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From The Annals of Roger de Hoveden, Comprising the History of England and of Other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201, Translated from the Latin with Notes and Illustrations by Henry T. Riley, Esq., Volume I, London: H.G. Bohn, 1853; pp. 312-337.

THE  ANNALS  OF
ROGER  DE  HOVEDEN.
Volume I.

[Part 26: 1168-1171 A.D.]

The Letter of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to Gilbert, bishop of London, with reference to the sentence pronounced against him.

“Thomas, by the grace of God, archbishop of Canterbury, and legate of the Apostolic See, to Gilbert, bishop of London, — would indeed that he could say, his brother, — may he turn away from evil and do what is good. Your extravagances we have borne with, so long as we could, and we hope that our endurance and long-suffering, which have been to ourselves detrimental beyond measure, may not redound to the injury of the whole Church. But inasmuch as you have always abused our patience, and have not been willing to listen to our lord the pope or ourselves in the advice which concerned your salvation, but rather, your obstinacy has been always increasing for the worse; at length, the necessities of our duty and the requirements of the law forcing us thereto, we have, for just and manifest causes, smitten and excommunicated you with the sentence of anathema, and have cut you off from the body of Christ, which is the Church, until you make condign satisfaction. Therefore, by virtue of your obedience, and at the peril of your salvation, of your dignity and of your priestly orders, as the form of the Church prescribes, we do command you to abstain from all communion with the faithful; lest by coming in
A. D.
1168.


THE
ARCH-
BISHOP
TO
THE
CHAPTER
OF
LONDON.313 contact with you, the Lord’s flock may be contaminated to its ruin, whereas it ought to be instructed by your teaching, and taught by your example how to live.”

The Letter of Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to the Chapter of London, upon avoiding communion with those who are excommunicated.

“Thomas, by the grace of God, archbishop of Canterbury, and legate of the Apostolic See, to the dean, archdeacon and clergy of the church of London, health, and may they faithfully abstain from communion with excommunicated persons. That ought not to escape your discernment, which almost the whole Latin world acknowledges, how unrighteously, taking the opportunity of the general schism, Gilbert, bishop of London, our brother, would that we could say our true brother, has acted in the cause of the Church, and has endeavoured to disturb the peace thereof. Still, with great long-suffering we have hitherto endured this, while he has always abused the same, and to his manifold errors has added the crime of disobedience as well. We, therefore, being able no longer to conceal this from ourselves, the necessities of our duty, and the requirements of the law forcing us thereto, have publicly excommunicated him, and we do enjoin you in virtue of your obedience, and at the peril of your priestly orders and of your salvation, forthwith to abstain from all communion with him, as befits the faithful in Christ. Likewise, under the same penalties, we do order you to avoid those whose names are hereunder written. With a like sentence, also, God willing, we shall, on the day of the Ascension, condemn those who have been solemnly cited by us, unless in the meantime they shall make satisfaction; namely, Gilbert, archdeacon of Canterbury, and Robert, his vicar, Richard de Ivechester, Richard de Lucy, William Giffard, Adam de Cheringes, and those who, either at the king’s command or of their own rashness, have taken possession of the property of ourselves, or of our clergy, as also those who, by their aid or counsel, are known to have instigated the feelings of our lord the king against the liberties of the Church, and to the proscription and plunder of the innocent, and those who hinder the nuncios of our lord the pope, and of ourselves, from ministering to the necessities of the Church. Let not your heart be disturbed hereat, or be afraid, inasmuch
A. D.
1168.314 as by the mercy of God we are safe, under the protection of the Apostolic See, against the backslidings of the malignant and the subterfuges of appeals. These are the names of those excommunicated — Jocelyn, bishop of Salisbury, earl Hugh, Ranulph de Broc, Thomas Fitz-Bernard, Robert de Broc, clerk, Hugh de Saint Clair, Letardus de Norfleet, clerk, Nigel de Saccaville, and Richard, the brother of William de Hastings, who has taken possession of our church at New Coton. Farewell.”

The Letter of the blessed Thomas, the archbishop, to Robert, bishop of Hereford.

“Thomas, by the grace of God, the humble servant of the church of Canterbury, to his venerable brother Robert, by the same grace, bishop of Hereford, health and constant perseverance in justice and in the defence of mother Church. For the glory of the Saints, and for the damnation of the wicked it is necessary that offences must come: in tribulations the elect are to be proved, who by patience gain for themselves a crown, and improve others by their example. But woe unto those by whom offences do come! Whereas, the bishop of London has not abstained from giving offence, but among other works of his notable wickedness, since he has been delivered up unto Satan, has even gone so far as, with insolent audacity and parricidal impiety, to lift up his heel against his and your mother, the holy church of Canterbury, in presuming to say that he owes no submission and will pay no obedience to him by whom he was translated to his see; and to the weight of his condemnation has added this, that he would be for causing the transfer of the archiepiscopal throne to the see of London — we do therefore entreat your brotherhood, in whom we have full confidence, with all possible affection to oppose the shield in defence of your mother, against this son of Belial, who in the front of other Gentiles, like another Goliah of Gath, has not been ashamed to come forth alone, by the Lord’s working, from the camp of the uncircumcised, and has not feared to challenge to the combat the whole community of the sons of the church of Canterbury, while he is thirsting for the blood of their mother, and is forsaking the unity of catholic concord. For he has written to our lord the pope, on behalf of our brother the archbishop of York, beseeching him
A. D.
1168.


