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From The “Historia Brittonum” Commonly Attributed to Nennius; From a Manuscript Lately Discovered in the Library of the Vatican Palace at Rome: edited in the Tenth Century by Mark the Hermit with an English Version, Fac Simile of the Original, Notes and Illustrations, by the Rev. W. Gunn, London: Printed for John and Arthur Arch, 1819; pp. 67-84, 161-187.

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THE

“HISTORIA BRITTONUM.”

[Part IV: Latin text]

[English Translation]

FOOTNOTES

^h  Desideratur aliquid ;  et forte supplendum in quas.

ⁱ  Sic.

^j  Legendum ex suis.

^k  Forte, aliquid desideratur.

^l  Legendum siquidem.

NOTES

⁸⁸  “Absque habitatore relinquerent.”

The Saxon Chronicle, (p. 12) informs us that the Angles left their country totally deserted. This opinion was prevalent in Britain. “Ab eo tempore usque hodie manere desertus,” is the testimony of Bede (lib. 1. c. 15.) respecting their province. “On thæm landum eardodon Engle ær hi hider on land comon.” (Ælfred’s Orosius, p. 25.) “Allmyn were preparing an emigration one after another, leaving a nakedness the place whence they sprang.” (Taliessin. Owen’s Diction. v. Attor. Turner’s Anglo-Saxons, book ii. c. 5. p. 249.)

⁸⁹  “At super omnia mala aditiens guorthegirnus accepit sibi filiam suam uxorem quæ peperit filium.”

All the early authorities, the Triads, Tysilio, Jeffery, and the Saxon writers; are silent as to this charge.

⁹⁰  “Hoc itaque cum compertum esset sancto Germano, venit corripere eum cum omni clero bryttonum;”

It appears from a former note, that St. Germanus died, A. 448. He must, therefore, have appeared again after that event, or the crime of incest, with which Vortigern is supposed guilty, must have happened during his first or second mission. The whole of this tragical episode is so confused, as to dates, as to be very inconsistent. Two synods are recorded, in which St. Germanus presided; the first, 446, the second, 449. By the latter, the incest of Vortigern was censured; but the authority is quoted from our author. (Wilkins’s Concilia, tom. i. p. 1.)

⁹¹  “Pater meus es, caput meum tonde, et comam capitis mei;”

There was a custom among the Britains called “Diwẏn” and seems to have signified the first cutting of a youth’s hair; which was usually done by one of the chiefs of the family, who at the same time gave the child a gift, or granted him some request. (Lhuyd Archælog. cap. ii. p. 234.)

The cutting off the hair was common, both among Christians and Heathens. With the former, they were thenceforth denominated “servi Dei;” and the ceremony was often performed on children. In the Ordo Romanus (p. 62. apud Hittorpium) there are several prayers, ad cappillaturam incidendam, of which the following is one; “Omnipotens Christe Salvator, innocens, et innocentiæ amator, humilis et humilitatis assumptor, mansuetus et mansuetudinis inhabitator, qui venientibus ad te parvulis, manus tuæ benedictionem imponens, talium dixisti esse regnum cœlorum, benedic hunc famulum tuum N. cujus in tuo nomine superflua incidimus capillorum: da ei intellectum cum ætatis augmento ut, te timeat te intelligat, et tua mandata custodiat, et te auxiliante usque ad canos senectutis cum summa sanitate perveniat. Per te Salvator mundi, qui cum Deo patre.” The only instance I have met with of this ancient rite among ecclesiastical 163 writers is in the life of Benedict II. (A. 684.) “Hic una cum clero, et exercitu suscepit mallones capillorum Domni Justiniani, et Heraclei filiorum clementissimi principis, simul et jussionem per quam significat eosdem capillos direxisse.” (Athanasius, tom. i. p. 144.) This note of the learned Antoine Hauteserre, of Tholouse, on this passage (tom. ii. p. 116.) is curious. “Constantinus Pogonatus obtulit Benedictio p. mallonem capillorum filiorum ut eis esset per adoptionem pater spiritualis. Ex more Longobardorum adoptio fiebat per tonsuram capillorum. (Aymoin. Monach. lib. iv. cap. 57.) Pepigerat autem fœdus Carolus Martillus, Princeps cum Luitprando. Langobardorum rege, eique filium suum Pipinum misit, ut more fidelium christianorum ejus capillum primus attonderet, ut pater ille spiritualis existeret.” (Idem Paulus Diacon. de gestis Longobard, lib. vi. c. 13.) — Mallones, vellus, coma, ex græco μαλλος, idest, lana, coma, offerebantur in signum subjectionis paternæ.” (Vide Baron., A. 684. n. 7. Macri Hierolexicon.)

⁹²  “a facieque Germani fugiens maledictus ac dampnatus est a sancto, et ab omni sinodali conventu.”

Thus circumstanced, Vortigern “invitatis ad se xii magis.”

The Druids and the Magi of Gaul and Britain were the same. (Plin. lib. iii. c. 1.) and are so identified by subsequent writers. In the life of St. Columba, written by Adamnas, the Druids are called Magi throughout. “O’Donnel, in his translation of the New Testament into Irish, calls the wise men of the east Magi. (Mall. cap. ii. p. 1.) Draoithe, i. e. Druids.” (Mona Antiqua, p. 109.) Curious particulars relating to the Magi, the arts they practised, their influence in various countries, under different appellations, are to be found in Beroaldus’s preface to his edition of the Apuleius. (Basil. 1560. 3 vols. 8vo.) “King Gwrtheyrn had twelve principal bards. On some occasion he thought they had deceived him respecting some prophecies; consequently he ordered them to be put to death; and their graves, called Beddew y Dewiniaid, or the tombs of the prophets, are to be seen to this day.” (Quoted by Jones, from a Welsh MS: Bardic Museum, vol. ii. p. 11.) Tysilio also remarks, on the twelve principal bards, 164 the counsellors of Vortigern. (Coll. Camb. vol. i. b. 4. p. 118.) Do not these correspond with the twelve pontiffs, called Diar or Drottar, which Mallet also (vol. i. p. 61.) assimilates to the Druids? They aided in the councils, were styled prophets, wise men, divine men. (ibid. 140.) “Diar seu Drotnar, duodecim Præfecti cæteris eminentiores, quibus sacrorum et juris populo dicendi curam commiserat Odinus Sueonum Princeps.” (Hickes Dissert. p. 49.)

⁹³  “Ad extremas fines regni tui vade — tandem pervenerunt ad quandam provintiam quæ Guenet vocatur.”

