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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 502-524.
CHAPTER XXX. — THE CORPSE OF THE COUNT DE FOIX IS BROUGHT FROM RION TO ORTHES. — THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS THE BISHOP OF NOYON AND THE LORD DE LA RIVIERE INTO THE COUNTY OF FOIX, TO MAKE ARRANGEMENTS, ACCORDING TO THE DECREE OF THE COUNCIL.
THIS same day, the body of the count de Foix was put into a coffin, and brought to Orthès. The inhabitants, men, women and children, who went to meet it, wept most bitterly, remembering his valour, prudence and generosity, and the happiness they had enjoyed during the whole of his reign; for there was neither Englishman nor Frenchman who dared to anger him. They said, — “Our neighbours will now make war on us who have hitherto lived in peace, and we shall inhabit a land of misery and slavery. No one will now attend to or defend our rights. Ah, Gaston! fair child, why didst thou anger thy father? If thou hadst remained to us, whose youth promised so much, we should be comforted; but we lost thee when too young, and thy father has lived too short a time. He was but sixty-three years old*, and that is no great age for such a handsome and healthy prince, and one who had every comfort about him. Ah, desolated and comfortless Béarn! now thou hast lost thy prince, what will become of thee? Never shalt thou have en equal to the gallant and noble Gaston.” With such lamentations was the body of the noble count carried through Orthès, attended by the following knights: first, the viscount de Bruniquel and the lord de Copane, then sir Roger d’Espaign, and the lord de Laisne, sir Raymond de la Motte and the lord de Besach, sir Menaut de Noailles and sir Richard de Saint George. Sir Evan de Foix walked in the rear, attended by the lord de Corasse, the lord de Barentin, the lord de Baruge, the lord de Quer, and upwards of sixty knights of Béarn, who had hastened to Rion on hearing the melancholy news of their lord’s death. The body of the count was borne, with his face uncovered, to the church of the Cordeliers in Orthès, where it was opened, embalmed, and put into a leaden coffin, and left in that state until the day of interment. It was handsomely watched; for there were continually burning around it, night and day, twenty-four large wax tapers, which were held by as many varlet’s; twenty-four being employed during the day, and the like number of others during the night.
The death of the count de Foix was now public in various places, and more were sorry than rejoiced; for he had made, in his lifetime, innumerably valuable gifts, and was beloved by all who were acquainted with him. Even pope Clement showed much concern on hearing it, notwithstanding the difficulties the count had, for a long time, throwing the way of the marriage of his cousin, the lady Jane of Boulogne, now duchess of Berry. The bishop of Pamiers was at this time resident at Avignon; for he was afraid of living in his diocese, from the hatred the count de Foix bore him. Although they were relations, and the count had made him a bishop, he incurred the count’s disgrace, from his attempts to extend his jurisdiction to the prejudice of the count. The pope sent for him to the palace, and said, “Bishop of Pamiers, your peace is made: the count is dead.” The bishop was well pleased to hear it, and, in a few days, set out from Avignon, for his bishopric in the county of Foix.
When intelligence of the count’s death was carried to the court of France, the king, his brother, and the duke of Bourbon, were grieved thereat, for his many good qualities. The council addressed the king: “Sire, the county of Foix is now yours by lawful succession; for, since the count has died, without leaving any heirs by marriage, no one can dispute your claim. This is understood by the landholders of Foix. There is also another circumstance which adds to your claim, you have lent on mortgage of that county fifty thousand francs, send and take possession for payment, and hold it as your legal inheritance; those of the county desire nothing more eagerly than to be under your government. It is a fair possession, and comes very opportunely, for it borders on Catalonia and Arragon; and if, in time to come, you should be at war with the king of Arragon, the county of Foix will be a good frontier; for it has many castles and forts which may be very advantageously 503 garrisoned with men at arms.” The king listened with pleasure to this speech, and, agreeing with his council, said, “See whom we shall send thither.” They resolved on the lord de la Riviere, because he had formerly been there, and determined that he should be accompanied by the bishop of Noyon. These two lords on hearing of their embassy, made very handsome preparations, but did not immediately set out. When they did, they travelled slowly and at their leisure, taking the road through Avignon.
* He died on the 12th of August 1391, and was born in 1331. — ED.
CHAPTER XXXI. — THE VISCOUNT DE CHATELBON, HEIR TO THE COUNT DE FOIX, ATTENDS HIS FUNERAL AT ORTHES. — HE IS ADVISED TO SEND TO THE BEFORE NAMED COMMISSIONERS FROM FRANCE, TO DEMAND POSSESSION OF THE SUCCESSION WHICH HAD FALLEN TO HIM BY THE DEATH OF THE COUNT DE FOIX: HE AFTERWARDS SENDS, TO THE SAME PURPORT, TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
THE death of the count de Fox was signified to the viscount de Châtelbon, in Arragon. He instantly set out for Béarn, and arrived at Orthès; but, though the inhabitants made him very welcome, they did not acknowledge him for their lord. They said, “They were but a part of the country; and that it would be necessary for all the barons, prelates, and citizens of the principal towns to assemble and consider of the business; that Béarn was an independent territory, and those lords who resided in it would never consent that it should pay homage to any one.” It was now determined to perform the obsequies of the count de Foix, and then to summon all the barons of Béarn and Foix; that all who pleased might attend and deliberate how to act, on the present occasion, in the choice of a lord. The barons, prelates and chief citizens of Béarn and Foix, were invited to the funeral of the count. Those from Béarn came; but the Foixiens refused, saying they would stay at home to guard and defend their country until the matter of the succession were determined, for they had heard the king of France laid claim to it. The bishop of Pamiers, notwithstanding this, being a relation and invited, went to Orthès in handsome state, becoming his rank.
Great were the numbers who attended the funeral of Gaston count de Foix, the last of the name, in the church of the cordelier friars of Orthès, on a Monday, the 12th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1391. In addition to the barons and knights, there were three bishops: first the bishop of Pamiers, who said mass and performed the service; then the bishops of Lescar and Oléron. The church was splendidly illuminated, and, during mass, four knights displayed, in front of the altar, the emblazoned banners of Foix and Béarn. The first was supported by sir Raymond de Châtelneuf, the second by sir Espaign du Lyon, the third by sir Peter de Quer, and the fourth by sir Menaut de Noailles. Sir Roger d’Espaign made the offering of his sword, supported by the bourg de Copane* and sir Peter Andrew de Béarn, governor of Lourde. The viscount de Bruniquel offered the shield, supported by sir John de Châtelneuf and John de Chantiron. The helmet was offered by the lord Valentin de Béarn, supported by sir Arnold de Rostem, and Arnold de Sainte-Colombe. The war-horse was offered by the lord de Corasse, supported by sir Arnauton d’Espaign and Raymonnet de Copane.
Every part of the obsequies was most honourably and magnificently performed according to the custom of the country. Sir Evan and sir Gracien de Foix, the two bastard-sons of the count, were present, as were he viscount de Châtelbon, all the barons from Béarn, and some from Foix; but the last, as soon as the service was ended, mounted their horses, and went to dine at Heritiel, two leagues distant from Orthès. Very early on the morrow, the bishop of Pamiers took his departure, refusing to assist at the assembly of the barons of Béarn, which was fixed for that day. As soon as the obsequies had been performed, the body of the count de Foix was taken from the leaden coffin, enwrapped with a new and handsome waxed cloth, and buried in front of the grand altar in the choir of the church of the Cordeliers. Of him there is an end: God pardon his sins!
I will now say what was done at this great meeting of prelates, barons, knights, and 504 principal citizens of Béarn, at Orthès. I imagine, from the information I received, the viscount de Châteaubon was addressed nearly as follows: “My lord, we know well that, from your relationship to our late much honoured lord, whose soul God pardon! you are entitled to succeed to all his inheritances, as well in Béarn as in Foix; but at this moment we dare not acknowledge you as our lord, lest we be guilty of great imprudence, and hazard this country of Béarn in a dangerous war; for we have heard that the king of France, who is our good neighbour, and very powerful, has ordered hither some of his council: we know not, nor shall we learn until they arrive and tell us, on what cause they are sent. You are not ignorant, any more than ourselves, that our late lord, whom God forgive! was last year with the king of France at Toulouse, when they had many secret conferences; and the object of these must be explained, for, should he have signed and sealed any transfer of Foix and Béarn, the king of France will think himself justified to possess them by force. We therefore must know the terms of such treaties, if they exist, for we are otherwise situated than Foix. Ours is a free country†, which owes neither homage nor servitude to any one; whereas the country of Foix is a tenure from the king of France, and the Foixiens are so attached to France, that they will cheerfully acknowledge that king for its lord: indeed, they already say, that since the count de Foix has deceased without heir-male by legal marriage, that county naturally falls to the king of France, its lord paramount. My lord, you know we shall maintain our rights, and that we will not surrender them to any lord, whether the king of France or you. We recommend, therefore, that in this business you take the lead, by treaty or otherwise.” The viscount replied, — “And how would advise me to act? for I have declared my willingness to follow every thing in reason that you shall counsel me.” “My lord,” said they, “we think you should desire your cousin sir Roger d’Espaign, who is here present, to accompany you at your expense to the county of Foix, to negociate with the barons, prelates and principal inhabitants. If you succeed in prevailing on them to accept you for lord, or to keep secret their intentions until you shall have gained over the king of France by means of a composition in money, that the inheritance may be yours, you will have done well. Have an interview with the commissioners sent by the king of France to Foix, and offer one or even two hundred thousand francs, you will find it cheaply bought, and have more than enough to pay it from the treasures our lord (whose soul may God pardon!) has left behind him. But we are resolved that his two bastard-sons shall have a handsome share of his landed property, and of the ready money.”