THE
ARCH-
BISHOP
TO
THE
BISHOP
OF
HEREFORD.315 with lying and deceitful testimony that he will allow him to bear the cross throughout our province, supposing that some great gain will be the result, if through hatred to our person he shall be enabled in any way to inflict an injury upon the Church to which by his canonical profession he owes duty and obedience. But Christ, who from its first foundation, amid various storms and many and great tempests, has guided and cherished the church of Canterbury, has wrought mercifully in that, in full consistory, his falsehood and wickedness have been, by means of unexceptionable witnesses, made manifest. Wherefore, in the first place I return thanks to God, and in the next to yourselves and the rest of our brethren, who have withheld yourselves from all communion with him from the time that it was known that he had been condemned to excommunication, and have ordered by public notice throughout your see, not only him, but the rest of those who have been excommunicated among you, to be avoided. In this has been made manifest your fidelity, and the constancy of your virtue has shone forth, which has determined that the threats of public power and of officials, equally with their blandishments, ought to be postponed to the commands of God. You have set at liberty your consciences, you have preserved your good name, while, both by the words of truth, and by the example of fortitude, you have taught that it is more becoming to obey God than man. Inasmuch, therefore, as the love of God, diffused so greatly by his Holy Spirit in your hearts, has gone forth to the public as a testimony of your well-doing, all servile fear being repulsed and laid aside, let this sincerity of yours feel assured that God will speedily beat down Satan under your feet, and will bring the contest to a happy issue; and this, too, the more speedily and gloriously, the more fervently and constantly your truth shall have been made manifest in the course on which you have begun. Wherefore, in the love of God, we do beg and entreat of you, and, by your fidelity, by your obedience, and by the sincere affection which you entertain towards your mother, the church of Canterbury, adjure you; that in order to maintain the dignity and the rights of the church of Canterbury to which you have made profession of fidelity, you will arise and come to our rescue against the above-named archbishop, and send in writing to our lord the pope, and to the court, a testimony of the truth, such as it befits her sons
A. D.
1168.316 to bear for their mother church. For he who shall withhold it on the occasion of so unjust an attack, beyond all doubt ought to be esteemed as unfaithful, and worse than unfaithful, and one against whom right would demand that all the faithful should wage war even unto the death. Nor indeed can this course be productive of any danger, inasmuch as the truth is clear, and according to the saying, is manifest even to the blind.¹ But inasmuch as he is cursed who withdraws his sword from blood, and the evil-doer is to be scourged in order that the wise man may be instructed to his salvation; whoever does not meet the parricide with a stone and a sword, renders himself subject to the curses of the law. For he appears to give his consent thereto, who does not, when he can, reason with, or hinder him who commits such excesses. And, in order that it may not be more stringently demanded at our hands, if we any longer conceal from ourselves the great and manifest errors of those who persecute the Church and whom now for a period of nearly a whole five years, we have endured with great long-suffering, in hopes that they might come to a feeling of repentance, we denounce to your brotherhood as publicly excommunicated, Geoffrey,² archdeacon of Canterbury, and Robert his vicar, Richard de Ivechester, William Giffard, Earl Hugh, Richard de Lucy, Adam de Cheringes, as also those who against the rules of the sacred canons have received ecclesiastical offices or benefices from lay hands, or taken unlawful possession of them of their own authority; and likewise those who hinder the messages of our lord the pope, and of ourselves, by the authority of our lord the pope, and of ourselves, command you that you will hold, and will cause to be held throughout your bishopric, these persons in suchwise as the discipline of the sacred canons has prescribed in the case of persons solemnly excommunicated. We bid your brotherhood farewell in the Lord, and may it remember in the prayers of the holy to pray for us and the cause of God which is in our hands.”

In the same year, Guido de Lusignan slew Patrick, earl of Salisbury, when returning on a pilgrimage from Saint Jago [of Compostella]; in consequence of which, Henry, king of
A. D.
1168.


DEATH
OF
KING
BALDWIN.317 England, being greatly enraged, banished him from Poitou. On this, assuming the cross, he set out for Jerusalem, and remained there in the service of Baldwin the Leper, king of Jerusalem, and by reason of his probity, was greatly esteemed by the king and chief men of that kingdom.

In order that the line of the Latin kings may be traced, who ruled in the holy city of Jerusalem, down to the times of Saladin, a few matters must be mentioned which had transpired before this period. It is necessary, therefore, to know, that after the taking of Antioch, Curberant having been overcome by Robert, duke of Normandy, the city of Jerusalem was taken by the Christians, and rescued from the hands of the pagans, in the year of grace one thousand and ninety-nine; on which, by the choice of the whole of the army, Godfrey, duke of Lorraine, son of Eustace the Elder, earl of Boulogne, was elected king of the holy city of Jerusalem. However, he refused to be crowned; saying, that he would never wear a crown of gold, in the place where Christ had worn a crown of thorns.

On his death without issue, his brother, Baldwin, succeeded him in the kingdom, and was crowned king. He was the first of the Latin kings who was crowned in the holy city of Jerusalem: for before this period, as long as it had been in the hands of the Christians, its kings were Greeks.

On the death of king Baldwin, his son, Baldwin, succeeded to the throne, and was crowned, having an only daughter to succeed him in the kingdom. On his decease, the chief men of the kingdom sent for Fulk, the brother of Geoffrey, earl of Anjou, and gave him in marriage the above-named daughter of king Baldwin, together with the kingdom of Jerusalem; on which they were crowned. By his wife, the daughter of king Baldwin, king Fulk was the father of two sons; of whom, the first-born was named Baldwin, and the other, Amauri. Baldwin succeeded his father Fulk in the kingdom, and was crowned; and on his decease, without issue, his brother, Amauri, succeeded him in the kingdom, and was crowned. This Amauri took Babylon, and rendered it tributary to himself. He reigned eleven years, and was father of Baldwin the Leper, and of two daughters, of whom the eldest was called Sibylla, and the other, Milicent.

Baldwin the Leper succeeded his father Amauri in the kingdom and was crowned. He reigned eleven years, but
A. D.
1169.318 would never take a wife. In his days God wrought many wondrous things in his behalf in the land of Jerusalem. For although he was afflicted with leprosy, still, a multitude of the pagans was repeatedly routed by him and utterly destroyed. This Baldwin the Leper, by the advice of his chief men, sent for William, the marquis of Montferrat, and gave him to wife his sister, Sibylla, together with the earldom of Joppa. This marquis William had by Sibylla, his wife, one son, named Baldwin, whom Baldwin the Leper made his heir, and abdicating the kingdom, gave it to this youth Baldwin, his nephew, and caused him to be crowned. Shortly after, the marquis William, the father of the youth Baldwin, who was now king, departed this life, and Sibylla, his wife, the mother of the king, married the above-named Guido de Lusignan. Shortly after this, king Baldwin the Leper died, and the youth Baldwin, his nephew, reigned in his stead two years and a half. Guido de Lusignan, the earl of Joppa, gave Milicent, his wife’s sister, in marriage to Amfrid de Tours.