“Guenet,” “Gwynez (gwyn) Venedocia, North Wales, exclusive of Powys, also all North Wales, in a lax sense. Gwynez uç Conwy, Gwynez above Conwy; Gwynez îs Conwy, Gwynez below Conwy.” (Owen’s Dict. Gwynez.) Lywarch Hên calls “Powys the paradise of the Cymry.” (Elegies, Owen’s Translation, p. 119.)

⁹⁴  “et cum lustrarent montana heremi.”

Heremi (Eryri) the mountains, of which Snowdon is the highest peak. They were to the Cambrians what Parnassus was to the Grecians, and Mount Ida to the Cretans. (Mona Antiqua, p. 253.) That this was within the native territories of Vortigern appears from Tysilio, (Coll. Camb. vol. i. b. 4. p. 118.) who says, that the king, after examining many spots in the land of the Cymry fit for building a castle, preferred one in Eryri, which is to this day called Dinas Emris, or the fortress of Ambrosius; and the site is ascertained by that name in the ancient maps prefixed to the first volume of Warrington’s Wales. The tradition still continues — “Dinas Emris is a vast insulated rock arising from a tract of meadow, on whose summit is a large area, and within it the ruins of a stone building ten yards long.

This may have been the residence of Vortigern, and Merlin Ambrosius may have given it the name of Emris. Nant y Gwertheyrn, or Vortigern’s valley, is in the neighbourhood.” (Gough’s Camden, vol. ii. p. 553.) “In the vale of Gyrant, and near Beddgelert, in Caernarvonshire, is a lofty wood-clad rock, called Dinas 165 Emrys, the fort of Ambrosius. I have been informed that there are some small remains on the top of Dinas Emrys, but they are very inconsiderable.” (Bingley’s North Wales, vol. i. p. 366 and 372.)

⁹⁵  “Nisi inveneris infantem sine patre.”

We are now introduced to a personage of high consideration in the British story. Great characters in a remote age have ever been ushered into the world unlike common men; nor is it likely that the prophet Merlin should be an exception. I will not in this place undertake to discuss the question whether the detail now presented by Mark is an abridgment of the extravagant narrative to be seen in Jeffery, called “the Prophecies of Merlin,” or whether the latter is amplified from the former; but will proceed to illustrate the text of our author, the materials for which are principally extracted from Mr. Roberts’s Cambrian Popular Antiquities. “Nisi occidatur et arx tua a sanguine ejus aspergatur.” “Dr. Jamieson, in his History of the Culdees (p. 20.) relates a similar traditional anecdote; from which it should seem, that the sacrifice of a human victim was thought by the Druids a necessary propitiation, without which the commencement of an undertaking was not successful. The anecdote is this: When Columba first attempted to build on Iona, the walls, as it is said, by the operation of some evil spirit, fell down as fast as they were erected; Columba received supernatural intimation that they would never stand, unless a human victim was buried alive.”  — One was found accordingly. (p. 62.)

⁹⁶  “pervenerunt ad campum aelecti (vel elleti) qui est in pago vel regione quæ glevesincg.”

Both Tysilio (Coll. Camb. vol. i. b. 4. p. 118.) and Jeffrey, (book vi. c. 17.) assert, that the miraculous boy in question was found by the emissaries of Vortigern at Cair Merdhin; the former, that his mother was the daughter of the king of Demetia (South Wales), and that when very young, she was placed in a nunnery in the city last mentioned; that her son, before he was discovered, was called the Nun’s child, and Myrddin afterwards. Cair 166 Merdhin, the birth-place of Merlin, has been generally supposed to be Caermarthen — an appellation fixed by the prophet. There are, however, substantial grounds for believing it an ancient error. “The place of his (Merlin’s) birth is said in Welsh history to have been Caermarthen, so called from Caer and Myrdd, and signifying, the city of ten thousand (soldiers), that is, of the legion.” (See the List of Cities, No. 9.) But, however just the derivation of the name of Caermarthen may be, and, I thought it to be, when I published the translation of the Brut; a circumstance which had not then occurred to my mind, induces me to believe, that the name and its derivation have been substituted, by a mistake of Jeffrey of Monmouth’s Carleon. Nennius says, Merlin was born,” in regione quæ vocatur Glevising.” It is in the hundred of Gwaunllwg, of which Glevising is perhaps an error of the copyist. — “In campo Electi,” that is, in the field of battle, or camp of Electus. Now, the Welsh for campus Electi would be maes Elect; and not far from Caerleon there is a village called in Welsh Maesaleg, and commonly at present Bassaleg. On a comparison of these names, the true reading of Nennius would be — “In campo Allecti,” that is, in the camp or field of Allectus, the Roman general; and this being the birth-place of Merlin, according to Nennius, the city of the ten thousand must necessarily have been Carleon, in this instance. The mistake of Jeffery may have been caused by an explanation of the word lleon, that is, legion, in his original. It may now on these circumstances, be assumed, that the birth-place of this celebrated character was Bassaleg, in Monmouthshire, and not, as the general opinion has prevailed, Carmarthen.” (Roberts, p. 58.)

⁹⁷  “vermes inquid duo sunt in eo, unus albus alter rufus.”

This fable is thus expressed in the Triads: — The three concealments and discoveries of Inys Prydain — the third was the dragons concealed by Lludd ab Beli in the city of Pharaon (Dinas Emrys) in the rocks of Eryri; and these three concealments were placed under the protection of God and his mysteries, and that it should be the worse for such as would discover them from that 167 hour. Gwrtheryn Gwyrthenaw discovered the dragons in order to be revenged of the Britons, for their aversion to him; and he invited over the Saxons, under pretence of their coming as auxiliaries to fight against the Irish Picts. (Triad, No. liv. Jones’s Copy.) The three concealments and the three discoveries of Inys Prydain. The third was the concealment of the dragons in the city of Paran in the rocks of Eryri: and those three concealments, worse happened from discovering them. Gwrtheryrn Gwyrthenau discovered the dragons of the city of Paran, which was afterwards called the city of Emrys. (Triad, No. xlv. Vaughan’s Copy. It was usual to stigmatize the Saxons by the reproachful term of serpents. A wily and cruel German serpent, with her armed train, will overrun all South Britain, and the low lands of Scotland, from the German Ocean to the Severn. (Jones, vol. ii. p. 31. from Taliessin.) “Rex autem adolescenti ait; Quod nomen tibi est? Ille respondit; Ambrosius vocor, quost brẏtannice embresgulectic.” — “This may signify, He was thought to be Ambrosius the royal: (Emrys glwledig) or the name Ambrosius was thought to signify royal. The latter seems to be the sense intended here.” (Roberts, p. 65.) “Glwledig was anciently an epithet given to the Loegrian princes, as a mark of supreme authority.” (Owen’s Welsh Dict. v. Glev. “Merddin, the bard of Ambrosius, is sometimes called Merddin bardd Emrys Wledig, but more generally Merddin Emrys.” (Camb. Biog.) Ambrosius was then a title of honour. Nicholson also, in an enumeration of some of the bards, speaks of “Ambrosius Thaliessin.” (Historical Library, part i. p. 32. edit. 1714.)