The viscount de Châteaubon answered, — “Gentlemen, I consent to all your wishes. Here is sir Roger d’Espaign, and in your presence I entreat that he will accompany me on this journey.” Sir Roger said, he would cheerfully do so, as he might mediate between them; but if the king of France, his sovereign lord, or his commissioners, should require him to be of their party, or wish him to retire, he should then return. The viscount was satisfied with this answer, and said, — “I will never act, cousin, but by your advice; and, when you are by my side, I shall be more encouraged and the sooner accomplish my ends.” On this, the meeting was on the point of being dissolved, when the viscount requested that he might have, by way of loan, five or six thousand francs from the treasury, to carry out his affairs. The two bastards likewise put in their claims, and desired they might have a share of the money of their father which the men of Orthès had now under their guard. The barons, prelates and citizens, having considered these demands, agreed that the viscount should have five thousand francs, on the terms he had proposed, and the two bastards of Foix two thousand. Orders were accordingly given for their delivery. This was complied with, and the treasurers summoned to pay it. Not one person who had any office under the late count was dismissed; but the guard of the castle of Orthès, and all within it, was given to the inhabitants of the town.
The viscount de Châteaubon, on his arrival at Orthès, set at liberty all prisoners confined in the castle. They were very numerous; for the count de Foix was very cruel to any person who incurred his indignation, never sparing them, however high their rank, but ordering them to be thrown over the walls, or confined on bread and water during his pleasure; 505 and such as ventured to speak for their deliverance run risks of similar treatment. It is a well-known fact, that he confined, in a deep dungeon, his cousin-german, this viscount de Châteaubon, during eight days; and he would not give him his liberty until he had paid down forty thousand francs. Since that time, he bore him such a hatred, that he dared not appear before him; and, had the count lived two years longer, the viscount de Châteaubon, would never have inherited his possessions in Foix and Béarn. Those who had attended this meeting at Orthès now separated, to return to their homes, leaving the viscount to the care of his own affairs. He was not idle, but collected about his person those knights and squires he thought attached to him, and left Orthès with an attendance of two hundred horse. He went to Morlaas, a good town and well enclosed: it is the last in Béarn, on the side of Bigorre, four leagues from Pau, and six from Tarbes.
On the morrow, as he was preparing to set out for Saint Gaudens, another good town at the entrance of Foix, on the Garonne, news was brought him that the bishop of Noyon and sir Bureau de la Riviere were arrived in great state at Toulouse. The viscount de Châteaubon asked sir Roger d’Espaign how he should act. Sir Roger replied, — Since we have now heard of them, we will remain and observe how they proceed. In a few days, they will make us acquainted with their intentions.” this advice of sir Roger was followed: indeed it would have been useless to have advanced farther into Foix, for all the chief towns, castles, and passes over the river Garonne, were shut against them, such as Palaminich, Castres, Montesquieu, Carthas, Ortingas, Sossa, the city of Pamiers, the castles of which was under the guard of the townsmen, Favredun, Montant, Mazeres, Vespuis, and all the castles on the frontier of Arragon. The inhabitants of Foix declared that no foreign power, of men at arms, should enter their country, until the right of succession was established: they, however, showed a great inclination that France should have their country, and that it should be governed by a séneschal, like Toulouse, Carcassonne and Beaucaire; but it happened otherwise, as I shall shortly relate.
When the commissioners from France arrived at Toulouse, they sought intelligence from the archbishop, the séneschals of Foix, and Toulouse, who told them enough; for the two last had, from the great love they bore the late count de Foix, with many of the principal persons in Toulouse, attended his funeral at Orthès. They had, when there, inquired into the state and disposition of the country, from such as they imagined could inform them. Upon hearing their report, the bishop of Noyon and lord de la Riviere consulted together, and determined to send for sir Roger d’Espaign, for he was liege-man to the king of France, his officer, and séneschal of Carcassonne, and keep him with them should there be occasion. According to this plan, they sent off and honourable squire, with letters sealed to sir Roger. He left Toulouse, thinking to meet sir Roger at Montréal or at Saint Gaudens, with the viscount de Châteaubon; for he had heard they had left Morlaas on their road to enter Foix. The squire followed the road to Saint Gaudens, and soon arrived there, as the distance was not more than twelve leagues. He presented the letters to sir Roger, telling him at the same time form whom they came. Sir Roger, having read them, said, — “You will stay here to-day: to-morrow you shall return, and I hope have company with you.” The squire assented to this.
The viscount and sir Roger had a long conference on the subject of these letters, and it was concluded that sir Roger should wait on the commissioners at Toulouse, when he would hear what was the object of their coming, and what their intentions. On the morrow, the knight, in company with the squire who had brought the letters, set out for Toulouse, and they continued their journey until they arrived there in the evening, when sir Roger retired to his lodgings, and the squire to his masters. On learning that the knight was arrived, the commissioners said, “Since sir Roger d’Espaign is come in person, to-morrow we shall have some intelligence.” The next day, after mass, sir Roger waited on the bishop of Noyon and the lord de la Riviere, who kindly received him. After some conversation on different subjects, they told him the cause of their coming, and showed the king’s procuration, for them to take possession, in his name, of the county of Foix. Sir Roger observed their papers and credential letters were properly drawn up, and, after a short pause, he replied: “My lord of Noyon, and you my lord de la Riviere, I am not such an intimate counsellor of the king as 506 ye are, for, if I were, I would (under your favour) advise him to take the money, and indeed somewhat more than what he has, on mortgage on this county, advanced to the late count, and to be repaid on his death, and let the natural heir succeed to his inheritance. This would be, in my mind, greatly to his honour and profit, and to the salvation of his soul. I will give you other substantial reasons why this should be done, if you will listen to me. First, it is well known that this mortgage was fraudulently made by the late count, for he abounded in money; and was in this matter actuated solely by his hatred of the true heir, the viscount de Châteaubon-bon, whom he thought he could never sufficiently injure. The king may therefore, if he consent to it, be implicated in this disgraceful transaction. Secondly, by following my advice, the king will be a gainer; for the county of Foix will cost him full as much to guard and defend as his receivers can collect from it, and he will, beside, lose the homage and service of a powerful man. Thirdly, he will heavily load his conscience by thus disinheriting another; for if he had meant to act justly in such a bargain and sale, he ought to have called upon all the relations of the late count, who had the remotes claims on his succession, to oppose this act, if they should have thought it necessary, which was not done. Consider, therefore, my lords, you who have so good understandings, and are come hither as those most looked up to in the king’s council, all that I have said, before you approve yourselves abettors of frauds, which must affect the conscience of the king, for on you will the whole blame be thrown, and, before it be too late, apply a remedy. You have now time, for my cousin, the viscount de Châteaubon, has sent me to remonstrate with you on this business; and he, as well as myself, beg you will pay attention to our complaints; for it is not just to seize all that strength and power may enable you to do.” When sir Roger had done speaking, the bishop of Noyon and the lord de la Riviere looked at each other; and the bishop thus replied, — “Sir Roger, we are convinced the proposition you have made us is caused by your love of justice; but our commission does not extend to annihilate the bargains which may have been made between the king of France and the count de Foix. However, from consideration and love to you, and for the satisfaction of all parties, we will not proceed further in the business, if you will undertake a journey to Paris, and make to the king and council what remonstrances, you may please relative to it. If you can by your eloquence prevail, that the succession of Foix devolve to the viscount de Châteaubon, who is indeed, as you say, the legal heir, we shall be right glad, for we are no way inclined to disinherit him.” “My lords,” replied sir Roger, “you make me very happy by what you say; remain, therefore, and amuse yourselves in Toulouse during my absence, for all your expenses shall be defrayed from the treasure in the castle of Orthès.”
Thus did sir Roger d’Espaign manage the matter, during his stay of two days in Toulouse with the commissioners from France: a better negotiator could not have been sent. On the third morning, when taking leave of them, he said, — “My lords, since I have begun this business, I see the necessity for my going to Paris, to bring it to a conclusion, but I know not in what disposition I shall find the king and his court. Should I stay longer than I propose, I beg you will not be uneasy, for it will be the fault of those with whom I must treat, if I do not very speedily return: in the mean time, you shall constantly receive messengers with letters from me.”
“Go, in God’s name,” said the two lords: “we know it will not be your fault if any delay happen.” Thus satisfied with each other, they separated. The commissioners remained at Toulouse, and sir Roger returned to the viscount de Châteaubon at St. Gaudens, to tell him what had passed. The viscount was rejoiced on hearing it, and said, — “Sir Roger, my fair cousin, I put my whole confidence in you, and the matter interests me greatly; for it is nothing less than whether I am or am not to have the property of my family, from whom I am sprung, and whose arms I bear. I have none other but you to send to France, nor any one on whom I can depend, to lay before the king and council the hardship of my case, with a force of eloquence equal to the occasion. I therefore entreat, from your affection to me, and for the obligation I shall ever be under to you, that you would undertake this journey.” Sir Roger said, — “I knew well that you would charge me with this business, and, from my love to you and our relationship, I will readily undertake it.” He was not long in making his preparations to go to Paris, ad took the road through Rodez, as being the shortest, for 507 There was now a truce between France and England. Had it not been so, this way would not have been the most expedient; for there were many forts on the borders of Quercy, Rouergue and Limousin, in the hands of the English.
* The family of Copane is known at this day under the name of Caupenne. The castle of Caupenne is near Bayonne. — Note by the Marquis de Sy.
† The Béarnese had their own courts and customs, which they long preserved. — ED.
CHAPTER XXXII. — THE KING OF FRANCE AND THE DUKE OF BRITTANY MEET AT TOURS, TO SETTLE THEIR DIFFERENCES. — AMBASSADORS FROM ENGLAND COME THITHER ALSO TO NEGOTIATE A PEACE.
THE great hatred which subsisted between the duke of Brittany and sir Oliver de Clisson, constable of France, has been repeatedly mentioned in this history. The duke, in addition to the ill will he bore him, was envious of the favour he was in with the king of France, and the opinion he had of his advice: he would willingly have prevented or troubled this, if he had the power, and was not fearful of offending the king. This made him frequently repent that he had not put him to death when in his castle of Ermine, for no one would have revenged it, and the matter would soon have been forgotten. The duke, on account of this hatred and envy of the constable, was very backward in his duties to the crown of France, and, when he could, absolutely refused paying them. He knew he was acting improperly, but persisted in this conduct, for he was too much inclined to England, provided his castles and towns with artillery and stores, sending secretly to England for men at arms and archers, whom he placed in his forts, giving it out that he was expecting war to be made on him, but his subjects could not guess from what quarter.