In the year of grace 1169, being the fifteenth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, Nigel, bishop of Ely, departed this life; Godfrey of Finchale, a venerable recluse and holy monk, also departed unto the Lord.

In the same year, Henry, king of England, fearing that the blessed Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, would pronounce sentence of excommunication against his own person, and lay an interdict on his kingdom, appealed in behalf of himself and his kingdom, to the presence of the Supreme Pontiff; and sending envoys to him, requested that he would send one or two legates a latere to England, to enquire into the dispute which existed between him and Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, and terminate it to the honor of God and of the Holy Church; and also that the persons above-named, whom the archbishop of Canterbury had excommunicated, might in the meantime be absolved. Wherefore our lord the pope wrote to the following effect:

The Letter of pope Alexander to Henry, king of England.

“Alexander the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Henry, the illustrious king of the English, health and the Apostolic benediction. The envoys sent by your mightiness,
A. D.
1169.


LETTER
OF
POPE
ALEX-
ANDER
TO
KING
HENRY.319 namely, our well-beloved sons Robert Cumin and Ralph de Tameworde,³ persons devoted to ourselves and to the Church of God, and, as we believe, most faithful servants to your royal highness, together with the letter which your excellency transmitted unto us by their hands, we have received with the more kindly feelings, and have with the greater favour and honor granted the prayer thereof, the more fully we were sensible that they had been sent by a mighty prince and most Christian king: to whom, indeed, we wish, so far as with the will of God we may, all glory and honor; and whose advantage, in every way in which we becomingly may, both we and our brethren and the whole Church wish for the more ardently, the more that in our greatest necessity we have experienced your most devoted sincerity towards us. For our memory at no time hereafter will be able possibly to lose the recollection of the marks of duty shown to us by you at a time so opportune, nor will they by any lapse of time be overshadowed in the sight of the church. We have thought proper to send certain persons as legates a latere, according to your request, although it seemed to us most inconvenient and most difficult at this time to part with any, when we are standing in need of the presence and counsel of our brethren, and especially of those whom you require, being not unmindful however, as we have already mentioned, of your praiseworthy and distinguished dutifulness to us. These we have thought fit to send to the presence of your highness, with full powers to take cognizance of and give judgment upon the ecclesiastical matters which are the subject of dispute between you and our venerable brother, the archbishop of Canterbury, as also, the controversy which exists between the said archbishop and the bishops of your kingdom with regard to the appeal made unto ourselves, and such other matters in dispute in your kingdom as they shall be enabled to bring to a satisfactory conclusion, and, according as the Lord shall give them His assistance therein, to terminate the same in a canonical manner. We shall by all means also forbid the said archbishop in any way to attempt to molest, or disturb, or disquiet either yourself, or your people, or the kingdom entrusted to your government, until these matters in dispute shall have been brought to a legitimate conclusion. But, if the aforesaid archbishop shall, in the meantime, pronounce any sentence upon
A. D.
1169.320 you, or your kingdom, or any person in your realm, we do pronounce the same to be null and void, and not in anyway to affect you. To put an end to such a course, and as a proof of our wishes, you are, in case necessity shall arise for so doing, to produce this present letter. But, otherwise, we do beg of your serene highness, and strongly recommend you, not to let this letter or the tenor thereof be known to any person whatsoever, but to keep it entirely secret. And as for those persons of your household and your advisers, whom the said archbishop has already subjected to sentence of excommunication, the parties sent by us will, with the Lord’s assistance, absolve them. But if, in the meantime, any one of them shall be in fear of immediate death, we do grant that he may be absolved by any bishop, or religious and discreet man, on the oath being administered to him, according to the custom of the Church, that if he shall recover he will consider himself bound to obey our mandates.”

Upon this, the above-mentioned legates of our lord the pope having arrived in Normandy, certain of the suffragans of the church of Canterbury wrote to the following effect:

“Cure is preferable to complaint. But, our sins requiring the same, our holy mother the Church has been placed between the hammer and the anvil, and, unless the Divine mercy shall look down upon her, will shortly feel the blow of that hammer. For, the wickedness of the schismatics waxing strong, for defending his faith and for his love of justice, our father has been exiled by our other father from his country, and the hardened mind of Pharaoh forbids him liberty to return to his see. Added to this, in things spiritual as well as in things temporal the church of Canterbury is sadly impoverished. Like a ship upon the sea deprived of her pilot, she is buffeted to and fro, and is exposed to the winds, while, by the royal authority, her shepherd is forbidden to remain within the territories of his own country. He, wise though he may be, at his own peril and that of his Church, as also of ourselves, has, together with himself, exposed us to the bitterness of penalties and of labours; not reflecting that to use soothing methods will not detract from his own power. And further, although with all our affections we sympathize with his sufferings, he has proved ungrateful towards us, and, although we are in the same condemnation, ceases not to persecute us. For, between himself and the most serene king of the English, a certain controversy arose:
A. D.
1169.


LETTER
OF
THE
SUFFRAGAN
BISHOPS.321 at the desire of both, a certain day was fixed upon, that, upon the same, with the mediation of justice, an end might be put to this controversy. Upon that day, in obedience to the royal command, the archbishops, bishops, and other heads of the Church, were convoked, in order that the more extensive the council then held, the more manifest might be the exposure of fraud and malice. On the day appointed, this disturber of the kingdom and of the Church presents himself before the face of the Catholic king, and, being distrustful of the nature of his own merits, arms himself with the resemblance of the cross of our Lord, as though about to come into the presence of a tyrant. Nor yet even at this was the king’s majesty offended, but he entrusted the judgment of his cause to the fidelity of the bishops, that so he might be free from all suspicion. It remained, therefore, for the bishops to end the dispute by pronouncing judgment, that they might thereby bring the disputants to a reconciliation, and bury in oblivion the causes of their dissensions. He, however, came thither, and forbade sentence to be pronounced upon himself before the king, that so the royal mind might be the more violently inflamed to anger. The result of these excesses is, that the author thereof is in⁴ duty bound to expose himself to the vengeance of every one, being ashamed to deprecate a merited retribution, in not pausing at offending a most powerful prince in the days of the persecution of the Church. For it is his offence that has redoubled the weight of the blows of persecution. It would have been better for himself if he had placed a curb upon his prosperity, lest, while striving presumptuously to arrive at the summit of felicity, he might, in return for his presumption, be thrust down to a lower place. And, if the misfortunes of the Church did not move him, he ought at least to have been dissuaded from acting in opposition to the king by the advancement, both in riches and honors, which the king had bestowed upon him. Whereas, on the other hand, he faces him as an adversary, and objects, that for him to stand in judgment before the king would be a diminution of the dignity of the Apostolic See. But if he was not aware that in that judgment there was but little derogatory to the dignity of the Church, still, it was his duty to have concealed his feelings for
A. D.
1169.322 a time, in order that peace might be restored unto the Church. Again, another objection that he takes, ascribing to himself the title of father, is, that it seems to savour of arrogance for sons to meet together for the condemnation of their father, a thing that they ought by no means to do. But, if he really had been a father, in the first place his humility would have moderated the pride of his sons, in order that hatred of the father might not spring up in those sons. Therefore, most holy fathers, it is clear from what is stated above, that our adversary ought to fail in his pretences, being actuated by the malignity of his hatred alone, and supported by no reasonable grounds whatsoever, and inasmuch as the care of all the churches is known at present to rest upon ourselves.”

When Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, and some of his fellow-exiles, came to an interview with the legates, on the octave of Saint Martin, between Gisors and Trie, the legates discoursed at length with the archbishop on the Christian charity of our lord the pope, the anxiety which the Roman Church had hitherto manifested in his behalf, their own labours and the perils of their journey, the mighty power of the king of England, the necessities of the Church, the wickedness of the times, the love and kindness which the king of England had manifested towards him, and the honor which the king had always paid him. They also added the complaints, and the injuries which the king of England complained that he had suffered at his hands, laying it to his charge, among other things, that he had excited the king of the Franks to wage war against him, and sought his advice how they might be enabled to appease such vast indignation, because they were well aware that no remedy could be applied to such dangers without great humility, moderation, and marks of respect.

But the archbishop of Canterbury, in all humility and meekness of spirit, after duly returning thanks to our lord the pope and to them, made answer to each point, upon true and probable grounds, showing the emptiness of the king’s complaints, and fully explaining the injuries and intolerable losses of the Church. And, inasmuch as they required of him humility and marks of respect, he answered that he would most willingly show all humility, and the greatest possible honor and respect, saving always the honor of God, the liberties of the Church,
A. D.
1169.


THE
ARCH-
BISHOP’S
REPLY
TO
THE
LEGATES.323 the dignities belonging to his own person, and the possessions of the churches; and if anything should seem to them to require to be added, or to be taken away, or to be changed, he entreated that they would give him their advice, it being his fixed determination to acquiesce therein, saving always the conditions of his profession and orders. To this, however, they made answer, that they had come not to advise him, but to seek his advice, and to prepare the way for a reconciliation.

They also made enquiry of the archbishop, whether, in the presence of the legates, he was willing to promise to observe the customs which the kings had made use of in the times of his predecessors, and thus, all complaints being hushed up, to be reinstated in the king’s favour, and return to his see and the performance of his duties, and the enjoyment of peace by him and his people? To this the archbishop made answer, that no one of his predecessors, under any of the kings, had been bound to make this profession, and that he, with the help of God, would never promise to observe customs, which were openly opposed to the law of God, and, besides that, rooted out the privileges derived from the Apostles, and destroyed the liberties of the Church; which, also, our lord the pope, at Sens, in their presence, and in that of many others, had condemned, and some of which, he himself subsequently thereto, following the authority of our lord the pope, had subjected, together with those who observed them, to the penalties of excommunication, as the Catholic church in many councils is known to have done.

Upon this, he was asked to promise, if not a confirmation of them, at least connivance and toleration on his part, or, not making mention in any way of the customs, to return to his see and his former state of tranquillity. To this the archbishop made answer: “It is a proverb among the people of our nation, that ‘silence looks like assent;’” and observed that, while the king would appear to be left in possession of these customs, and would unjustly and violently compel the Church to the observance of them, if all opposition should cease, through silence being obtained on his part, the authority of the legates being interposed for that purpose, the king would immediately appear to himself and to others to have gained his point in the contest. He also added, that he would go into exile, be perpetually proscribed, and, if God so ordained it, die, in defence of justice, rather than obtain a peace of this
A. D.
1169.324 description, to the loss of his salvation, and to the prejudice of the liberties of the Church. For that there is a God who, in such a case, forbids the priesthood to be silent, and, in case they dissemble, has prepared hell for their portion, where there will be no dissembling of their punishment.

The book of the abominations⁵ was also read by him, and he made enquiry of the cardinals, whether it was lawful for such things to be put in practice by Christians, much more concealed from their pastors?

They then proceeded to another question, enquiring whether he would be willing to abide by their judgment upon the matters in dispute between himself and the king? To this he made answer, that he fully confided in the integrity of his cause; and that when he himself and his people, who had been for a long time left destitute, should have been fully restored to the enjoyment of everything, taking into consideration causes, and circumstances, and times, he would readily obey the law, and that he neither could nor would decline it, but, on the contrary, both where, and when, and how, it should be his duty, would submit to the judgment of him or them, by whose judgment, whether one or more, our lord the pope should have made it his determination to abide. That, in the meantime, he and his people could not be urged on to litigation, and not even poverty would have this effect, even though he should have been in want of victuals, had he not been aided with money by the most Christian king of the Franks. Yet he was unwilling, at the first glance, to shrink from judgment, even though he might have the best possible grounds for suspecting either of them, lest he might thereby seem to justify the king’s cause, nor yet did he desire to engage in litigation before he had been entirely restored, in order that he might thereby be enabled to support his own cause.

At this time Louis, king of the Franks, collecting a large army, entered Normandy, and burned the town of Andely, belonging to Rotrod, archbishop of Rouen, Henry, king of England, making no resistance thereto: this was done in revenge for Chaumont, a fine castle belonging to the king of France, which the above-named king of England had burned in the preceding year by his Welchmen. In the same year,
A. D.
1170.


KING
HENRY
COMES
TO
LONDON.325 Henry, king of England, took by storm a very strongly fortified castle, which was called Finuel, and levelled it with the ground. From the same year in which kings had ceased to reign in Brittany, two earls had begun to rule in their stead. But, inasmuch as all power is ever impatient of a partner, they harassed each other with various dissensions. Conan at length, by right of succession, having obtained both earldoms, when he died, left as his heir his daughter by the sister of the king of the Scots. The king of the English taking her as a wife for his son Geoffrey, and showing himself active in the establishment of peace throughout Brittany, conciliated the good feelings of both the clergy and the commonalty.