⁹⁸  “Rursumque rex, Dequa progenie ortus est: Qui respondit, unus de consulibus romanorum pater meus est;”

It must appear inconsistent, that Merlin, when first enquired of who his father was, averred he knew not; and his mother, when asked the same question, declared she was also ignorant, should now openly avow his parentage. The reason of his first silence arose from fear; as explained in an addition to be found in the 42d chapter of Nennius (Gale) omitted by Mark. — “Timebat ille ne occideretur a Rege iniquo, ideo patrem fateri noluit.” A 168 fear which arose from his Roman alliance, so hostile to the hopes of Vortigern, who, as we have before seen, “urgebatur et a Romanico impetû, nec non timore Ambrosii.” But the case was now altered; he is to be rewarded and not punished. The discoveries Merlin had made are important; and he farther prognosticated, — “To-morrow, Emrys (Ambrosius) and Uthyr, the sons of Constantine, will land at Totness — will, with one mind, persecute thee — for they will come with twelve thousand warriors and recover their rights from the Saxons, — make the cheeks of the Saxons red with Saxon blood.” (Coll. Camb. b. 4, p. 121.) Vortigern retreated in haste — “cum magis suis perrexit ad sinistralem plagam brẏttaniæ.”

Still in our author there appears some confusion in the names and characters of Ambrosius and Merlin. In Tysilio, in Jeffrey, (excepting in one passage, where Merlin is called Ambrosius, b. 6. c. 17) and throughout the Triads, the hero and the prophet are kept distinct; Merddhin being uniformly styled the Bard of Ambrosius. The substitution here is remarkable; this boy, hitherto described as having no carnal father, now asserts that one of the roman consuls is his father. The british name (embresguletic) here assigned to him, is vitiated from Emrys Wledig, described in a former note as originating from a roman family — ;“purpura indutis.”

⁹⁹  “rex dimisit illi urbem illam com omnibus circiter provintiis occidentalis plagæ brittaniæ.”

“Rex dedit illi arcem cum omnibus provinciis,” &c. — Gale. I prefer the urbem of Mark to the arcem of Nennius, for Dinas is rather, and here more particularly, a city or fortified town, and is called above, the city of Paran. It forms the names of several places in Wales; as Bryn Dinas, Dinas Mawzwy, and Dinas Faraon, the old name of Dinas Emrys in Snowdon. (Owen’s Dict. v. Dinas.) The provinces in the western districts of Britain, now granted by Vortigern, have a correspondence with those held by Aurelius Ambrosius, who was apparently the king of the Carnabii, Cimbri and Damnonii. (Whitaker’s Manch. vol. ii. p. 9 and 16.)

This miraculous boy proved the celebrated Merlin, the bard of Ambrosius. “He is sometimes called Merddin bardd Emrys Wlegid,” (Camb. Biog. Merddin) and it was easy in some later and uninformed writer to make the mistake above pointed out. Besides this, though his existence has been disputed, there is said to have been another; a Merddin Wylt, or the wild, a native of Stratclyde, called also Caledonius; he lived in the sixth century. A curious life of this Merlin, written in Latin verse by Jeffery Monmouth, is still extant. He appears to have been a melancholy visionary, who, by living in woods, and by other singularities, acquired the reputation of a prophet. This poem consists of fifty-two closely written pages, and is in the British Museum among the Cotton MSS. (Vesp. E. IV.)

“Merlin lived when the struggles for the abolition of Druidism, and the introduction of Christianity, agitated both parties. It is supposed of him, that in the imprudent defence of his fraternity he committed some action, which proved detrimental to the cause in which he was interested. We are told, however, that the effect of his error was a derangement of intellect, an abhorrence of society, and a precipitate flight into the forest of Caledonia. In this frantic mood, and after an interval of many years, he makes the rocks and caves resound with the melody of his strains; in which his derangement appears to have been only assumed for the purpose of repressing curiosity; for though his descriptions are designedly obscure, they have too much method for real madness. It is the madness of a heathen prophet.” (Davies Mythological Rites of the Ancient Druids, p. 481.)

¹⁰⁰  “Et rex ipse cum magis suis perrexit ad sinistralem plagam bryttaniæ.”

In the common acceptation, Sinistralis and Aquilonaris were, when locally applied, synonymous; as were dextralis and meridionalis also. In Psalm 89, v. 12, we read “Aquilonem tu meridiemque creavisti,” a passage rendered by St. Jerom, “aquilonem et dexteram,” &c. In the “Ordo Romanus,” and other ancient rituals, “pars sinistralis” of the altar, signifies the 170 north side. “Summus Pontifex a parte sinistra recipit Eucharistæ Sacramentum.” (Macri Hierolexicon, v. Sinistra.)

“In the Celtic — the word Deheu, signifying right when applied to the hand, signifies south when applied to the heavens; and in both cases it is understood to imply a preference ordained by nature; the one arising from the construction of the human body, the other from the useful and beneficial operation of the sun from the southern parts of the heavens. The opposite word chwith always means the reverse.” (Critical Review, Feb. 1806, p. 124.)

In the present instance, from a passage in Asserius, (De Ælfredi Rebus Gestis, p. 14, 15) it appears that ”sinistralis” is applicable to the district on the Cambrian side of the Severn, as the opposite was the “dextralis” — “Dexteralis qui et dexteram est. Regio dexteralium Saxorum, Dexteralis Britannia Sinistralis pars Sabrinæ.”

And that Vortigern retreated in a northern direction from Dinas Emrys is opposed by the best authorities, which state that he fled from thence to the castle Gornvy, which is in Erging on Wye, where being followed by Emrys, he was assailed and destroyed with his fortress. (Tysilio, p. 122.) Mark, on the contrary, imagines an intermediate remove between his retreat and death, for the sake of making not Emrys but Germanus, long since deceased, his avenger.

¹⁰¹  “Igitur guorthemer filius Guorthegirni.”