News of all that he was doing was carried to the court of France, and several spoke loudly against him. The duke, indeed, knew that many of the French lords disliked him; but he was indifferent as to this, and continued to act as before, entrusting only the duchess of Burgundy with the real state of his affairs and his intentions. He was right so to do, not only because he was her relation, but her father, the late earl of Flanders, had been much attached to him, and comforted him in all his distresses. This duchess of Burgundy was a determined lady, and the duke, her husband, would not willingly have angered her, as was indeed natural; for he had gained by his marriage with her immense possessions, and was the father of many fine children, which bound him, as well as the whole royal family, the more to her.
These hatreds and jealousies were daily increasing; and although the duke of Brittany went to Paris, and paid his homage to the king, I will not pretend to say that it was done from the heart, for on his return to Brittany, very little change was observed in his conduct. He had also sworn obedience to the pope o Avignon, but acted contrary to his solemn pledge, for he disclaimed him by words, and would not allow his bulls to have effect in his duchy. He was neuter between the two popes in many things, and disposed of vacant benefices according to his pleasure; so that no foreign clerk, unless he was perfectly agreeable to the duke, could obtain any benefice in Brittany. And with regard to any writs, or law processes, which were sent thither from the parliament of Paris, he held them very cheap, and seemed to expect that his own officers should take the precedence in all such proceedings.
The duke deprived even the prelates of Brittany of many of their rights, who, though they made loud complaints of this to the parliament of Paris, could not obtain redress; for when the duke was summoned to defend himself against these charges in the courts of justice, he never came nor sent any persons sufficiently authorised to answer for him. When, by order of the parliament, the king’s officers were sent into Brittany to serve the duke with writs of summons, they never could speak with our obtain a sight of him, from different causes he made; but, when they had left his country and were returned to Paris, he said, — “Yes, to be sure I will go to Paris to hear law! never will I do such a thing. Three years ago, I was there for that purpose and to obtain justice; but the last I never could get. Our judges of the parliament turn it as they please; and they must think me very young and 508 ignorant when they want thus to manage me. I wish to let them know, that if all my subjects were unanimous in the same opinions with me, I would find the kingdom of France so much employment that the most obstinate should listen to reason. All who had loyalty and faithfully served should be rewarded accordingly, and such as had acted on opposite principles should be punished; and those who demanded justice should have it.” Such speeches, which were often repeated, were carried to the French court; and the king’s own confidential ministers said, “This duke of Brittany is so presumptuous and obstinate in his opinions that, if he be suffered to go on with such discourses, the kingdom will be weakened, by other lords following his example, and the rights of the crown by degrees may be lost.” It was therefore resolved, to obviate all difficulties, that the duke of Brittany should be civilly invited to come to Tours, where the king of France, from the affection he bore him, would endeavour to give him the meeting, attended only by the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, and the bishops of Chartres and Autun, members of his council, who were expressly named, as more in favour with the duke of Brittany than any other lords in France, except the lord de Coucy and the lord d’Estampes.
This plan being followed, the count d’Estampes and sir Yves d’Orient were sent into Brittany, where they had much difficulty to persuade the duke to meet the king of France and his uncles at Tours. They discussed the matter so ably, he at length said, “that he would go to Tours; but they need not press him to prolong his journey, for farther he would not go, neither would he see his enemy, sir Oliver de Clisson, as he hated him mortally.” These terms were complied with before he would consent to set out for Tours. The two envoys returned to France to tell the king and his uncles their success with the duke of Brittany. They appeared satisfied therewith, since they could not do better. The king and his lords began to make preparations for this journey to Tours on a large scale; for they imagined they should remain there two or three months, as the treaties and negotiations which were to be proposed would require much time before they could be concluded.
The king of France, the duke of Touraine, the duke of Berry, the duke of Burgundy, his son John of Burgundy, the duke of Bourbon, the lord de Coucy, the count de la Marche, the count de Saint Pol, and the whole of their councils, came to Tours, where lodgings had been provided for them. The constable of France and his son-in-law, John of Brittany, came thither from a different quarter, as indeed they were nearly concerned in the matters then going forward. The duke of Brittany, after keeping them waiting a fortnight, at last arrived. Some said, that notwithstanding he had made hem come there, he would not meet them; for he had sent twice or thrice to say he was too ill to ride; but having considered the business, he at length came. His purveyances were grand, and he and his people were lodged at their ease.
[The negotiations instantly began on both sides; but as the days were not short, it being the winter season, there could not be any long discussions before dinner, which were renewed afterward until the evening. During the time these treaties were going forward at Tours, between the king of France and the duke of Brittany, which lasted good part of the winter, sir Roger d’Espaign and sir Espaign du Lyon arrived there from Toulouse on a Wednesday. The city was so full of lords and other company, that it was with much difficulty they could find lodgings. Having at last obtained them, they waited on the king and his ministers, and explained, as eloquently as they were able, the cause of their coming, and the case of the viscount de Châteaubon, in regard to his claims on the county of Foix, and the honour of Béarn.] The king and his council were so fully occupied with the affairs of Brittany, which touched them more nearly, that they could not attend to other business.
Sir Roger d’Espaign was however well heard, though he had not a speedy answer: he remained there upwards of two months, and was daily told his proposal should be considered, but the answer was not given. There was another cause of delay, during the king’s residence at Tours, that increased the labours of his council; for sir John Clanvow, counsellor and chamberlain to the king of England, and Richard Rowhall, clerk, doctor of laws, and of the council of England, arrived there from king Richard, on the subject of a peace which had been first proposed by sir Thomas Percy and the lord de Clifford, some time before at Paris, as you have heard. On their arrival, all other business was laid aside, and they alone were 509 attended to. It was told me, they had brought credential letters to the king, and the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, who heard what they had to say. Their mission was to know if the king of France and his council were willing to hold conferences at Amiens, as had been proposed, to endeavour to establish a lasting peace between the two kingdoms and heir allies. The king of France, who, from every appearance, seemed desirous of peace, answered in the affirmative, and said, “that as soon as the business between him the duke of Brittany was finished, and he was returned from Tours, he would not attend to any thing until he arrived at Amiens, according to the former propositions; and that he would wait there the arrival of the commissioners from England, who should be made welcome with the best cheer of the country.”
The English were well pleased with this answer, and staid five days at Tours, passing their time with the king, the chief lords and the chancellor of France. Having accomplished the object of their coming, they took leave of the king and court. The king made them handsome presents, for which they returned thanks, and had all their expenses, while at Tours, paid. During their stay, they neither saw nor spoke with the duke of Brittany, for they were anxious to avoid giving the French any cause of suspicion of underhand dealing. They returned through Paris and Picardy to Calais; and, having a favourable passage, arrived at Dover, and thence journeyed to London, where they found the king and council assembled at Westminster, and related to them the answer they had received, and what observations they had made. The king and council were satisfied with what they heard, and gave orders respecting the conferences to be holden at Amiens.
We will now return to the ambassadors from Béarn and Foix.
CHAPTER XXXIII. — SIR ROGER D’ESPAIGN AND SIR ESPAIGN DU LYON, AMBASSADORS FROM THE VISCOUNT DE CHATEAUBON, PRACTISE SO SUCCESSFULLY WITH THE COURT OF FRANCE, THAT HE IS DECLARED HEIR AND SUCCESSOR TO THE COUNT DE FOIX BY LETTERS PATENT FROM THE KING OF FRANCE.
SIR Roger d’Espaign and sir Espaign du Lyon acquitt4d themselves handsomely and successfully, in regard to the affairs of the viscount de Ch&eacirc;teaubon. They had many difficulties to overcome with the king and the court, more especially with the members of the privy council, who had advised the king to annex the county of Foix to the crown of France, since the inhabitants were desirous of it. The king was likewise of this opinion, but the duke of Burgundy more wisely opposed it, and recommended it to the king to do nothing more than receive back the money he had advanced, saying, he had lands enough to guard without adding these, and disinheriting the lawful heir. I believe the duke of Burgundy’s advice would not have been attended to, if the duke of Berry had not taken up the matter. You have heard that formerly he had sent to the count de Foix the count de Sancerre, the viscount d’Assy, sir William de la Tremouille, and the lord de la Riviere, to treat for his marriage with the lady Jane of Boulogne, whom the count de Foix had in ward. The count listened to the proposals, but told the envoys that the duke of Berry should never have her for his wife if he did not give him thirty thousand francs for the expenses of her education, and this demand the duke paid, for he was determined to have the lady. This he had not forgotten, and, sending for sir Roger d’Espaign and sir Espaign du Lyon to his chamber at Tours, shut the door and conversed with them in private, saying, “You may, if you please, succeed in the object of your journey hither; but you must first promise me, that I shall be fully repaid the sum my treasurer gave the count de Foix when I was married to my present duchess. I have always determined, that if I survived the count, this money should be paid me back.”
The two knights, hearing the duke thus talk, looked at each other, but said not a word. The duke added, — “My fair sirs, it was for this I wished to speak with you by ourselves: consult together on what I have told you; for, be assured, whether you consent or not, I will obtain repayment, and your treaty shall not succeed. I can depend on my good brother of Burgundy acting as I please; he is lieutenant over all the countries of Oil, as I am over 510 those of Oc, and none will dare to controvert my orders, or oppose my will. This viscount de Châteaubon will find money enough for my demand, since the late count has left more behind him than the king has in his treasury.” Sir Roger d’Espaign now answered, “My lord, suppose we were to accede to our proposal, we have not any money with us.” “Oh,” replied the duke, “sir Roger, that shall be no hindrance. You shall take the debt on yourself, and give me your bond for it: I have that opinion of your honour I will credit you for this, or a much larger sum if it were necessary.” “My lord,” said sir Roger, “I thank you: we will consult together, and you shall to-morrow have our answer.” “I am satisfied,” answered the duke; when the conversation ended, and the doors were opened.
