, to say the truth, the Saracens had laid in stores for a long time, from the expectation of a siege.

When the Christians entered the port of Africa, to disembark, the weather was so beautiful and their order so well preserved, that it was delightful to see it. Their trumpets and clarions made the air resound, and were echoed back by the waves. Many knights both from France and from other countries now displayed their banners, and several knights were created. The first of whom was John lord de Ligny, in Hainault: he was knighted by his cousin, sir Henry d’Antoing; and the lord de Ligny there first displayed his banner, which was emblazoned with his arms on a field or, having a bend gules. He was accompanied by his cousin-german, the lord d’Havreth in Hainault. All the knights and squires disembarked in view of the Saracens, on a Wednesday, the vigil of Magdalen-day‡, in the year of grace 1390, and as they landed, encamped according to orders from the marshals. Thus they took possession of the land of their enemies, who, noticing their camp, could not avoid praising the good order of it. Those in the larger galleys, that could not lie near the shore, were put into boats and conveyed to land, under the banner of our Lady. The Saracens, both within and without the town, allowed them to land peaceably, for they were not in numbers sufficient to oppose them: and the French advanced with displayed banners, on which were emblazoned their arms, to the places marked out for their lodgings by the marshals.

The duke of Bourbon, as commander in chief, was lodged in the centre of his army, with all honour, and powerfully guarded. The device on his banner, powdered over with flowers-de-luce, was a figure of the Virgin Mary in white, seated in the centre, and an escutcheon of Bourbon at her feet. I will name those lords of rank who were quartered on the right of the duke, looking towards the town: first, sir William de la Tremouille and his brothers with a pennon; the lord de Bordenay, with a banner; sir Helion de Lignac, with a pennon; the 469 lord de Tours, the same. Then were placed the Hainaulters, whose standard bore the device of the lord William of Hainault, at that time count d’Ostrevant, eldest son of duke Albert of Bavaria, count of Holland, Hainault, and Zealand, which device was a banner or, on a field gules. There were the lord d’Havreth, with his banner; the lord de Ligny, with his; and then the lord Philip, count d’Artois, with his banner; the lord de Mathefelon, with his banner; the lord de Calan, with a pennon: the séneschal d’Eu, with the same; the lord de Linieres, with a banner; the lord de Thim, with the same; the lord d’Ameval, with the same; sir Walter de Chastillon, with a pennon; sir John de Châteaumorant, with a banner; the brother to the marshal de Sancerre, with a pennon; the lord de Coucy, with his banner, and better supported than any, except the duke of Bourbon; the lord de Licques, with a pennon; sir Stephen de Sancerre, with the same; and then the pennon of the king of France, blazoned with his device: beside it, was sir John le Barrois, with his pennon ornamented with his arms; sir William Morles, with his banner; the lord de Longueval, with a pennon; sir John de Roye, with a banner; the lord de Bours, with a pennon; the viscount d’Aunay, a banner; and sir John de Vienne, admiral of France, with his banner.

Those on the left hand of the duke of Bourbon, were the lord d’Ausemont, with a banner; sir John Beaufort, bastard to the duke of Lancaster, a banner; sir John le Bouteiller, an Englishman, a pennon; sir John de Crama, a banner; the souldich de l’Estrade, a pennon; sir John de Harcourt, a banner; the lord Berald, count de Clermont, and dauphin of Auvergne, a banner, and with good array; sir Hugh Dauphin, his brother, a pennon; the lord de Berthencourt, a pennon; the lord de Pierre Buffiere, a banner; the lord de Saint Semere, a banner; the lord de Louvart, marshal of the army, a pennon; the begue de Beausse, a pennon; the lord de Louvy, a banner; sir Gerard de Louvy, his brother, a pennon; the lord de Saint-Germain, a banner; and then the pennon on a standard, with the device of the duke of Bourbon; the lord Philip de Bar, a banner; sir Lewis de Poitiers, a pennon; sir Robert de Calobre, the same; the viscount de Les, a banner; the lord de Nogent, the same; the lord de Villeneuve, a pennon; sir William de Moulin, the same; the lord de Longwy, a pennon; sir Augorget d’Amboise, the same; sir Alain de la Champaigne, a pennon.

All these banners and pennons that I have named were placed in front of the camp, facing the town of Africa; but there were many knights and squires, of great courage and ability, who were quartered in the field, whom I cannot name, and, if I could, it would take up too much place, for they were, in the whole, fourteen thousand, all gentlemen. This was a handsome army, able to perform many gallant deeds, and support a hard warfare, if the Saracens had ventured an attack, which they did not, contenting themselves this day with throwing large bolts, not meaning to act contrary to their plan. When the Christians were encamped, it was necessary for them to be careful of the provision they had brought, for they could not now venture to forage in this country, nor collect wood nor boughs for huts, as they would have run many risks, by foolishly venturing themselves for such objects.

The knights were lodged under tents and pavilions of cloth, which they had procured at Genoa. The Genoese cross-bows formed two wings, inclosing within them the principal lords, and, from their numbers, they occupied a great deal of ground, turning towards the sea-shore. All their provision was on board the vessels, and there were boats continually employed in bringing different articles from them, as they were wanted. When the inhabitants of the neighbouring islands, such as Sicily and others, as well as those in the kingdom of Naples, la Puglia, and Calabria, heard the Christians were laying siege to Africa, they exerted themselves to supply them with every sort of provision; some from a desire of gain, others from affection to the Genoese. From Candia were brought good sweet wine and grenaches§, to comfort and refresh them, without which they could not long have supported their fatigues. They were a very large body of men, who daily consumed much in eating and drinking. However, these purveyances did not come regularly; for at times the supply was most abundant, at others, they were in great distress from want.

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*  “Bricolles,” — machines to throw stones: a sort of sling. — DU CANGE.

†  All within these marks [ ] is additional matter, omitted by Sauvage and Verrard, from MS. No. 4379. No. 4379, Bib. Harl. in the Museum, and from a MS. in the Hafod Library, which is precisely the same.

‡  “Magdalen-day,” — the 22d July.

§  “Grenaches,” — “One of our ancient poets of the fourteenth century mentions, under the year 1315, Greek wine and wine de Grenache. This last, which, since Roussillon has formed part of France, is become a national wine, was then esteemed a foreign wine. It is probably that which Froissart calls Galvache, Garnache, or Galrigache.” — Vie Priveé des François, vol. iii.

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