Vortimer now appears on the scene. The Saxons are bravely assailed. The interpolation (not admitted in our author) in this passage, (Bertram, c. 44.) records a circumstance which has found its way into several of our chronicles, that Hengist and his followers were actually driven from this country, were five years absent, and did not return till after the decease of Vortimer.

This story is not confined to Britain; there are some foreign traditions of his (Hengist) having founded Leyden during this absence from England. This is announced to us by Gerbrandus of Leyden, an author who died 1504. (Fab. Bib. medii avi, l. 7, p. 133.)

¹⁰²  “Guorthemer autem quater contra illos bellum viriliter ægit; primum ut supra dictum est.”

The first battle here alluded to is that in which the Saxons were driven into the isle of Thanet, and is thus expressed: Guorthemer — “contra henegestum et harsum gentemque illorum petulantur pugnabat; et eos usque ad supradictam insulam tenet expulit — eoque tribus vicibus ibi conclusit obsediens,” &c. “secundum super flumen derguint bellum fecit.”

Derevent (Gale and Bertram) Tysilio says this battle was fought on the confines of a river (Avon), and Jeffrey, that it was on the Derwent (Avon Dervennd). From the circumstance of the Cray running into the Darent, Langhorn (p. 15) is of the opinion, that this was the battle of Crayford, of the Saxon Chronicle, said to have been fought 457; the issue is there stated to have been unfavourable to the Britains — A. CCCCLVII. Hoc anno Hengestus et Esca depugnabant contra Brittannos in loco qui dicitur Creccanford, et ibi interfecerunt quatuor (4 millia virorum) viros (4 scil Duces) at que Brittani deinde cedebant Cantio, ac cum magno timore confugerunt Londinum.” The date and result of this conflict are both equally questionable. “Tertium super vadum quod lingua eorum episford vocatur, in nostra autem lingua set thergabail !  et ibi cecidit horsus et filius guorthegirni nomine catigern in pugna bellantes.” Camden (p. 193) says this place was called by the Britains Saissenaeg baibail, because the Saxons were conquered there. This engagement is, by Tysilio, allowed to have occurred at Rhŷd y Pysgod (the ford of fish); by Jeffrey, Episford; Camden (ibid) Ailesford, the Æglesford of the Saxons. (Langhorn, p. 14.) A. CCCCLV. “Hoc anno, Hengestus et Horsa præliati sunt cum Vortigerno Rege in loco qui appellatur Egelesford; et prater ejus Horsa occisus est atque postea Hengestus et suus filius Æsca potiti sunt regno.” (Chron. Sax.) According to the Saxon testimony, this battle was fought two years prior to the last. The British authors generally allow that Catigern (the Cyndarin of Tysilio) and Horsa, fell in this engagement, and by the hands of each other. From Bede (l. 1, c. 15) we learn that the 172 monument of Horsa, who was killed fighting with the Britons, was visible in the eastern part of Kent, “hactenus in orientalibus Cantiæ partibus monumentum habet suo nomine insigne.” — “Locus prælii in campo Œgelsthrep, monumentum in vico Horsted.” (Smith’s note.)

“Quartum vero bellum juxta lapidem qui super ripam maris gallici.”

Juxta lapidem tituli — Bertram, and most of the other copies of Nennius. — “Si faverent Codd. MSS. legerem, in Cantio, juxta lapidem populi (Folkstone) super ripam Gallici maris; alii intelligunt Stonar.” (Gale, note on c. 46.) Both this battle and that of the lapistituli, are referred to in the Gododin of Aneurin. The first, by the name of Galltraeth (the gallic strand, or shore of the gallic sea) the other by the Llech Titleu, or the stone of Titleu.” (Davies Mythol. p. 344, 348, and 359.) The lapis tituli was probably a sea-mark, as was that on the opposite shore of Boulogne, called “turris ordinis,” a description of which from Montfaucon, is inserted by Mr. Roberts in his Collec. Camb. p. 357. The spot on which this battle was fought is not satisfactorily ascertained; Somner (Roman Forts and Ports of Kent, p. 94) and Stukely (Itiner. curios. vol. i. p. 123) are inclined to fix on Folkstone. A name perhaps which has determined interpolators to substitute “Lapis populi” for “Lapis tituli.” It has been thought (Langhorn, p. 23. Camden, Kent, p. 200) that this is the battle of Wyppedes-fleot, of the saxon chronicle, A. 465, where “duodecim Præfectos, Britannos eosdem omnes interfecerunt,” &c.

¹⁰³  “victoriam optinuit — saxones vero fugerunt usque ad naves suas.”

In all these engagements with Vortimer, the Saxons claim the victory. The British accounts are more intitled to credit, for it does not appear that the forces under Hengist had yet penetrated beyond the limits of Kent. The Saxons date not their possession of Kent higher than 455, or seven years after their arrival; a proof that that province was bravely contended for by the natives.

“Sepelite in portu ostii introitus Saxonum corpus meum.” 173 The enlarged acceptation of the word ostium has been alluded to in note 37. The last injunction of Vortimer is accommodated to the well known dying words of Scipio Africanus.

The Triad, No. 45, (Vaughan) refers to these national traditions. “The three concealments and the three discoveries of the island of Britain; one of them was the head of Brân the blessed, the son of Lly, who was buried in Gwyrvryn (white hill) in London, and as long as it should continue in that situation, no intrusion would come to this island. The second were the bonds of Gurthymyr (Vortimer) the blessed, which were buried in the principal gates of the city; the third, was the concealment of the dragons in the city of Paron, in the rocks of Eyri; and those three worse happened for discovering them. Arthyr discovered the head of the blessed Brân from the Gwynvryn, in London; for it was a frivolous thing with him to defend the kingdom by any other power than his own. Gurtheyrn Gurthenau discovered the bones of Gurthymyr the blessed, his son, from his regard for Ronwen, his wife, and also discovered the dragons of the city of Paron, which was afterwards called the city of Emrys.” This Triad is in part explained in the mabinogi, respecting “the blow to Bronwen” (MS.) in which Brân the blessed makes it his last request — “that his head should be conveyed to the white hill, London, and there interred with the face towards France.”

¹⁰⁴  “Illi autem imprudenter mandatum illius contempnentes.”

Tysilio (Roberts, p. 117) says, Vortimer was poisoned by the insidious Rowena, and that disregarding his last desire, she buried him in London. Nennius, (Bertram, c. 45) that he was interred in Lincoln.

¹⁰⁵  “Barbari vero per hoc magnopere congregati sunt; et transmarinis paganis auxiliabantur.”

Emboldened by the death of Vortimer, the Saxons collected their forces together, which were augmented by foreign auxiliaries. Nennius (c. 46, Bertram) as before stated, brings over again the banished Hengist “cum suis turmis.”