The two knights returned to their lodgings, and had many conversations, whether or not they should agree to the duke’s demand, and accept of his mediation. Every thing considered, they thought the best they could do would be to consent; for the matter had been drawn out to a great length without any appearance of being decided; but on condition that all the landed property was yielded to the viscount de Châteaubon. On the morrow, they returned to the duke of Berry, and engaged themselves for the payment of thirty thousand francs, on condition that he would influence the king and council to allow the viscount de Châteaubon to inherit Foix, on his paying back the sum it had been mortgaged for. The duke replied, — “Leave that to me; I will have it done, otherwise I shall not expect you to fulfil your engagements.” From that day forward, the duke of Berry was so anxious to receive his thirty thousand francs, and so able an advocate for the viscount de Châteaubon, that every thing was arranged according to his wishes. The king and council desisted from their first demands; and the two foreign knights had given them letters of confirmation of the county of Foix to the viscount de Châteaubon, addressed to the bishop of Noyon and the lord de la Riviere, who had remained at Toulouse.
The substance of these letters, as I learnt from credible persons who had been on this embassy, was as follows: — “We Charles, by the grace of God king of France, order and command our reverend father in God the bishop of Noyon, and our knight and chamberlain the lord de la Riviere, to allow the viscount de Châteaubon, heir of Foix and Béarn, to have peaceable possession and enjoyment of the same, and of all dependencies thereto belonging, on condition that he first pay into your hands the sum of sixty thousand francs, which you will receive in one payment in the city of Toulouse; and we will, after payment made, that the receipt, sealed by our séneschal of Toulouse, to the viscount de Châteaubon, shall be a full and legal acquittance to him, and to whomever else it may concern. In addition, we expect payment of twenty thousand francs, for the expenses you have been at in your journeys to and from the county of Foix on this occasion: you will for this money give acquittances from our above-named office in Toulouse: saving and reserving that sir Evan and sir Gracien de Foix, bastard-sons of the late Gaston count de Foix, of happy memory, have a reasonable share of the moveable property and inheritances of their deceased father, according to the discretion and advice of sir Roger d’Espaign, the viscount de Bruniquel, sir Raymond de Châteauneuf, and the lord de Corasse, to whom we will write, that they acquit themselves in the matter honourably to the discharge of our conscience; for, some time since, we made such promise to their father. And should any demur arise, either on the part of the four knights to whom we have entrusted this business, or from obstinacy and rebellion on the part of the viscount de Châteaubon, we annul and declare all treaties we may have entered into void, and of no effect. In testimony whereof, we have given these letters under our seal, in the city of Tours, this 15th day of December, in the 12th year of our reign.”
When these letters were finished to the satisfaction of the king, council, and ambassadors, the knights made preparations for their departure; and, having taken leave of the king and lords, and paid their expenses, they set out from Tours on their return home.
You before heard that the lord Louis de Sancerre, marshal of France, was resident in the neighbourhood of Carcassonne, and had been so a long time, as lieutenant for the king over all those countries as far as the Dordogne. The bishop of Noyon and the lord de la Riviere sent for him to Toulouse, and thus addressed him: — “Marshal, the viscount de Châteaubon, who declares himself heir, by the death of Gaston count de Foix, to the county of Foix and 511 its dependencies, save and except what may concern Béarn, is in treaty with us. We have sent intelligence of it to the king and his council; but we know not, nor indeed can we as yet, how the king and his ministers may please to act in the matter. Be you, therefore, provided with a sufficient body of men at arms, and garrison well the frontiers of Foix. Sir Roger d’Espaign and sir Espaign du Lyon are now in France; and if we hear from them, or by messengers from the king, that there is no probability of any compromise taking place, but that the king means to annex Foix to his crown, you will instantly enter that county. The lord Louis said, that in regard to this he was well prepared, and was increasing his strength daily, waiting for the answer from the king.
We will now return to the duke of Brittany.
CHAPTER XXXIV. — DURING THE RESIDENCE OF THE KING OF FRANCE AND DUKE OF BRITTANY AT TOURS, THEIR DIFFERENCES ARE PARTLY ACCOMMODATED BY MEANS OF THE MARRIAGES OF THE DUKE’S SON WITH A PRINCESS OF FRANCE, AND A SON OF JOHN OF BRITTANY, SON TO THE LATE LORD CHARLES DE BLOIS, WITH A DAUGHTER OF THE DUKE OF BRITTANY.
I HAVE mentioned that treaties were negociating at Tours between the king of France and the duke of Brittany. The duke gave the king and his council a great deal of trouble, for he would not abate any of his pretensions. When any propositions were made to him, he refused them; and in like manner was it returned, when he offered any on his part; so that there did not seem a probability of their disputes being terminated. The duke declared himself willing to serve the king according to the homage he had paid, and to the duty he owed. “Why then,” asked the king’s council, “since you acknowledge yourself vassal to the king, do you not obey him in all things?” “Wherein am I a rebel?” demanded the duke. They mentioned many instances, and, first, his conduct towards the pope of Avignon, whom the king, his lord, obeyed as the true pope, and with regard to whom he was dissembling his opinion, and refused to obey his commands, filling up all the vacant benefices in his duchy, without paying attention to those who had provided themselves with bulls from the pope. This, they said, was rebellious against the king in thought and deed. The duke replied, — “That no one had a right to arraign or judge his conscience but God alone, who was its supreme lord. With regard to the two rival popes, he had never made any declaration; that when Urban was elected, he was with his cousin, the earl of Flanders, in the town of Ghent; that the cardinal, Robert de Geneve, sent to the earl letters patent, sealed with his seal, which signified and certified to my cousin, that, by the grace of God and the divine inspiration, the conclave had elected Urban pope. How can an election be set aside that seems to me made in the most regular manner? I wish not to say a word against the king or his crown, for I am his cousin and vassal, and will faithfully serve him, whenever I am required, to the utmost limits of my duty; but I shall speak my mind as to those who do not advise him honourably.” “Tell us who they are, and we will provide a remedy.”
“Oh,” replied the duke, “you know them better than I do, for you live more with them; but, as to what you have said touching the vacant benefices, I am not so severe against suitors for them as you say, for I permit the clergy of my duchy to provide themselves with bulls from pope Clement; but I object to strangers having the same liberty, and will tell you why I refuse it. They want to carry all the profit of the benefices out of the country, without serving them. This is so contrary to reason, conscience, and justice, that I will never consent to it. You say my conduct was rebellious and haughty, respecting the king’s sergeants that came with writs into my country of Brittany. I neither am rebellious nor wish to be so. You ought to know, or, if you do not, you should learn, that the fief of Brittany is so noble, no law proceedings can take effect unless the duke, the natural lord, shall hold an open court of justice, to hear causes, and the reasons why any appeals may be made thence, and to see that the officers, who bring writs of appeal or 512 summons, do their duty regularly: should there be sergeants or other officers in my duchy negligent, or against whom strangers have cause of complaint, I would punish them severely, for a warning to others. In addition to what I have said, that the king’s council do many reprehensible things, they plainly discover their inclinations to encourage the hatred of the king against me: the proof is clear, by their suffering my cousin, John of Blois, to act in two instances very injuriously against me: the first is, the signing himself John of Brittany, as if, by bearing this name, he could form a claim on the inheritance of that duchy; but he cannot have any right, because I have children, a son and a daughter, who will succeed to my possessions. Secondly, he bears the ermines, which are the arms of Brittany, and he had formerly renounced the name, arms, and all things thereto appertaining. True it is, that sir Oliver de Clisson supports him in this conduct, to vex me; and, as long as this shall continue, I will not listen to any treaty of peace or friendship with the king. I shall not make war against him, for he is my natural lord, but if, through envious or malevolent informations, he make war on me, I will defend myself, and shall be found ready on my own territories. All that I have now said, I wish the king to be made acquainted with.”
Such was the bitterness with which these negotiations were carried on between the king of France and the duke of Brittany. The duke was master of his council, but the king was led by sir Oliver de Clisson, the bègue de Villaines, sir John le Mercier, and sir William de Montagu. The duke of Burgundy, who saw more clearly into this matter, was uneasy that the duke’s reasons were made public, though he supported them privately as much as he could, in which he was assisted by the duke of Berry, who hated the confidential advisors of the king. By their means, his treasurer, Bethisac, had suffered an ignominious death at Beziers, which he was forced to put up with, for it was not yet time to revenge himself.
In this state did they remain at Tours for upwards of three months, without any progress being made in the treaties. They were on the point of being broken off, for the king was impatient at the delays, and wanted to return to Paris, whence he would issue a special summons for the ensuing summer, and make war on the duke of Brittany an his allies, leaving all others in peace. But the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, the lord de Coucy, the count de Saint Pol, sir Guy de la Tremouille, the chancellor of France, and many other great barons and prelates, desirous than an end should be put to these differences, held a conference, and said, — “We, who are so nearly connected with the king and the greatest barons of his realm, having agreed to meet the English commissioners this Lent at Amiens, to consider a treaty of peace, must hasten to put an end to this ill humour of the king and the duke of Brittany; for should we separate without doing so, the English would have the advantage in the business at Amiens: they will expect the support of the duke of Brittany and his country, for they are near neighbours, and we shall have a war with Brittany and England, like what we had before, and it will be too heavy for us.”
These lords and their councils so often turned the matter over, that they at length discovered a means of reconciliation between the king and the duke of Brittany. I will mention it, for without this I do not believe it would ever have taken place. It was proposed that a marriage between the son of the duke of Brittany and a daughter of the king of France should take place; and, as John of Brittany had a son, a similar connection should be formed with the daughter of the duke of Brittany. These articles were agreed upon: but, notwithstanding this alliance, John of Brittany was obliged to lay aside the arms of Brittany, and take those of Châtillon; and, if he were desirous of bearing any thing relative to Brittany, as a descendant of that house by his mother’s side, he might bear on the arms of Châtillon a bordure ermine, three sables or, and an escutcheon ermine in chief gules, and none others. Thus was the business brought to a conclusion, and the duke restored to the friendship of the king of France and his uncles. He dined with the king, in company with John of Brittany, count de Penthievre; and much affection was mutually displayed by all parties, on account of the marriages which had been agreed to be solemnised.