In the year 1170, being the sixteenth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king Henry kept the solemn festival at Nantes, in Brittany, on the day of the Nativity of our Lord, which took place on the fifth day of the week. After this, the king made a hostile attack upon the lands of earl Eudo,⁶ and laid waste nearly the whole thereof, and compelled earl Eudo himself to surrender.

After this, in the first week of the month of March, he crossed over from Normandy to England, between Barbeflet⁷ and Portsmouth; on which passage, after being tossed about by a most dreadful storm, from the hour of midnight until the ninth hour of the following day, with great difficulty he reached England and landed at Portsmouth. But nearly all the other ships that were with him were broken and shattered, and reached various ports of England just as the strength of the gale drove them along. One of them, however, which was a better and more recently built vessel than all the rest, but more unfortunate, went down, together with Henry de Agnelles and his two sons, Gilbert de Sulemny, and master Ralph de Beaumont, a physician, and one of the king’s household, together with other men and women, to the number of four hundred.

Shortly after this, king Henry knighted David, the brother of William, king of the Scots. In the same year, king Henry passed the festival of Easter at Windsor. After this, the king came to London, and there deprived of their offices nearly all the sheriffs of England, and, having made inquisition as to their levies upon the oaths of the people of his kingdom, fined
A. D.
1170.326 them. After this, at the feast of Saint Barnabas⁸ the Apostle, the said king held a great council at London, with the nobles and chief men of his kingdom, upon the coronation of his son, Henry; and on the Lord’s day following, which took place on the seventeenth day before the calends of July, the clergy and people assembling and agreeing thereto, he himself caused the above-named Henry, his son, to be crowned and consecrated king at Westminster, by Roger, archbishop of York, who was assisted in this duty by Hugh, bishop of Durham, Walter, bishop of Rochester, Gilbert, bishop of London, and Jocelyn, bishop of Salisbury; no mention whatever being made of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to whom by right of his see the coronation and consecration belonged. The day after this coronation, the king, his father, made William, king of the Scots, and David, his brother, and the earls and barons of the kingdom, pay homage to the new king, and swear fealty to him against all men, saving their fealty to himself.

When it became known to Louis, king of the Franks, that his daughter Margaret had not been crowned together with her husband, the king of England, he assembled a large army, and hostilely invaded Normandy. On hearing of this, the king of England, the father, leaving the king his son behind in England, crossed over into Normandy, and made peace with king Louis, at a conference held at Vendosme, on the festival of Saint Mary Magdalene, promising that next year he would cause his son to be crowned again, and his wife with him. On returning from this conference, the king, the father, came into Normandy, and was attacked at Motamgran⁹ by a grievous malady, on which he divided his dominions among his sons in the following manner:

He gave to his son Richard the dukedom of Aquitaine, and all the lands which he had received with his mother, queen Eleanor; and to his son Geoffrey he gave Brittany, with Alice, the daughter of earl Conan, whom he had obtained as his wife, from Louis, king of the Franks. To king Henry, his son, he gave Normandy, and all the lands which had belonged to his father, Geoffrey, earl of Anjou. These three sons he also made do homage to Louis, king of France. To
A. D.
1170.


POPE
ALEX-
ANDER’S
LETTER
TO
THE
PRELATES.327 John, his youngest son, who was as yet an infant, he gave the earldom of Mortaigne. A considerable time after this, king Henry, the father, on recovering from his illness, went on a pilgrimage to Saint Mary of Roquemadour.

In the meantime, the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, now passing his sixth year in exile, made complaint to Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff, against Roger, the archbishop of York, and the above-named four bishops who had assisted him at the coronation of the new king, in the province of Canterbury; whereupon, at his instance, the Supreme Pontiff excommunicated the bishops of London, Rochester, and Salisbury, and the archbishop of York, and suspended Hugh, the bishop of Durham, from all his episcopal duties. For which purpose he wrote to them to the following effect: —

The Letter of pope Alexander to Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham.

“Alexander, the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his venerable brethren, Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham, health and the Apostolical benediction. Although you have shown yourselves praiseworthy and pleasing unto us in many respects, and we do sincerely embrace you in the arms of Christian love; still, for all this, we ought not to omit that those things which have been done by you, and which, remain uncorrected, beget death, and to remind you, and correct you in our zeal for what is right, as the Lord says by His prophet,¹⁰ ‘When I say unto the wicked, thou shalt surely die; and thou givest him not warning, nor speakest to warn the wicked from his wicked way, to save his life; the same wicked man shall die in his iniquity, and his blood will I require at thine hand.’ For the persecution of the English Church, and the diminution of her liberties which have taken place through the conduct of your king, whether of his own accord, or whether rather at the suggestion of others, have for this long time past greatly afflicted our mind, and caused us no small grief and anxiety. For whereas it was his duty to have thought of correcting those things which have been wrongfully done by his predecessors, rather adding prevarications to prevarications, he has both placed and established customs thus evil under the protection of the royal dignity. Under these, both
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1170.328 the liberties of the Church are destroyed, and the decrees of the successors of the Apostles are, as far as possible, deprived of their validity. Nor has he thought that it ought to suffice, if under him the Divine laws in the kingdom of England should be reduced to silence and to nothingness, unless he should also transmit his sins to his heirs, and cause his kingdom long to exist without the ephod and without the pall.¹¹ For this reason it is that these usurpations, so unrighteous and so utterly unjustifiable, he has caused to be confirmed by your oath, and by those of others of our brethren and fellow bishops, and has pronounced as an enemy whatever person should think fit to differ from these unrighteous ordinances. This is proved by the exile of our venerable brother, Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury; this is also shewn by the dreadful proscription of his clergy and kindred, and of those even who, still hanging at their mother’s breasts, were crying in the cradle. Even the fear of death is appealed to, if the mind of any one is aroused, in contradiction to these enactments, a desire to obey the Divine laws. We ourselves, by whose judgment those prevarications ought to have been corrected or punished, were with much urgency on the occasion of a time of trouble pressed to confirm the same. Strong endeavours were also made, and no efforts were spared, that we might, at a time when they had not been explained to us, confer upon these usurpations, the confirmation of the Apostolical authority. This indeed took place at the very beginning. In process of time, however, the archbishop above-named being sent into exile for having performed the duty of his pastoral office, and frequently requesting from our assistance the customary aid of the Roman Church, we sent to the king before-mentioned, some of the best and most eminent of our brethren; we also sent other ecclesiastical persons, and did imagine that by our humility and forbearance his obduracy might be surmounted: and so it should have been, for Solomon says, ‘By long forbearance is a prince softened, and a soft tongue breaketh anger.’¹² But he, trifling with our long-suffering by the manifold arts of his envoys, seems so utterly to have hardened his heart against our advice, that he will not curb his wrath against
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1170.