Vortigern, still alive and in power, is induced by peaceable professions of the Saxons, to meet them in a public assembly, which terminated in the massacre of the long knives, an act of meditated treachery which most probably never occurred; but rather seems one of those ambulatory stories, which (like the parallels detailed by Plutarch) will serve any age or country. The same story is to be found in Wittichind (De Gest. Sax. l. 1. Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. p. 325) where a corresponding device is practised by the Saxons upon the Thuringians. The spot assigned to the nefarious transaction makes the reality of it suspected. It was “upon the mountain of Cair Caradoc (i. e, Caradoc’s fort, probably Old Sarum) where the Gyddfa of the princes was.” (Tysilio, Roberts, p. 126, n.) “It was on the largest plain of the Cymry, near Ambresbury.” The assembly was convened on May-day. (Tysilio, Roberts, p. 116.) This was both the place and the day for the great sacred druidical and national meeting, which from immemorial time had been then annually held, but to which the unhallowed Saxons would on every account have been forbidden. Besides, whenever two neighbouring and hostile states meet in a body to settle an important dispute, and negociate publicly, it is commonly on the boundaries of their respective frontiers. The Saxons had not yet extended their conquest beyond the limits of Kent, and were therefore not likely to have been allowed to pass through several intermediate counties, nor would they have trusted themselves so far into the interior to perpetrate an atrocious action. Vortigern is said to have been taken prisoner on this memorable occasion, and, as the price of his ransom, ceded to the Saxons, Essex, Sussex, Middlesex, and such other districts as they made choice of. The whole story may have been a british fabrication after the heptarchy was established, with a view to palliate what they might deem a disgrace, of having lost those provinces to a hated foe. Could we for a moment allow such a cession, it could have been only nominal, for after many a well fought field, the kingdom of the west Saxons was not formed till 477, nor that of the east Saxons, in which Middlesex and Essex were comprehended, till 527.

¹⁰⁶  “Sanctus vero Germanus regi guorthegirno predicabat; — post mortem guorthegirni reversus est ad patriam suam.”

This is the commencement of one of those recapitulatory passages, of which there are several in Mark, where sundry traditions are brought together, and in part, or entirely, adapted to some distant purpose. St. Germanus, long since dead, is again introduced for the purpose of avenging the crimes of Vortigern, of whose tragical extinction three distinct narratives are proposed.

¹⁰⁷  “Cum cantu psalmorum alleluia.”

The alleluiatic victory is recorded by Constantius, in his life of Germanus, (apud Surium, tom. iv. l. 1. c. 28, p. 130.) and by Bede. (l. 1. c. 20.) It happened in the year 429, during the first mission of the saint in Britain, near Mold, in Flintshire, on a spot which still retains the name of Maes Garmon, (the field of Germanus) and arose from the following circumstance.

On the festival of Easter, a vast concourse of christians were assembled to receive baptism form St. Germanus, when one of those piratical bands of Saxons, which had long infested the coasts of Britain, or as Constantius asserts, of Saxons and Picts, unexpectedly landed, and prepared to attack the unarmed host; when, on a sudden, with vehemence and enthusiasm, Alleluiah was three times shouted. The sound increased by the reverberation of the adjacent mountains, struck the invaders with such alarm, that they abandoned the enterprize and fled.

This acclamation, here perhaps used casually as one of spiritual exaltation, was formerly expressed by christians, on the onset of an engagement. In the early ages of the church, before bells were used or permitted, the cry of Alleluia was one of the methods practised of assembling a congregation, for the exercise of devotion. “Hilarius ait, quod eo vocis signo Alleluia antiqui vocabantur ad collectam id est ad congregationem pro oratione facienda.” (Burii Onomast. Etymolog. v. Alleluia,) and St. Jerom, from whom the above quotation is apparently taken, “post Alleluia cantatum, quo signo vocabantur ad collectam, nulli residere licitum erat.” (Epis. 27.)

¹⁰⁸  “Tres filios habuit, quorum nomina sunt guorthemer — cathegirn — pascent — faustus.”

Vortimer has been already mentioned. Cathegirn, the Cyndeyrn of Tysilio, who fell in the third battle of Vortimer, when Horsus was slain. (Tysilio, p. 114.) Pascent, the Pasgen of Tysilio, is here said to have reigned over two provinces, Buelt and Guorthegirnaim, (the first in Brecknock, the second in Radnorshire,) perhaps his paternal inheritance, which was given him after the death of his father, by Ambrosius — “post mortem patris sui illi langiente embrosio vel ambrosio, qui fuit rex magnus inter reges brittaniæ.” Aided by the testimonies of Tysilio (Roberts, p. 114, and 130.) and Jeffery, (l. 8. c. 13, 14, and 16.) this passage throws some light on the times. It appears, as if he, Pascentius, adopted the politicks of his father, and having crossed the sea, was active in levying forces in Germany, to oppose those Britons commanded by Ambrosius. He was defeated in his first attempt, and compelled to fly to Ireland, where the king Gillamori kindly received him. Being provided with forces, he invaded England, and made an attack on the country near St. Davids. Ambrosius was then unable to oppose him with any prospect of success; some compromise, in which the provinces aforementioned were ceded, (to Pascent) may have been the result; though this transaction is not elsewhere ascertained. Ambrosius is said to have been poisoned by a Saxon, employed by Pascentius.

Faustus — I cannot elsewhere identify the fourth son of Vortigern, by this denomination. It was customary for religious persons to assume an ecclesiastical name, and this may have been his. There is in the Welsh pedigrees, an “Edeyrn, son of Gwrtheyrn Gwrthenau, a saint of the congregation of Catwg, about the end of the fifth century, apparently that under consideration. He established a christian society, amounting to three hundred, at a place in Glamorganshire, which afterwards came to be called Llanedyrn.” (Camb. Biog. v. Edeyrn.) Faustus is stated to have been baptised, brought up, and educated by St. Germanus, and he may have received the name of Faustus from his patron. He is also 177 said to have founded a monastery upon the river Renis, (The Rhymory,) a river which forms the eastern limit of Glamorganshire, by which it is divided from Monmouthshire. The topography corresponds, and the name of Llanedyrn still remains. The parish is a vicarage in the diocese of Llandaf. Though the assigned parentage does not correspond, the reader may ask, is it possible for this to be Faustus, the celebrated Bishop of Riez, who was a native of Great Britain, the contemporary of St. Germanus, and who lived to an advanced age, late in the fifth century? Some years after the decease of that prelate, he became Abbot of Lerins, and subsequently elevated to the See of Riez. He gave offence to the orthodox clergy, by affording hospitality in his Abbey to Pelagius, as he passed through Gaul. He was himself a semipelagian; some of his works remain, and are to be found in the “Bibliotheca Patrum.” (tom. viii. p. 253.)