The duke of Brittany would never see sir Oliver de Clisson, for the hatred he bore him; but the constable was indifferent to this, as the hatred was mutual. All things being now settled, and the lords having sworn to see these marriages consummated when the children should be of a proper age, and the different treaties having been engrossed, they thought it 513 time to quit Tours, for their stay had been too long, and return to Paris, as the time was approaching for the conference at Amiens. The king of France, his brother, uncles, and council, had promised to be there to receive the king of England and his council. The duke of Brittany took leave of the king, his brother, and uncles, and of those most in his favour, and set out from Tours for his own country; as did the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, with other lords; but the king, the duke of Touraine, the duke of Bourbon, and the lord de Coucy, staid at Tours, and I will tell the reason.
CHAPTER XXXV. — THE COUNT DE BLOIS AND MARY OF NAMUR, HIS COUNTESS, SELL TO THE DUKE OF TOURAINE THE COUNTY OF BLOIS WITH OTHER LANDS. — THE VISCOUNT DE CHATEAUBON TAKES POSSESSION OF THE INHERITANCES OF THE LATE COUNT DE FOIX.
I HAVE before recorded in this history, that Louis de Blois, son to the count de Blois, had died young, at Beaumont in Hainault, leaving the lady Mary, daughter of the duke of Berry, a widow, who lost by the event many of the good things of this world: for her husband was a rich heir, and would have been a powerful lord. I mention this, because I wish it to be known in times to come how such large properties have been disposed of or alienated. The count and countess of Blois were not formed to have any more children; for by indulging themselves too much in the pleasures of the table, and eating too many sweet dishes, they were become enormously fat. The count could no longer mount his horse, but he was always carried in a car whenever he travelled from one place to another, or took the diversions of hunting or hawking. As this was well known to the lords of France, a thought struck the duke of Touraine, during his residence at Tours, which he carried into effect.
The duke had a very large sum of ready money, perhaps a million of florins, lying idle, which he had received from the count de Vertus, on his marriage with the lady Valentina of Milan. This money he wanted to dispose of to advantage. He knew the great properties of the count de Blois would be dispersed after his death. The county of Blois would fall to John of Brittany, who was his cousin-german; the lands in Hainault to the duke of Juliers and duke of Lancaster, excepting Chimay, which would go to Conflans in Champagne. The county of Soissons had belonged formerly to the counts of Blois, but was alienated to the lord de Coucy, for the ransom of Guy de Blois from England. The lands of Argies and Nouvion went to other heirs: Holland and Zealand fell to the count of Hainault. Thus would this noble inheritance be dispersed piece-meal, for it was well known it must happen on the death of the present possessor. The duke of Touraine cast his eyes on this property, as he had money enough to purchase it, were it sold at a fair price, and determined to desire the king, his brother, to treat with the count de Blois for the county of Blois, which was a valuable property, and very convenient to him by bordering on his duchy of Touraine. To this county are also attached many considerable fiefs. The duke of Touraine, having this scheme in his head, did not rest before he mentioned it, first to the king, then to the duke of Bourbon, and to the lord de Coucy, who was an able negotiator and much in favour with the count de Blois, for he had married the daughter of his cousin-german the duke of Lorraine. The duke of Touraine and the above mentioned persons were careful not to drop the least hint of this business to the duke of Berry, because the lady Mary, his daughter, had her jointure of six thousand francs a year settled on this county, and the duke of Berry imagined that, for this sum and the charges that would accrue, he should obtain the county of Blois, for a person more covetous of other people’s property could not be found. The duke of Burgundy was also kept ignorant of this plan, because the lady Margaret, his eldest daughter, was married to William of Hainault, son to the count of Hainault; and he thought that by some incident, by purchase or otherwise, the lands of Holland, Zealand and Hainault might revert to his son-in-law, the count d’Ostrevant, or to his son John of Burgundy, who had married Margaret eldest daughter of the count of Hainault. The king and the three other lords proposed therefore, on their departure from Tours, to visit their cousin the count Guy de Blois, 514 Who resided at a handsome castle, eight leagues from Tours, called Château-morant, and to open a treaty for the sale of the county of Blois, with the count and the countess, who were very avaricious.
It chanced, by some accident I am unacquainted with, that the bailiff of Blois, named sir Reginald de Sens, a knight of law and arms, and of great prudence, heard of this intended visit and its purposes. He was much concerned from the love he bore his lord, lest he might dishonour himself and disinherit his heirs by a sale, for which he had no need, and severely wound his conscience. He determined therefore, if possible, to prevent it, and, setting out from Blois, rode all night to Château-morant, where, being introduced to the count, he said, “My lord, the king of France, the dukes of Touraine and Bourbon, with the lord de Coucy, are coming hither.” “That is true,” replied the count: “Why do you mention it?” “I am come to tell it because you will be pressed to sell your heritage. Consider well the subject as you have time beforehand.” The count de Blois was much surprised at hearing this, and said, — “I cannot prevent any one from speaking to me,, or offering proposals; but, before I consent to the selling of my inheritance, fraudulently disinheriting my heirs and dishonouring myself, I must have neither plate nor porringer of silver to pawn.” “My lord,” replied the knight, “remember this when the time comes, for you will see that all I have told you is true.” “Don’t doubt it, bailiff,” said the count: “I am not so young nor so foolish to listen to such proposals.” On this, the bailiff returned to Blois, where he resided, for he did not with the company he had mentioned should find him there. Two days after, the king and his company arrived at Château-morant, to the great joy of the count and countess of Blois, at his visiting them, and they entertained him splendidly. The king, to win the affections of the count, and gain him over to his plan, said, — “Fair cousin, I see you are the lord in our kingdom the most endowed with honour and liberality, and that in former times you must have had large expenses: to assist and recompense you, we will grant you a tax on the county of Blois that shall be worth twenty thousand francs.”
The count returned his thanks and accepted the gift, which, however, was of no value to him, for he never received one penny from it. After this, the matter of sale of the county of Blois was entered on, first by the king, and seconded by the duke of Bourbon: but, finding the count very cool and indifferent about it they addressed themselves to his lady, and remonstrated with her, in specious terms, respecting the hazard she incurred of being reduced to a poor estate should she survive the count, as she had every appearance o doing; and it would be more for her advantage to have riches and jewels in plenty, which she might easily secure, if she would persuade her lord to listen to the proposals they had made or the purchase of the county of Blois. The countess, form her avaricious disposition and her eagerness to receive the florins, assented and procured everything they wanted, with the assistance of antler person, that is to say, a valet-de-chamber of the count, called Sohier, who was the son of a cloth-worker in the town of Mechlin. This Sohier so completely governed the count, that every thing was done as he ordered, and the count had given him upwards of five hundred francs of yearly revenue for ever. See the mischief of such cases, and how miserably some lords are governed; for Sohier had neither prudence nor sense worth mentioning, to deserve such rewards, except the foolish pleasure of his lord, who had taken a friendship to him.
In like manner, the duke of Berry had a worthless fellow, called James Thibaut, that governed him, to whom he had, at different times, given two hundred thousand francs, which he might as well have thrown into the river. If, therefore, Sohier would have wished to have excused himself for this sale taking place, he could not, for, if he had pleased, it would never have been done; but to gratify the king, the dukes of Touraine and Bourbon, and the lord de Coucy, as well as the countess of Blois, who, through avarice, had already consented to everything, he urged on the count in private, and made him totally forget everything he had promised his bailiff, and the reversion of the county of Blois was sold for two hundred thousand francs, and the duke de Touraine was to take on himself the payment of the countess de Dunois’ jointure of six thousand francs. There was also another sale made, of the reversion of the lands in Hainault, for which the duke of Touraine was likewise to pay two hundred thousand francs. Count Guy de Blois, indeed, reserved in this last sale the consent 515 of the count de Hainault, the lord paramount of those lands, but who would never insist on his homage for them. The king of France and the duke of Touraine, however, took on them to answer for the consequences, and before they left the count they bound him so completely in writings sealed, that he could not anyway retract, for he had none to advise him but Sohier, who was illiterate, having never had any education, and he was already on their side.
In such a manner were these bargains concluded, which I have detailed as fully was I was able, that in future times the whole truth of the transaction may be made public, by means of these chronicles. In good truth, my lord and patron, count Guy de Blois, like an ignorant and ill-advised person, pushed on by his countess and his valet-de-chambre, made these miserable sales. When every thing was concluded relative to this business, to the satisfaction of the king, the duke of Touraine and their counsellors, they took leave of the count and returned to Paris. The news of these purchases made a great noise in many countries and astonished all who heard it.
We will speak of sir Roger d’Espaign and sir Espaign du Lyon, and say how they prospered since they departed from Tours, on the road to Toulouse, where the bishop of Noyon and the lord de la Riviere were waiting for them. Their arrival at Toulouse gave great pleasure, for they had been long expected: they instantly waited on the commissioners from France, to show their papers, which they had received from the king, and which fully explained the successful issue of their journey. The bishop of Noyon and the lord de la Riviere entertained them will, and showed they were much rejoiced at the succession, with all its dependencies, of the count de Foix, devolved on the viscount de Châteaubon, according to the tenure and form whereby the count Gaston had held them, and in the manner detailed in the written documents. After considering the business, they thought it advisable that sir Roger d’Espaign and sir Espaign du Lyon, who had taken so much pains and incurred so much labour in it, should wait on the viscount de Châteaubon and the councils of Foix and Béarn, to inform them what had been agreed on, that all things ought to be regularly managed, to bring the whole to a happy conclusion.
The knights consented to this proposal, and having refreshed themselves two days in Toulouse, set out for Saint Gaudens. The viscount was not there, but at a beautiful castle, at the entrance of Béarn called Pau, where they found him. He was happy to see them, having long wished it, but much more so when he learnt that the king of France desisted from taking possession of the county of Foix: he knew well where to find the money required for the repayment of the mortgage, and that enough would remain after this was done.