POPE
ALEX-
ANDER’S
LETTER
TO
THE
PRELATES.329 the above-named archbishop, nor allow any portion to be withdrawn, of those unrighteous statutes, but will rather afflict the church of Canterbury with the entire loss of its possessions, and by these means despoil it of its ancient dignity in the ecclesiastical office. For lately, when he wished his son to be crowned, despising the said archbishop, to whom that duty is said of ancient right to belong, by your hand, brother archbishop, he caused the crown of the kingdom to be placed on his head in the province of another. Besides, at his coronation, no surety was given, according to usual custom, for preserving the liberties of the Church, or indeed, according to report, even demanded; but on the contrary, it is said to have been confirmed upon oath, that it is the duty of all to keep inviolate the customs of the kingdom, which they say were established by his grandfather, and by reason of which the dignity of the Church is endangered. Although in acting thus, the obstinacy of the above-named king greatly vexes us, yet we are still more moved by the weakness of yourselves and of our other fellow-bishops, who, and with grief we say it, have become as it were rams having no horns, and have fled without courage from before the face of their pursuer. For although, brother archbishop, it might possibly have been allowable for you to act thus in your own province, still, how it was allowable for you in the province of another, and of him in especial, who was almost the only one to go forth in exile for justice and thereby to give glory to God, we are unable to discover either upon the grounds of common sense, or according to the constitutions of the holy fathers. But should any one, by way of excuse for so great a betrayal, make it an objection that in other kingdoms many and grave enormities are perpetrated, in truth we can make answer, that we find no kingdom that as yet has rushed into so great a contempt of the Divine laws, as to cause enormities so manifest to be promulgated by the writings and oaths of bishops, unless, indeed, nay one should have the impudence to bring that forward, of which the schismatics who have been lately cut off from communion with the faithful, have with damnable and unheard-of pride been guilty. Wherefore, inasmuch as, according to the words of the prophet, the evil has been done among you, to an extent beyond all other provinces in his usurpations, and after having confirmed these unrighteous customs
A. D.
1170.330 by oath, you have not aroused yourselves to resume the shield of faith, in order that you might stand in the house of the Lord in the day of battle, but have laid your bodies on the ground, that there might be a way for him to pass over you; and lest if we should be any longer silent, we might, together with you, be involved on the day of judgment in the same sentence of damnation, by the authority of the Roman Church, of which with the aid of the Lord we are the servant, we do suspend you from all duties of the episcopal office, hoping that at least, under discipline and paternal correction, you will return to a sense of your duty, and, as you ought, apply yourselves to defending the liberties of the Church. But if not even then you resume the zeal that ought to belong to your ecclesiastical office, then shall we, by the Lord’s assistance, have recourse to that which is now impending over you. Be it then your care that that is not said to you, which was said to one by the prophet: ‘Because thou hast rejected what is holy, I will also reject thee, so that thou shalt be no priest to me.’¹³ For, as we, God so disposing, according to His good pleasure, are seen to occupy the place of him who could be withheld from preaching the word of God neither by stripes nor by bonds, we are bound, not under an ambiguous expectation of peace, to place the money of the Divine word which has been entrusted to us in a napkin, and so keep it tied up until the hour for getting in the profit thereof shall arrive, and the creditor coming shall strictly demand of us an account thereof.”

In the meantime, Louis, king of the Franks, and the archbishops, bishops, and nobles of the kingdom of France, besought the Roman Pontiff in behalf of the archbishop of Canterbury, by the love which they bore him, and with protestations of implicit obedience, no longer to admit the excuses and delays which the king of England continually put forward, as he loved the kingdom of France and the honor of the Apostolic See. William, the bishop of Sens, also, being astonished at the desolate condition of the English church, repaired to the Apostolic See, and obtained of the Roman Church, that, an end being put to all appeals, the king of the English should be subjected to excommunication, and his kingdom to interdict, unless peace were restored to the church of Canterbury. Thus, at last, it pleased God, the dispenser of all things, to recompense the merits of His dearly
A. D.
1170.


ARCH-
BISHOP
THOMAS
RETURNS
TO
ENGLAND.331 beloved Thomas, and to crown his long labours with the victorious palm of martyrdom. He, therefore, brought the king of England to a better frame of mind, who, through the paternal exhortation of our lord the pope, and by the advice of the king of the Franks and of many bishops, received the archbishop again into favour, and allowed him to return to his church.

Accordingly, peace was established between the archbishop and the king of England, on the fourth day before the ides of October, being the second day of the week, at Montluet, between Tours and Amboise, upon which, everything being arranged, they returned, each to his place. Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, returned to the abbey of Saint Columba, where he had resided for nearly the last four years. But, one day while the said archbishop lay there, prostrated in prayer before a certain altar in the church, he heard a voice from heaven saying to him, “Arise quickly, and go unto thy see, and thou shalt glorify my Church with thy blood, and thou shalt be glorified in me.” Thereupon, at the commencement of the seventh year of his banishment, when he was now beloved by God and sanctified by spiritual exercises, and rendered more perfect by the sevenfold grace of the Holy Ghost, he hastened with all speed to return to his see. For the pious father was unwilling any longer to leave the church of Canterbury desolate; or else it was, because, as some believe, he had seen in the spirit the glories of his contest drawing to a close, or through a fear that, by dying elsewhere, he might be depriving his own see of the honor of his martyrdom.