¹⁰⁹  “Unam filiam habuit.”

Of the daughter of Vortigern, who became the mother of St. Faustinus, this is the only record which has fallen under my observation.

¹¹⁰  “Hæc est genealogia illius, quæ a nobis ad initium retrocurrit fernmail qui regnavit in regione guorthegirnaim.”

Nennius is here more express: (Bertram, c. 52.) Firmwail, Ipse est qui regit modo in regione Gurtigirnanum.

Of this Firmwail, I elsewhere find nothing.”

¹¹¹  “Mortuo Hengisto.”

An event which the Saxon chronicle fixes, A. 488. “Ochta filius ejus advenit de sinistrali parte brẏtanniæ.”

Here sinistralis means north.

The invasion of the Orkneys, by Octa and Ebissa, with the possession of the northern districts in this island, has been before expressed. We are to suppose, that Octa left his forces in the north, upon the death of his father, to aid his elder brother Escus, who succeeded him in the kingdom of Kent — the name Octa, or another of that name, followed in that possession, (see 178 the Genealogies in Langhorn): “et de ipso omnes regescant pariorum usque in odiernum diem.” (Bertram, Cantuariorum.)

If “odiernum diem” be admitted as authentic, this passage must have been written when one of the race of Hengist was king of Kent. If we allow this kingdom to have continued till the time of Baldred, (A. 827.) when the heptarchy was dissolved, we are here presented with another date, corresponding generally with the reign of Mervinus. (No. 35.)

¹¹²  “Tunc belliger Arthur.”

“Arth. s. a bear.” (Owen’s Dictionary.)

“Artur, latine translatum, sonat ursum horribilem vel malleum ferreum, (quo franguntur) molæ leonum. Mabuter, Brittanice filius horribilis, Latine; quoniam a pueritiâ sua crudelis fuit.” (Bertram, c. 61.)

Arthur is designated by Mark, not as a sovereign, but “Dux belli” only, — fighting against the Saxons, with the kings of Britain; and though there were many, “ipso nobiliores,” he commanded with success, in twelve engagements. Malmsbury and Huntingdon make him no other than general of the British forces; nor is he otherwise distinguished by the earliest and most authentic writers, by whom he is recorded. It is, perhaps, owing to his subordinate rank, that Gildas, who has recorded the battle of Baden Mount, (c. 26.) which was advantageous to the Britons, and honourable to Arthur, has not mentioned him by name.

William of Newburgh was the first who charged the legend of Arthur with inconsistency, and on the revival of letters, so ridiculous did it appear, that it became a question if such a person ever existed. The detail of Mark is simple, and exhibits no extravagant improbabilities. His life in Mr. Roberts’s Cambrian Popular Antiquities, may be consulted to advantage.

¹¹³  “Ipse tamen duodecies dux belli fuit victorque bellorum.”

I have examined the various evidences as to these battles, without entire satisfaction; the period is obscure, materials are few, and at variance with each other. The historian of Manchester has undertaken to illustrate the martial life of Arthur, and has formed it into a regular narrative; but I feel more satisfaction 179 in the plain facts adduced by Mr. Turner (Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. b. 2. c. 5.) in this object of research, than conviction from the reasoning of the former.

“Primum bellum — juxta hostium fluminis quod dicitur Glein,” Glem, Gale. Glean, Gildas. In margine. Devonia et Gleni, sed rectius Glem in Lincolnia, ubi Glemford nunc. “Vortigernus dedit Hengisto Lincolniam; unde eum expellere certant Britones bellis sequentibus, sub Aurelio, Vortigerno et Arthuro.”

Whitaker supposes the Lyne, in Northumberland, here meant. Others, the Lun, in Westmoreland and Lancashire, (a part of the island, into which we know not that the Saxons had yet penetrated); and some the Leven, in Cumberland. The latter appears most probable, and that it is to this engagement, that Lywarç Hên, in his plaintive elegy, (Ju Henaint ac veibion) on old age and loss of his son, probably alludes.

“Gwên, by the Llawen, watched last night.” —

“Arthur did not retreat.” —

“He darted through the slaughter of the green embankment.”

“On the ford of Morlas, Gwên was slain.”

The word hostium implies vicinity to the embouchure of a river. The Leven runs into the Solway Firth, a little to the south of Kirksop.  This quotation proves, that Arthur was at the battle of Llaven. There is a village, not too distant to have been the scene of action, which still bears the name of Arthuret. We know that the space between the walls, was at this period the source of bitter and incessant contest. Lywarç Hên was prince of Argoed, (or above the wood bordering westward on the forest of Celyddon) in Cambria, and his territories have been on the limits of this river. (Owen’s Lywarç Hên. Preface, p. ix.)

“Secundum, tertium, quartum, ac quintum, super aliam amnem — Duglas — in regione Linnuis.”

Both this river and the region are decided by Higden (p. 225.): “Hodie fluvius ille vocatur Dugglis et currit sub urbe Wigan, per decem milliaria à fluvio Mersee distante, in comitatu Lancastriæ.” Whitaker (Manch. vol. ii. p. 36.) displays much topographical knowledge and ability, in pointing out the sites of these 180 engagements, of which he discovers some remarkable traces, both actual and traditional, within a few miles of Blackrode, — and the existence of these battles — “on the banks of the same rivulet, (the Duglas) all conspire to point out four engagements, and all agreeing with the history of Nennius, is very singular in itself, and decisive in its evidence.”

“Sextum bellum, super flumen quod vocatur lusas.”

Supposing that this is connected with the same campaigns, as the fifth and seventh engagement; Whitaker (Manch, vol. ii. p. 52.) places it between Lancashire and Englewood Forest, in Cumberland, as it follows immediately the engagements on the former, and immediately precedes the action in the latter.

He, therefore, conceives it to be the little Pesa, which directly crosses the road from the Duglas to the Forest, and is passed by a bridge, about four miles and a half to the north of Burton.

“Septimum — in silva celidonis, quæ bryttanicae cacoit celidan nominatur.”

This battle is supposed to have been fought in the northern district. The true reading is Cad coed celyddon or Celyzon,* 181 or the battle of the wood, or of the woodland country. (Owen’s Lywarç Hên. Preface p. xxii.) In ancient times the word Caledonia, seems to have been the appellation of the forests in Britain. This is explained by Richard. (p. 18-26.) It is used in classic writers: Lucan and Florus, speaking of the second expedition of Cæsar, and referring to the eastern extremity of the Caledonian wood — “Unde Caledoniis fallit turbata Britannos.” “Rursus Britannos, Caledonias sequutus in silvas.”