I believe my readers, as well as myself, will think I have said enough respecting the affairs of Foix and Béarn: I will therefore leave them, and enter on other matters; for it would take up too much time to pursue in detail every thing that passed there on the return of the two knights from France. To conclude, the viscount de Châteaubon was acknowledged count de Foix and Béarn, on the same terms on which Gaston de Foix, of happy memory, had held them*, and he received the homage of all who were his vassals. He satisfied his two cousins, sir Evan and sir Gracien†, the bastards of Fix, by the handsome allotment he gave them of the inheritances and moveables of their father, and repaid to the commissioners from France, the mortgage that was on Foix. Before all these things were accomplished, summer was far advanced, and the bishop of Noyon remained at Toulouse with the lord de la Riviere; for they would not depart until every thing was completely settled, to the honour and profit of the crown, according to the instructions they had received from the king of France.
* The viscount de Châteaubon was acknowledged as sovereign of Bearn, by the estates assembled at Orthès, 5th July, 1393. He was married to the only daughter of Don John king of Arragon. — ED.
† Gracien married Isabella de la Cerda, a daughter of the king of Castille and heiress of the duchy of Medina Celi. — ED.
CHAPTER XXXVI. — A GRAND ASSEMBLY AT AMIENS, OF THE KING AND LORDS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, TO TREAT OF A PEACE BETWEEN THE TWO KINGDOMS.
WE will now speak of the grand assembly of the lords of France and England, which was held in the city of Amiens, to treat of a final peace between the two countries, at Mid-lent, in the year of Grace 1391. Great preparations were made before the arrival of the lords; and in particular those made for the king, his three uncles, and many of the great barons and prelates, were very sumptuous. Other lords were desirous to make a figure; for it was currently reported and believed that king Richard of England intended being there in person, to form an acquaintance with those he had never yet see, but he did not come. That he had intentions of being there was certain, for he came as far as Dover with his three uncles of Lancaster, York, and Gloucester, meaning to cross the sea with them. Many councils were held at Dover, to debate whether the king should proceed further or not; and the council, having considered all things, decided he should remain in the castle of Dover, and the duke of Gloucester with him. The dukes of Lancaster and York, the earl of Huntingdon, the earl of Derby, sir Thomas Percy, the bishop of Durham, the bishop of London, and others of the king’s council, prepared to cross the channel. They did not all pass over instantly, but sent their purveyances forward, and then crossed themselves to Calais, where they lodged. When the day approached for the meeting at Amiens, these lords set out from Calais together: they were more than two hundred horse, and it was a fine sight, for they rode in handsome array. The king of France had given orders that, during the time the conferences should last, all the expenses of the English, in coming to and returning from Amiens to Calais, should be defrayed by his treasury; that is to say, their nourishment as well as that of their horses.
In company with the dukes of Lancaster and York was their niece, daughter of their sister and the lord de Coucy: she was styled duchess of Ireland, having been married to that duke, as you have heard. This young lady came to visit her father at Amiens; for hitherto she had seen but little of him, which made her naturally more anxious now to wait on him. She travelled in good state, but like a widow who had enjoyed but little pleasure in her marriage. It had been ordered by the king and council of France, that the English lords who were coming to Amiens to arrange a solid peace, should be received with the greatest honours; and that the four dukes then at Amiens, namely, the dukes of Touraine, Berry, Burgundy and Bourbon, should ride without the town to meet and bid them welcome. As soon, therefore, as the English were near Amiens, these dukes, attended by all the great barons of France, rode forth in grand array. The duke of Touraine took the lead, in great state, and when he met his cousins of England, they mutually saluted each other, with every respect, as such lords know how to do. When the duke of Touraine had conversed a short time with them, he took his leave, returned to the town with his numerous attendants, and dismounted at the palace of the bishop, where the king resided, remaining with him in his chamber.
The other three dukes, after the departure of the duke of Touraine, rode each with his array to meet the English lords; and, on their meeting, many old acquaintances were renewed with a satisfaction such as was a pleasure to behold. When these dukes had conversed a little, the gallant count-dauphin of Auvergne (who, during the time he was a hostage in England, had lived much with the duke of Lancaster, and bore him great affection) advanced his horse, and saluted him: the duke of Lancaster no sooner recollected him than he pressed him to his arms, and showed him every sign of friendship: their conversation was interrupted by the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, who joined the duke of Lancaster. The duke of Bourbon, the lord de Coucy and the count de St. Pol, rode with the duke of York, the earl of Huntingdon and sir Thomas Percy, conversing all the way as they approached Amiens. At the entrance of the city, the honours paid the English were increased; for the duke of Lancaster rode between the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, and when their horses moved it was but a foot’s pace. Their horses heads were in a line, which they took care to keep; and thus these three passed the gates, riding very slowly and 517 paying each other mutual honours, to the palace of the bishop, where the king and the duke of Touraine were. Having dismounted, they ascended the steps; and the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, taking the English dukes by their hands, led them towards the king of France, the other lords following.
When in the presence of the king, the three dukes who supported the uncles of the king of England, and the other French lords, cast themselves on their knees; but the two English dukes remained as they were, inclining gently their heads in honour of the king. The king instantly advanced to them, took their hands, and bade his uncles and the other lords rise, and then entered into a friendly conversation with them, as did the barons of France with those of England. After this first interview, the lords of England took their leave of the king, his brother and uncles, and were attended as far as the steps of the palace, when they mounted their horses, and were escorted to their hôtels by the constable of France, the lord de Coucy, the count de St. Pol, sir John de Vienne, and the other lords of France, who there took leave, and went back to the king or to their lodgings. The duchess of Ireland was lodged, with her attendants, at her father the lord de Coucy’s hôtel.
It had been forbidden by the king and council, (and public proclamation had been made before the arrival of the English, that no one might plead ignorance,) that any outrages whatever be committed during the holding of these conferences under pain of death, or any quarrelling with the English, or riot, during their stay in the city of Amiens. All knights and squires were strictly commanded by the king, under pain of incurring his indignation, not to talk of, or propose, any deeds of arms to any knight or squire from England, but to treat them with the utmost civility and attention wherever they should meet, in the fields, the palace, or in church: that no pages nor varlets of any lords of France cause riot or quarrels in the inns, under pain of losing their heads; and that whatever the English knights or squires might ask for should be immediately given them: that no innkeeper should demand payment for meat or drink, or other common necessaries. It was also forbidden any knight or squire of France to be out at night without a torch; but the English might do so, if they pleased; and if any Englishman were found on the roads, or in any other place, having lost their way, he should be courteously conducted to where he lodged.
518Four guards of one thousand men each, were stationed at the four squares of Amiens, and, should there be a fire during the night in any part of the town, those guards were not to move on any account from their posts; but, when the firebell rang, those appointed to that duty were to hasten to extinguish it. It was likewise ordered, that no knight or squire should advance from his place to speak with the king, unless called or spoken to by his majesty: and that, during the time the English barons were in the king’s presence, no knight or squire converse together nor address the English. It was commanded, under heavy penalties, that no innkeeper, or others, steal or put aside, through avarice, any of the bows or arrows of the English; but if out of courtesy, the English thought proper to give any to them, they might accept such presents.
You must know, that all these orders and regulations were formed with great deliberation of council, to do the more honour to the English who were come to negociate a peace, and proclaimed several times, that they might be strictly attended to; for, if they were infringed, those guilty of it were to have been punished without mercy.
Every day conferences were held with the English lords, with scarcely any intermission, during the fortnight they staid at Amiens, without coming to any conclusion for the difference was too great in their demands. The French would have Calais razed to the ground, so that it should never again be habitable. The English would not listen to this, nor dared they consent to such an article in the treaty; for the commons of England love Calais more than any other town in the word, saying, that as long as they are masters of Calais, they carry the keys of France at their girdle. However great the differences between the lords of England and France in these matters, and the length of time they were occupied on them, they separated with great good humour on both sides from the conferences, saying, “We will again meet to-morrow on this business; and we hope, through our diligence, to bring the matter at last to a happy conclusion.” The king of France entertained the lords of England three times most magnificently at dinner in the episcopal palace. The duke of Touraine, the duke of Berry, the duke of Burgundy, the duke of Bourbon, the lord de Coucy, the count de Saint Pol, gave each a dinner to the English commissioners. Whatever the English wanted was delivered them, free of cost, by clerks who were appointed to take an account o all things they had, which they referred to the king’s-exchequer for payment.
You must know, that although the dukes of Lancaster and York were at Amiens, they had received such instructions from the king of England and his council, that they could not add to nor alter any of the terms of the treaty they had been charged with. Many persons will not readily believe what I am about to say, though it is strictly true, which is, that the English are fonder of war than of peace. During the reign of king Edward of happy memory, and in the lifetime of his son the prince of Wales, they made such grand conquests in France, and by their victories and ransoms of towns, castles and men, gained such wealth that the poorest knights became rich; and those who were not gentlemen by birth, by gallantly hazarding themselves in these wars, were ennobled for their valour and wealth. Those who came after them were desirous of following the same road, although sir Bertrand du Guesclin and many other knights of France, as has been related in this history, by their valour and prudence had greatly changed the face of the English possessions in France since the times of king Edward and his son. Even the duke of Gloucester, son of king Edward, inclined to the opinion of the commons, as did many other knights and squires who were desirous of war to enable them to support their state. This caused great difficulties in forming any treaty of final peace, notwithstanding the king of England was earnest about it. By him and the duke of Lancaster were these conferences holden in the city of Amiens, but they were fearful of angering the commons of England: they indeed would have consented to a peace, if the French would have restored all that had been given them by the treaty of Bretigny and paid the arrears of fourteen hundred thousand francs, which were unsettled when they recommenced the war.