As for his life, it was perfectly unimpeachable before God and man. To arise before daybreak did not seem to him a vain thing, as he knew that the Lord has promised a crown to the watchful. For every day he arose before daybreak, while all the rest were asleep, and entering his oratory would pray there for a long time; and then returning, he would awake his chaplains and clerks from their slumbers, and, the matins and the hours¹⁴ of the day being chaunted, devoutly celebrate the mass; and every day and night he received three or five flagellations from the hand of a priest. After the celebration
A. D.
1170.332 of the mass, every day he re-entered his oratory, and, shutting the door after him, devoted himself to prayer with abundant tears; and no one but God alone knew the manner in which he afflicted his flesh. And thus did he do daily unto his flesh until the hour for dining, unless some unusual solemnity or remarkable cause prevented it. On coming forth from his oratory he would come to dine among his people, not that he might sate his body with costly food, but that he might make his household cheerful thereby, and that he might fill the poor ones of the Lord with good things, whom, according to his means, he daily increased in numbers. And although costly and exquisite food and drink were set before him, still, his only food and drink were bread and water.

One day, while the archbishop was sitting at the table of Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff, a person who was aware of this secret, placed before him a cup full of water. On the Supreme Pontiff taking it up, and tasting it, he found it to be the purest wine, and delicious to drink; on which he said: ‘I thought that this was water;” and on replacing the cup before the archbishop, the wine immediately returned to its former taste of water. Oh wondrous change by the right hand of the Most High! Every day, when the archbishop arose from dinner, unless more important business prevented him, he always devoted himself to reading the Scriptures until the hour of vespers, at the time of sunset. His bed was covered with soft coverlets and cloths of silk, embroidered on the surface with gold wrought therein; and while other persons were asleep, he alone used to lie on the bare floor before his bed, repeating psalms and hymns, and never ceasing from prayers, until at last, overcome with fatigue, he would gradually recline his head upon a stone put beneath it in place of a pillow: and thus would his eyes enjoy sleep, while his heart was ever watchful for the Lord. His inner garment was of coarse sackcloth made of goats’ hair; with which his whole body was covered from the arms down to the knees. But his outer garments were remarkable for their splendour and extreme costliness, to the end that, thus deceiving human eyes, he might please the sight of God. There was no individual acquainted with this secret of his way of living, with the exception of two — one of whom was Robert, canon of Merton, his chaplain, and the name of the other was Brun, who had charge of his sackcloth garments,
A. D.
1170.


PERSE-
CUTION
OF
ARCH-
BISHOP
THOMAS.333 and washed them when necessary; and they were bound by their words and oaths that, during his life, they would disclose these facts to no one.

After the transactions above related, archbishop Thomas came to Witsand, but, upon hearing that Roger, archbishop of York, and the bishops of London and Salisbury, were at Dover, for the purpose of meeting him, he was unwilling to proceed thither, but landed in England at Sandwich. Having thus crossed the sea, the archbishop and future martyr was received in his church with great thankfulness, and with honor and glory, and especially by the monks, in solemn procession, all weeping for joy, and exclaiming, as they gave thanks, “Blessed is he, who cometh in the name of the Lord,” But he, like a good father, receiving them all with the kiss of peace, admonished them with paternal exhortations, and instructed them to love the brotherhood, to obey God, to persevere in doing good, and to strive even to the death for the law of God.

At this period, Henry, king of England, the son of king Henry, was in England, and the Nativity of our Lord was approaching, which that king, with the nobles of his land, was about to celebrate with the usual solemnities. To this celebration, it was the intention of the blessed Thomas, although not invited, to go. However, when he had come to London, Jocelyn, the queen’s brother, came to him, and forbade him, in the king’s name, to go any further, upon which the blessed Thomas returned to Canterbury.

Accordingly, again was this champion of Christ afflicted with injuries and hardships still more atrocious, beyond measure and number, and, by public proclamation, enjoined not to go beyond the limits of his church. Whoever showed to him, or to any one of his household, a cheerful countenance, was held to be a public enemy. However, all these things the man of God endured with great patience, and staying among those of his own household, edified them all with his conversation and with words of exhortation: and once more the archbishop took his seat in his church, fearless, and awaiting the hour at which he should receive from God the crown of martyrdom. For, being warned by many beforehand, he knew that his life would be but short, and that death was at the gates.

Upon this, as though he had but that moment commenced to live, he used all endeavours, by spiritual exercises, to
A. D.
1171.334 redeem the moments of his past life; and knowing that this life is but a journey and a warfare, in order that he might be sanctified in body, and disembarassed in spirit by vices, armed with virtues, he girded himself up for the race, and prepared himself for the struggle of the conflict. Therefore, in finishing his race, he ran “not as uncertainly,” and, in fighting well, he did not “fight as one that beateth the air.”¹⁵ Then almost all his thoughts and discourse were upon the end of this life and the troubles of its path. Sometimes, also, in his discourses delivered to his brethren, the monks of the church of Canterbury, and the clergy and people of that city, he would say: “I have come to you to die among you.” And sometimes he would say: “In this church there are martyrs, and, before long, God will increase the number of them.” This he said, signifying by what death he should glorify the Lord.

At this period Henry, king of England, the father, alleged that the archbishopric of Bourges of right belonged to the dukedom of Aquitaine, but Louis, king of France, in every way opposed that view. In consequence of this, a serious disagreement arose between them, and each raised a large army; upon which, the king of England with his forces marched into Berry, as far as Montluc, with the intention of going still further; for, relying on the admission of the archbishop of Bourges when on the point of death and stating in his confession that by right the archbishopric of Bourges belonged to the dukedom of Aquitaine, he was in hopes that he should gain it. However, Louis, king of France, arrived there before him, upon which, the king of England, being deceived in his expectations, granted and accepted a cessation of hostilities until the feast of Saint Hilary.

In the year of grace 1171, being the seventeenth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king was at Bure, in Normandy, on the day of the Nativity of our Lord, being the sixth day of the week; and queen Eleanor and his sons, Richard, Geoffrey, and John, were with him. In the same year, his son Henry, king of England, was in England. On the same day, the blessed Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, being then at Canterbury, after delivering a sermon to the people, excommunicated Robert de Broc, who, the day before, had cut off the tail of one of his sumpter-horses.