Three of these forests were particularly distinguished by their great extent. One of them comprehended parts of the counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Rutland, and Northamptonshire. Another ranged form Kent to Somersetshire. (Richard, p. 18.) The other lined the hills, and swept along the western coast, and stretched considerably towards the south of northern Britain. It was this forest that apparently fixed the name of Caledonia both on the district and inhabitants. “Ad occidentem igitur Vararis (the Murray frith) habitabant Caledonii propriè sic dicti, quorum regionis partem tegebat immensa illa Caledonia sylva.” (Ibid. p. 32.) The Caledonian forest is now said to exist only in the forest of Englewood, which of late years (but is recently inclosed) ranged across the county of Cumberland, sixteen miles in length, from Penrith to Carlisle. About half a mile from Penrith, between the two currents of the Loder and Eimot, remains a sort of extemporaneous fortress, somewhat circular, of loose flints, which is to this day called king Arthur’s round table; this may have been the scene of the seventh engagement. (Camden, p. 831. Whitaker, M. vol. ii. p. 38.)

“Octavum — juxta castellum Guinnion.”

From an authentic MS. of Leland’s (Whitaker, M. vol. ii. p. 39.) Guinnion was the stationary town of Binchester, in the bishoprick; the Vinonia of the Ravennas.

“In quo Arthur portavit imaginem sanctæ Mariæ Virginis super humeros suos.”

This may signify merely the figure of the Virgin, which according to Tysilio, was impressed upon the shield of Arthur.

The following addition (of very suspicious authority) is taken 182 from Gale’s Nennius (cap. 63.): “Nam Arthur Jerosolimam perrexit, et ibi crucem ad quantitatem salutiferæ crucis fecit, quæ ibi consecrata est; et per tres continuos dies jejunavit, vigilavit, et oravit coram cruce dominica, ut ei Dominus victoriam daret per hoc signum de Paganis; quod et factum est; cujus fractæ adhuc apud Wedale in magna veneratione servatur. (Wedale Anglice: Vallis doloris, Latine: Wedale est ville in provincia Lodonesie (Lothian), nunc vero juris episcopi santi Andreæ Scotiæ, 6 milliaria ab occidentali parte, ab illo quondam nobili et eximio monasterio de Meilros.”

There were not bishops of St. Andrew’s till after the year 834.

“Nonum aegit bellum in urbe leogis, quæ brytannicè cair lion dicitur;”

Generally assigned to Caer Lleon upon Uske, in Monmouthshire. As almost all the battles were fought in the north, Mr. Whitaker observes, that by this location the order of succession in which they are related would be broken, suggests a change of arrangement between the ninth and the first: he places that before us at Chester. (Manch. vol. ii. p. 39.) I find not sufficient reason for admitting this emendation; but am rather inclined to think both these places wrong, and that the true site of this battle is still undiscovered. If we admit the definition of Caer Lion (No. 11.) in the list of cities, the word implies no more than a place situated on the banks of a river.

“Decimum vero gessit bellum, in littore fluminis quod nos vocamus trat treuroit.”

In the opinion of Langhorne, (p. 60.) on the Ribell, in Lancashire.

“Undecimum, in monte qui nominatur breguoin; ubi illos in fugam vertit, quem nos cat bregion appellamus;”

The scene of this engagement has been supposed at Edinburgh. Langhorne (p. 61.) transfers it to Somersetshire, a country which seems to agree with the later positions of Arthur. This 183 writer assigns it to Cadbury, near the village of Camalet, where the palace of Arthur was traditionally built.

“Duodecim, contra Saxones durissimê Arthur bellum in monte badonis penetravit.”

Badon hill, where this battle is supposed to have been fought, is “that which we now call Bannesdown, hanging over a little village near the city named Bathstone, and shewing at this day its bulwarks and a rampire.” (Camden, p. 70.) This was the most important victory that Arthur ever gained; it gave so great a check to Cerdic and his son Cynric, that they made little progress in their conquests for several years.

*  The root is “Cêl (s. m.) signifying shelter,” from whence “Celyz, (s. m.) a sheltered place, a retreat, a woody shelter. Coed (s. pl.) wood timber trees.” (Owen’s Welsh Dict.) Coed Celyzon, the forest of Caledonia, in North Britain; but as may be easily seen from the import of the word, other extensive woods in this island were called by the name of Celyzon.

The exact meaning of Celt is covert; Ceillwys and Celtiaid were the people of the coverts; and Belwys, Belgwys and Belgiaid, were those who made irruptions out of the borders, or Warriors; and the Peithwys were the exposed people; whether, because they went naked, or that they dwelt in the open or desert country, is not certain. The Welsh call Ireland Y Werddon, or the western country; but the people are denominated Gwyddyl, the inhabitants of the woods or wilds. The name for Scotland, is Alban, the higher or upper region; but the people are called Ysgodion, the inhabitants of the shades or coverts. It is remarkable, that the name for both nations should be synonymous, and also, that the great forest in the north of Britain should be called Coed Celyddon, the wood of coverts or shades.” (Owen’s Preface to the Elegies of Lywarç Hên. p. xxii.)

The Caledonian forest is often alluded to in old romances:

“Rinaldo.

  Sopra la Scotia ultumamente sorse.

  Dove la Selva Caledonia appare.”

Orlando Furioso, c. 4. s. 51.)

¹¹⁴  “Usque ad tempus quo Ida regnavit.”

The colony of Saxons, under Octa and Ebissa had settled on the eastern coast of Britain, between the walls of Severus and Antoninus, as has been already mentioned. We know very little of the history of that colony for great part of a century afterwards; it was at a great distance from their countrymen in the south, and surrounded by enemies. In A. 547, Ida arrived at Flamborough Head, with a large fleet and body of troops; he founded the kingdom of Northumberland, then denominated Bernech (Brynaich) the capital of which was Bamburgh, (Camden, p. 860.) and his territories comprehended Northumberland, the counties of Merse, and the three Lothians, on the western coast of the ancient Roman province of Valentia.

Our author records that he reigned also in Cair Affrauc (Evrauc). York was the capital of the kingdom of Deivryr, or Deira; and this extension of the conquests of Ida to the banks of the Humber, is to be met with in our author only. The founding of the kingdom of Deivryr is generally attributed to the successors of Ælla, in 560, on the decease of Ida.