CHAPTER XXXVII. — THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH LORDS, NOT BEING ABLE TO AGREE ON THE TERMS OF PEACE, PROLONG THE TRUCE ONE YEAR. — THE ENGLISH, ON THEIR RETURN, ARE ACCOMPANIED BY THE LORD DE CHATEAU-MORANT, TO BRING BACK THE KING OF ENGLAND’S FINAL ANSWER.
THE conferences were held at Amiens, respecting a peace, with great perseverance and attention on the part of the lords commissioners of each nation. It was wondered why the matter failed; for the duke of burgundy and the duke of Lancaster were much in earnest to bring it to a happy conclusion, reserving always what was contained in their private instruction, which they dared not go beyond. The French, perceiving the English were obstinate in their terms, in order to soften them offered, if they would consent to raze Calais, the peaceable possession of what they then held in Aquitaine, with nine bishoprics, independent of all other jurisdictions, and payment of the fourteen hundred thousand francs within three years. The duke of Lancaster and his council replied, — “We have remained here a long time without concluding any thing nor shall we be able to finish the business without returning to England, and reporting to the king our lord, and the three states of the realm, what you have now proposed. Be assured that my brother York and myself will use every diligence, as well as our council who have attended us hither, in ending the matter according to our and your wishes, with the exception of what you demand concerning Calais; but that we dare not mention, without incurring the hatred of the people. It will be therefore better to remain silent, than to say what would bring blame and hated against us.” The king of France was tolerably satisfied with this answer, as were his uncles: they said, that if, when returned to England, they would exert themselves to obtain peace, a trifle on their part should not prevent it; for the war had lasted too long and caused numberless misfortunes to both countries.
During the assembly at Amiens, the commissioners bethought themselves, that as the truce between France and England would expire on St. John Baptist’s day, they might prolong it, for themselves and their allies, without any blame, for one year longer, by sea and land. With regard to the determination that might be given by the parliament to their proposals, they desired to send two knights with them to England, to bring back the final answer. To this the dukes of Lancaster and York readily assented.
I was told, and believe truly, from the appearance I observed, that the king of France was very desirous of peace at almost any rate; for there were reports current throughout France, that Amurat* had invaded, with a powerful army of Turks, the kingdom of Hungary. This intelligence had been brought by the elder lord Boucicaut, marshal of France, and sir John de Carouge, who were lately returned from Greece and parts of Turkey.
The king of France, when younger, had an anxious wish to undertake an expedition against Amurat, and recover Armenia, which the Turks had seized from king Léon, who was then present at the conferences at Amiens. He had stated his grievances to the dukes of Lancaster and York, who knew him well, for he had been in England, to offer his mediation for peace between the two countries, when the king of France was encamped near Sluys. The king of France, weighing this invasion of the Turks in his mind, and his former promises of support to the king of Armenia, thus spoke to the duke of Lancaster when he took his leave, — “Fair cousin, if peace shall be established between us and the king of England, we may undertake an expedition to Turkey, to assist the king of Armenia and the emperor of Constantinople†, whom Amurat presses very hard, and recover Armenia from the hands of the Turks. They tell us that Amurat is a man of great valour and enterprise, but of a sect contrary to our faith, which he daily oppresses: we ought, therefore, to unite in its defence; and I entreat, fair cousin, that you will consider of it, and do every thing you can to promote this expedition when returned to England.” The duke of Lancaster promised to comply with his request, and to exert himself so strongly in the matter, that the effects would soon be apparent. Upon this they took leave of each other.
520The conferences at Amiens lasted fifteen days, and the lords from England were the first to separate. They carried with them the outlines of a treaty, to lay before the king of England and his council. The duchess of Ireland bade adieu to her father, the lord de Coucy, and accompanied her uncles on their return. All the English, on their road to and from Calais, and while at Amiens, needed not to have expended a farthing unless they chose it, for the king had ordered their whole expenses to be defrayed by his officers. The duke of Burgundy went to Arras, where he met his duchess, who, during the time of the conferences, had visited Flanders. The dukes of Touraine, Berry, and Bourbon remained with the king, whose intention it was to go to Beauvais and Gisors, to amuse himself, and return that way to Paris.
In company with the duke of Lancaster and York were the two French knights who were sent to England by orders from the king of France; their names were sir John de Châteaumorant and sir Taupin de Cantemerle; and they were to bring back the final answer of the king and council of England respecting a general peace. The English dukes were escorted to Calais by sir Reginald de Roye, the lord de Montaurel and the lord de la Vieville, who then took their leave and returned. The English crossed the channel at their leisure to Dover, where they found the king and the duke of Gloucester waiting for them. A grand council was holden by the king and his lords on all that had passed at Amiens; the king was well pleased with what his uncles had done there; but the duke of Gloucester, who was always against any treaty with France, declared, that not any propositions for peace could be determined on till they were laid before the parliament, which ought instantly to be summoned; and whatever measure the three estates of the realm should resolve on, that ought to be adopted, and none other.
This proposal of the duke of Gloucester was agreed to: indeed they dared not oppose him, for he was too popular with the commons of England. The French knights were told that they must continue their journey to London, otherwise they could not obtain any answer. They were willing to consent to this, as was right, and set out with the king and his lords, the greater part of whom went straight to London; but the king turned off at Dartford, and took the road to Eltham, where he had a handsome palace. He there staid some little time with the queen, and they came together to Shene‡, and thence to Windsor, where the French knights received an answer; but before I say what that answer was, I must speak of the king of France.
* Amurat died the same year, and was succeeded by Bajuzet. — ED.
† Emanuel Paleologus. — ED.
‡ Richmond.
CHAPTER XXXVIII. — THE FIRST ILLNESS OF KING CHARLES. — COUNT BERNARD D’ARMAGNAC DOES HOMAGE TO THE KING. — THE LORD DE CHATEAUMORANT RETURNS FROM ENGLAND WITH AN ANSWER RESPECTING PEACE.
AFTER the conferences at Amiens, the king of France, unfortunately, and through his imprudence, was seized with a burning fever, for which he was advised to change the air. He was put into a litter and carried to Beauvais, where he remained in the bishop’s palace until cured. His brother, the duke of Touraine, and his uncles of Berry and Bourbon, attended him constantly, and there kept their Easter. When the king was perfectly recovered, and able to ride, he went to Gisors, at the entrance to Normandy, for the pleasure of hunting, as there are many large forests in that neighbourhood. During his residence at Gisors, sir Bernard d’Armagnac, brother to the count who died in Italy, came thither in handsome state, accompanied by the dauphin of Auvergne, whom he met at Paris. As he held the counties of Armagnac and Rodez from the crown of France, he paid the king homage for them, in the usual manner of vassals to their lord paramount for the fiefs they hold. He became now the king of France’s man, and, having had the articles of homage properly drawn out and engrossed, he and the dauphin took leave of the king, and returned to Auvergne and Languedoc. About Ascension-day, the king came to Paris in perfect health, and fixed his residence at the hôtel de Saint Pol, which has been prepared for him, the queen and the duchess of Touraine having arrived there before him.
521The lord de Châteaumorant and sir Taupin de Cantemerle were all this time waiting in England for an answer. They had attended the feast of Saint George at Windsor, where was a brilliant company of barons, and the king’s uncles. The lords who had been at Amiens consulted together, on the promises they had made the king of France, as well as in respect to an answer for the two knights, who were very pressing to have one, and leave to return home. After considering the matter, they thus addressed them: “You Châteaumorant, and you Cantemerle, must know, that at this moment we cannot obtain any answer for you to carry to the king of France. It will be a long time before the parliament will take up the matter, for it does not meet before Michaelmas. But to acquit ourselves, and to excuse you, we will write letters fully explanatory of the delay; and if you, or any others, will return hither during the sitting of parliament, you shall receive such answer as the three estates of the kingdom shall think proper to give.” The French knights hearing this, and seeing no probability of having any other answer, replied, — “In the name of God, we are satisfied with what you now say: write and seal your letters, and we will set out on our return.” This being done, they took leave of the king, and went to London to make preparations for their departure. The king, ordered all their expenses to be paid, and had them conducted to Dover, where the bailiff had provided a vessel for them and their horses; but they were detained at Dover five days waiting for a wind. On the sixth it was favourable, and they landed at Boulogne. They took their road through Amiens, and by short days’ journeys arrived at Paris, when they found the king and his lords, for it was Whitsuntide. They delivered their letters, which were immediately read, but I believe no great reliance was put on them; and in a short time, they had other affairs of greater consequence at home to attend to.
CHAPTER XXXIX. — SIR PETER DE CRAON, THROUGH MALEVOLENCE, WAYLAYS SIR OLIVER DE CLISSON, BEATS AND SEVERELY WOUNDS HIM. — THE KING AND COUNCIL ARE GREATLY ANGERED THEREAT.
YOU have before heard how sir Peter de Craon, a knight of high birth and great wealth, was disgraced by the king of France and his brother, as well as the reasons for it; and that, having retired to the court of Brittany, the duke had assured him sir Oliver de Clisson was at the bottom of this business. Some supposed the duke had been instigated to say this from his hatred to the constable, whom he wished to dishonour and destroy. While sir Peter de Craon was with the duke of Brittany, they had frequent conversations of what means they could employ to put sir Oliver to death; for they said, that if he were but destroyed, no one would seek to revenge his loss; and the duke expressed his regret he had not put him to death when in his castle of Ermine, adding, he would willingly give one hundred thousand francs if he could once more have him in his possession. Sir Peter de Craon, observing the mortal hatred of the duke to Clisson, thought of an extraordinary expedient when meditating alone on this subject, for it is from appearances we must judge. He resolved, whatever might be the consequence, that he would himself assassinate the constable, or have it done under his own eyes, and not attend to any thing until the deed were performed, when he would afterwards treat for his pardon. He was no way afraid of what John of Blois or the viscount de Rohan, who had married the constable’s two daughters, could do against him: he held them very cheap, for, with the assistance of the duke and his family-connections, he could withstand them both. The house of Blois was much weakened, and the count Guy de Blois has just sold the reversion of that county to the duke of Touraine, which by succession ought to have descended to John of Brittany, who had in this sale been very unkindly treated by the count de Blois. Now, if the constable were slain, by degrees he would soon get the better of the favourites of the king and the duke of Touraine, such as the lord de al Riviere, sir John le Mercier, Montagu, le bègue de Villaines, sir John de Bueil, and others in the king’s confidence who were friends of the constable, and whom the dukes of Berry and Burgundy detested, notwithstanding the outward marks of friendship they showed them.