Hardly had the father been residing one month in his see, when lo! on the fifth day of the feast of the Nativity of our Lord, there came to Canterbury four knights, or rather sworn satellites of Satan, whose names were as follow: William de Tracy, Hugh de Morville, Richard Briton, and Reginald Ritz-Urse, men of families remarkable for their respectability, but destined, by their daring to commit so enormous a crime, to blemish the glories of knighthood and the honors of their ancestors with perpetual ignominy. Accordingly, these persons made their way into the presence of the archbishop, and, as nothing salutary¹⁶ was the object of their message, in the malice they had conceived they omitted pronouncing any salutation, and addressed him in an insolent and haughty manner. Threats were exchanged on both sides, and threat was answered with threat. At last, leaving behind them abuse and insults, they departed: but, immediately after, they returned and broke into the cloister of the monks, with a large retinue of armed men, being also armed themselves. Now the archbishop, with meekness and self-possession, had gone before them to the choir of the church, the monks having entreated, nay, forced him, on account of the solemnity of the season, to perform the service at vespers. When he perceived these armed men behind him, in the middle of the cloisters, it might have been expected that their own malignant feelings would have warned them to leave the church; but, neither did reverence for the solemn occasion dissuade them from their crime, nor the innocence of the patriarch prevent them from shedding his blood. Indeed, so entirely had their shameless determination to perpetrate the crime taken possession of them and blinded them, that they neither regarded the disgrace to their knighthood, nor took account of any danger. Therefore, following the archbishop with headlong and heedless steps, with drawn swords, they entered the church, and furiously cried aloud, “Where is this traitor?” After which, no one making answer, they repeated, “Where is the archbishop?” Upon this, he, the confessor, and, shortly to be, the martyr in the cause of Christ, being sensible that under the first name he was falsely charged, and that, by virtue of his office, the other belonged to him, came down from the
A. D.
1171.336 steps to meet them, and said, “Behold, here am I,” showing such extraordinary presence of mind, that neither his mind seemed agitated by fear nor his body by trepidation.

On this, in the spirit of his frenzy, one of these fell knights made answer to him, “You shall now die, for it is impossible for you to live any longer.” To which the bishop made answer, with no less self-possession in his language than in his mind, “I am ready to die for my God, and for asserting justice and the liberties of the Church; but, if you seek my life, in the name of Almighty God, and under pain of excommunication, I forbid you, in any way, to hurt any other person, whether monk, or clerk, or layman, whether great or small, but let them be as exempt from the penalty as they have been guiltless of the cause.” These words of his would serve to express those of Christ in His passion, when He said, “If ye seek me, let these go their way.”

On this, the knights instantly laid hands on him and seized him, that, for the perpetration of their design, they might drag him out of the church, but were unable so to do. The archbishop, on seeing his murderers with drawn swords, after the manner of one in prayer, bowed his head, uttering these as his last words, “To God and to Saint Mary, and to the Saints, the patrons of this church, and to Saint Denis, I commend myself and the cause of the Church.” After this, amid all these tortures, this martyr, with unconquerable spirit and admirable constancy, uttered not a word or a cry, nor heaved a sigh, nor lifted his arm against the smiter; but, bowing his head, which he had exposed to their swords, held it unmoved until the deed was completed.

Upon this, the above-named knights, fearing the multitude of persons of both sexes that came running to the spot, hastened the perpetration of the crime, lest possibly it might be left incomplete, and their intentions be frustrated thereby; and while one of them was extending his arm and brandishing his sword over the head of the archbishop, he cut off the arm of a clerk, whose name was Edward Grimere, and at the same time wounded the anointed of the Lord in the head. For this clerk had extended his arm over the head of the father, in order that he might receive the blow as he struck or rather ward it off thereby. The righteous man still stood erect, suffering in the cause of righteousness, like the innocent
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1171.


ASSAS-
SINATION
OF
ARCH-
BISHOP
THOMAS.337 lamb, without a murmur, without complaint, and, offering himself up as a sacrifice to the Lord, implored the protection of the Saints. And, in order that no one of these fell satellites might be said to be guiltless in consequence of not having touched the archbishop, a second and a third atrociously struck the head of the suffering martyr with their swords, and clave it asunder, and dashed this victim of the Holy Ghost to the ground. The fourth, raging with a still more deadly, or rather fiendlike, cruelty, when prostrate and expiring, cut off his shorn crown, dashed in his skull, and, thrusting his sword into the head, scattered his brains and blood upon the stone pavement. In the mixture of the two substances the difference of colour seemed to remind any one, who considered the matter with due piety, of the twofold merits of the martyr. For, in the whiteness of the brains was shown the purity of his innocence, while the purple colour of the blood bespoke his martyrdom. With both these becomingly arrayed, as though with a nuptial garment, the martyr Thomas was rendered a worthy guest at the heavenly table. Thus, even thus, the martyr Thomas, became, by virtue of his long-suffering, a precious stone of adamant for the heavenly edifice, being squared by the blows of swords, was joined in heaven unto Christ, the headstone of the corner. Wherefore this our Abel, being made perfect by the glory of martyrdom, in a moment lived out many ages.

FOOTNOTES

 ¹   In the original, “lippis et tonsoribus patens;” literally, “manifest to the blear-eyed, and the barbers.” It is not clear what can have been the origin of this saying, if the text is correct.

 ²  He has been previously called Gilbert.

 ³  Tamworth.

 ⁴  This is probably the meaning of the passage, but it is in an extremely corrupt state.

 ⁵  This was a book containing the anathemas against persons guilty of certain practices therein censured by the Church.

 ⁶  Misprinted Ludo.

 ⁷  Harfleur.

 ⁸  This seems a better reading than Saint Bernard.

 ⁹  This is probably a mistake for Vernon.

¹⁰  Ezekiel iii. 18.

¹¹  The “superhumerale,” or “pall,” was in reality the same garment as the ephod.

¹²  Proverbs xxv. 15. In our version, “the bone” stands in place of “anger”.

¹³  Hos. iv. 6, slightly varied.

¹⁴  The “horæ” were services performed with chaunts at certain hours in the day: they were seven in number, and were styled “matutina, prima, tertia, sexta, nona, vespera,” and “completorium.”

¹⁵  1 Cor. ix. 27.

¹⁶  He puns upon the resemblance of “salus,” “health,” and “salutatio,” “a salutation.”

¹⁷  St. John xviii. 8.

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