The Triads record three British chieftains of Deivryr and Brynaic not elsewhere recognized. These, by their patriotism and bravery long supported the national honour against these Saxon invaders. Their names are Ysgavell, Gall, and Disedel, 184 the sons of Dysgyvy; they accepted of their domains after their initiation in Bardism. They are applauded in a triad, as the three brothers who committed the three praiseworthy assassinations of the isle of Britain. Ysgavell, was distinguished for slaying the Saxon prince Edelfled. (Camb. Biog. under the respective names of these commanders.)

¹¹⁵  “Ad hunc quem nunc scribimus annum,” &c.

The reader is referred to a similar passage, Note 23.

¹¹⁶  “In illo tempore sanctus Patricius.”

This saint is allowed to have been a strathclyde Britain, who was carried away by the Irish in one of their predatory incursions on the south-west coast of Caledonia. He recovered his liberty, and returned to his native country; he was in like manner taken away a second time, and again obtained his freedom. He passed into France, and went to St. Martin, bishop of Tours, who was his uncle. He afterwards studied under St. Germanus, bishop of Auxerre. He visited Rome, whence he was delegated by Celestine I. (A. 422-431) to propagate the gospel. He lived forty years afterwards (Jocelin in Vit.). “Padrig, the son of Mawon, also called Padrig Maenwyn, of the land of Gwyr, the celebrated apostle of the Irish, to whom there is a church dedicated near the place of his nativity, at Aberllychwr.” In the genealogy of the British saints there is this curious notice of Padrig. “It was the glory of the emperor Theodosius, in conjunction with Cystennyn Lyddaw, surnamed the Blessed, to have first founded the College of Illtyd, which was regulated by Balerus, a man from Rome; and Padrig, son of Mawon, was the principal of it before he was carried away a captive by the Irishmen.” The truth of this record is corroborated by the remarkable fact in the history of Wales, that the Irish were enabled to settle themselves along nearly the whole extent of its coast, in the beginning of the fifth century, and continued there until nearly the middle of the same era; when they were expelled from the north by the natives, assisted by the sons of Cunedda, as before mentioned, 185 and from the south with the aid of Urien. (Camb. Biog. V. Padrig.)

¹¹⁷  “Et illud nomen patricius in ordinatu sumpsit, quia antea Mauum vocabatur.”

“The meanest subjects of the Roman empire assumed the illustrious name of Patricius, which by the conversion of Ireland, has been communicated to a whole nation.” (Gibbon, vol. vi. c. 36. p. 229 n.)

“The custom of adopting a change of name (Note 4.) or of making addition to that which the party originally bore, was, upon great occasions, common both to ecclesiastics and laics. “Nomina mutari, in confirmatione possunt, ex constitut. Odonis Episcopi Parisiensis, cap. iv. sect. 4, &c. Summos Pontifices nomina consuevisse notum est, quod Sergium Papam primum fecisse scribunt, quod Osporci vocaretur mutabant Monachi: quod in aliquot ordinibus ecclesiasticis etiam hodie in usu est.” (Du Cange, nomen mutari.) In imitation of the “Natalis Imperatorum,” or the inaugural day of the Roman emperors, we find that of “natale episcopatus” applied to bishops, denoting the date of episcopal ordination, so early as the time of St. Austin. In both, these festivals were observed with great solemnity. (Bingham, vol. ii. b. 4. c. 6. s. 15. — vol. ix. b. 20. c. 1. s. 4. The want of discrimination between the day of natural birth, and that of advancement to the episcopal throne, is the occasion of many chronological errors in ecclesiastical historians.

¹¹⁸  “Quadraginta diebus et xl. noctibus in cacumine montis eli jejunavit, idest cruachangli:”

The purgatory of St. Patrick in the mountain Cruachan Aigle, is thus described by Colgar. “In hujus igitur montis de Cruachan Aigle cacumine jejunare ac vigilare consuescunt plurimi, opinantes se postea nunquam intraturos portas inferni qui a hoc impetratum a Domino putant meritis precibus S. Patricii. Referunt etiam nonnulli qui pernoctaverunt ibi se tormenta gravissima fuisse passos quibus se purgato à peccatis putant. Unde ut quidam 186 illorum locum illum purgatorium S. Patricii vocant.” (Vallancey, Collec. de Reb. Hibern. vol. iv. p. 74, Pref.)

Camden is particular in describing the site of this celebrated cavern. “The Liffer, not very far from the very head and rise of it, diffuses itself into a broad lake, which contains an island; therein stands a little monastery, near which there is a narrow vault, famous for I know not what terrible sprights and apparitions, or rather some religious horror; digged by Ulysses, when he made his descent into hell, as some ridiculously imagine. The natives at this day call it Ellan u’ frugadory, that is the isle of Purgatory, and Patrick’s Purgatory.” (Camden, Donegal, p. 1019.)

“The purgatory of St. Patrick was a small artificial cavern formed in a little island one hundred and twenty-six yards long by forty-four broad, and was denominated Macra, situated in Lough Derg, in the southern part of Donegal. It was resorted to and venerated as a retreat of singular sanctity; and round it were built seven chapels, four of which were dedicated to the Saints Patrick, Columba, Bridget, and Morlas. This purgatory was once called Llamb Friebb Oin, or the cave of the tribe of Oin — Owen once entered this cavern, where he beheld the joys of Elysium, and the pains of Tartarus. His visions are circumstantially narrated by Matthew Paris, and the fable was afterwards taken up by Henry, a Cistercian monk; according to him, Christ appeared to St. Patrick. A college of regular Canons there founded — must have been a later forgery, since regular Canons had no existence before the tenth century,* yet the ground-work of the story of the name of Owen is taken from Bede.” (H. E., l. 4, c. 3.) (Ledwich Antiq. of Ireland)

“That fabulous purgatory, the invention of which is falsely ascribed to him, (St. Patrick,) was the device of a Monk of Glastenbury Abbey in England, who bare the same name, but was of a much later time, and lived about the year 850. For the 187 opinion of a fiery Purgatory, in which souls are tormented after their going forth of the body, was not then known among Christians; nor did the ancient Irish believe any such matter.” (Spotiswood, b. 1, p. 8.)

*  The clerical order between the regular and the secular clergy, originally called “patres dominici,” but soon after Canons, was formed in the 8th century. (Mosheim, vol. ii. p. 74.)

[For an allegory on the Purgatory of St. Patrick, see The Purgatory of St. Patrick, here on Elfinspell. — Elf.Ed.]

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HANES TALIESIN, or The History of Taliesin.

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