522Sir Peter de Craon persevered in his abominable designs, urged on by that enemy who never sleeps, and who delights in the heart of the wicked man that is inclined towards him. He regularly formed his whole plan, in the manner I shall mention; but, had he foreseen the great evils and mischiefs that ensued from them, it is to be hoped reason and temperance would have ruled in his heart to prevent them from being put into execution. It is truly said, that a too great desire to accomplish an object clouds the understanding, and that vicious inclinations overrule virtue. Thus it happened to sir Peter de Craon, whose eagerness to destroy the constable made him listen to the counsels of folly and madness. He had secured a safe retreat with the duke of Brittany, after the deed should be done and the constable dead, without fear of any search being there made for him,, for the duke had promised him an asylum; and, should the king of France follow him with a powerful army to Brittany, in one night he could embark and sail for Bayonne, Bordeaux, or England, where he could not come after him. The English mortally hated Clisson, for his great severity to them from the time he had turned to the French: before that period he was strongly connected with them, and had done the crown essential services, as you have had it related in this history.
Sir Peter de Caron long brooded over this intended deed, without mentioning it to any one: I know not if he even told it to the duke of Brittany. Some think he must have disclosed it to him; but others thought the contrary: the first opinion, however, was strengthened, if not confirmed, by sir Peter and his accomplices returning by the shortest road, and as expeditiously as possible, to Brittany, instantly after the assassination, as to a place of refuge. In addition to this, he sold all the castles and estates he held in Anjou to the duke of Brittany, and had renounced his allegiance to the king of France, under pretence of taking a journey to the Holy Land. I shall not say any more of these surmises, but relate the fact; for I, author of this history, was at Paris when this misfortune happened to sir Oliver de Clisson, and ought therefore to be well informed form the enquiries I made concerning it.
You must know, that at this period sir Peter de Craon had a very handsome house near the churchyard of Saint John at Paris*, like other great lords, to receive him, when he came to that city. This hôtel was, in his absence, under the care of a house-steward; and, during the last Lent season, he had sent varlets thither for his service, with orders to lay in a large store of wines, and all sorts of provision. He had likewise written to the steward to purchase for him armour, such as coats of mail, gauntlets, steel helmets, and other things sufficient for forty men, and to let him know when they were provided, that he might send for them, but to observe the greatest secrecy in the business. The steward, thinking no harm,, obeyed the orders, and provided the armour; during which time, sir Peter resided at a handsome castle of his in Anjou, called Sablé, from whence he sent at different times four or more determined fellows, in the most secret manner possible, to his hôtel in Paris. He said to them nothing more when they left him, but — “When you arrive at my house in Paris, make yourselves comfortable, and ask the house-steward for whatever you may want, who will instantly give it to you; but do not, on any account, pass the gates or show yourselves.. I will one day satisfy you well for your obedience, and pay you handsome wages.’ Upon this, they departed, and journeyed to Paris, which they entered at their pleasure; for in those days the gates were never shut night nor day. At length, they amounted to forty courageous bravos, for such were what sir Peter wanted. There were several among them who, had they known the business they were engaged in, would not have come; but sir Peter took good care not to betray his secret. About the feasts of Whitsuntide, sir Peter de Craon came to his hôtel in Paris, not in state, but as privately as his men had done. On his arrival, he asked for the porter, and said: “I command thee, under pain of having thy 523 eyes thrust out, not to admit either man or woman into the hôtel, nor permit any one to go out, without my special orders.” The porter, as well as the house-steward, promised obedience. He shut up in their chambers the wife of the latter, her children and the chambermaid. He was in the right to do this. Had these women or children gone into the street, his arrival would have been known; for young children and women naturally tell all they see, and what is intended to be concealed. Thus, as I have related, were the whole of his people confined within the walls of the hôtel, until the feast of the holy sacrament. You may suppose, that sir Peter had his spies fully employed to bring him intelligence; but it was not until the eve of this feast he found a fit opportunity to execute his scheme, which had vexed him much.
It happened that, on the feast of the holy sacrament, the king of France kept an open court at the hôtel de St. Pol, where he entertained all barons and lords who were in Paris. He was in high enjoyment, as were the queen and the duchess of Touraine: to add to their amusements, after the dinner, lists were prepared within the courts of the hôtel, and young knights and squires, ready armed and mounted for tilting, came thither, and justed very gallantly. The tiltings were well performed, to the delight of the king, queen, ladies, and damsels, and lasted until the evening. The prize for the best tilter was adjudged by the queen, the duchess of Touraine, and the ladies and heralds appointed to the office, to sir William de Flanders, count de Namur. The king entertained at supper, n the hôtel de Saint Pol, every knight who wished to partake of it; and, afterward, the dancings continued until one o’clock in the morning. When these were over, every one retired to his home, without guard and without suspicion. Sir Oliver de Clisson remained the last; and, when he had taken leave of the king, he returned to the apartment of the duke of Touraine, and asked, “My lord, shall you stay here to-night, or do you go to Poulain’s?” This Poulain was treasurer to the duke of Touraine, and lived at the Croix du Tiroir, near the Silver Lion. The duke replied, — “Constable, I am not determined whether I shall stay or not; but do you go, for it is high time to retire.” “My lord, God give you a good night!” said sir Oliver, and went away. He found his servants and horses waiting for him in the square before the hôtel; but they had not more than eight or ten torches, which the varlets lighted. When the constable was mounted, and the torches were borne before him, he rode down the broad street of St. Catherine.
Sir Peter de Craon’s spies had this day exerted themselves, and he knew every particular relative to the constable, — of his staying behind the rest of the company, the exact number of his horses and attendants. He had, in consequence, quitted his hôtel with his men all mounted and secretly armed; but there were not six of them who knew what his real intentions were. He had advanced to the causeway, near the place of St. Catherine, where he and his people lay hid, waiting for the constable to pass. As soon as the constable had left the street of St. Pol, and turned into the square of the great street, advancing a foot’s pace, with a torch on each side to light him, he began a conversation with one of his squires, saying, — “I am to have a dinner, to-morrow, my lord of Touraine, the lord de Coucy, sir John de Vienne, sir Charles d’Angers, the baron d’Ivry, and several more: be sure take care they have all things comfortable, and let nothing be spared.” As he said this, sir Peter de Craon and his company advanced, and without saying a word, fell on the constable’s attendants and extinguished the torches. The constable, hearing the clatter of the horses behind him, thought it was the duke of Touraine who was playing him a trick, and cried out, — “My lord, by my faith, this is very ill done; but I excuse it, for you are so young you make a joke of every thing.” At these words, sir Peter de Craon, drawing his sword from the scabbard, said, ૼ “Death, death! Clisson, you must die.” “Who art thou,” said Clisson, “that utterest such words? “I am Peter de Craon, thy enemy, whom thou hast so often angered, and thou shalt now pay for it.” Then, calling to his people, he said, — “Advance, advance! I have found him I was in search of, and whom I have long wanted to seize.” He then struck him several blows, and his men, drawing their swords, fell on him. Sir Oliver was quite unarmed, having only a short cutlass, not two feet long, which, however, he drew, and defended himself with it as well as he could. His servants, being quite defenceless, were soon dispersed. Some of sir Peter’s men asked, if they were to murder 523 all? “Yes,” replied he, “all who put themselves in a posture of defence.” They could not resist the attack, for they were but eight, and without armour. Sir Peter’s men fully intended to murder the constable, and their master wished nothing more than to see it done; but, as I heard from some of those who had been in this attack, the moment they learnt that the person they were assassinating was the constable of France, their arms became, as it were, nerveless through surprise, and their blows were given weakly and through fear, for in perpetrating wickedness none are bold.
The constable parried the blows tolerably well with his short cutlass; but his defence would have been of no avail, if God’s providence had not protected him. He kept steady on horseback some time, until he was villanously struck on the back part of his head, which knocked him off his horse. In his fall, he hit against the hatch of a baker’s door, who was already up to attend to his business and bake his bread. Having heard the noise of horses on the causeway and high words, the baker had, fortunately for the constable, half opened the hatch; and sir Oliver, falling against it, burst it quite open and rolled into the shop. Those on horseback could not follow him, as the entrance was neither wide nor high enough, and besides, they did their work like cowards. It must be owned for truth, that God showed great favour to the constable: if he had not exactly fallen against the hatch, or if it had been closed, he would infallibly have lost his life, and have been trampled to death by the horses, for they were afraid to dismount. Several of them imagined, even sir Peter de Craon and the person who had hit him, that the blow on his head which unhorsed him must cause his death: sir Peter, therefore, said, — “Come, let us away; we have done enough: if he be not dead, he can never recover from the last blow, which was given by a lusty arm.” On saying this, they collected together and left the place at a good trot, and were soon at the gate of Saint Anthony, which they passed, and gained the fields; for since the battle of Rosebecque, ten years ago, the gates were never shut. The Parisians had then their mallets taken from them by the constable, and many of the citizens punished and fined for their imprudent conduct, as I have fully narrated.
* “The street of the Mauvais-garçcons, in the rue des Boucheries, took its name from a sign. With regard to the other rue des Mauvais-garçcons, which leads from the rue de la Verrerie to that of la Tixeranderie, it was formerly called rue de Chartron; but when the lords de Craon built a house there, which is now a churchyard, it was called rue de Craon, to the time when Peter de Craon hid himself and accomplices within it, to assassinate sir Oliver de Clisson. The street then changed its name, and was called la rue des Mauvais-garçcons. The hôtel was, by orders of the king, razed to the ground, and the spot given to the church-wardens of St. John, to enlarge their church-yard.” — Sauval, Antiquités de Paris.
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