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From The Commentaries of Pope Pius II on the Memorable Events of His Times, Translation by Florence Alden Gragg, with Historical Introduction and Notes by Leona C. Gabel, Smith College Studies in History, Vol. XXII, Nos. 1-2, October, 1936-January, 1937, Northampton, Mass., Department of History of Smith College, 1936-1937; pp. 11-6.

VOLUME I

OF

THE Commentaries of Pope Pius II on the Memorable Events of His Times,
(Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini)
Translated by Florence Alden Gragg,
With Introduction and Notes by Leona C. Gabel

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OF

THE Commentaries of Pope Pius II on the Memorable Events of His Times, Translated by Florence Alden Gragg,
With Introduction and Notes by Leona C. Gabel

THE
COMMENTARIES
OF
POPE PIUS II
on
The Memorable Events
of
His Times

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BOOK I

The Piccolomini, who came to Siena from Rome¹ and were counted among the oldest and noblest families of the state, were illustrious in arms and letters and possessed many castles and fortresses so long as the aristocrats were in power; but when the government passed from the nobles to the people, the house of Piccolomini was humbled with the rest.² Enea Silvio, grandfather of the present writer, retained however a not inconsiderable fortune, which enabled him to live in a dignified fashion. He died while still a young man, leaving his wife, Montanina, with child. She bore a son who was called Silvio. During his minority his property was squandered by his guardians and agents, though he was brought up like a gentleman and went to school, where he received a thorough training in the liberal arts. When he grew up, he became a soldier, but after divers misfortunes at length came home and having recovered a small part of his patrimony, married a poor but noble girl, Vittoria, of the family of the Forteguerri, who are the patrons of the cathedral of Siena. She was so fruitful that she often gave birth to twins and by her he had eighteen children, though there was never more than ten living at once. He brought up his family in poverty in Corsignano,³ a town in the valley of the Orcia, but the cruel plague finally carried off all but Enea and his sisters Laodamia and Catherina.

Enea received his father’s name, Silvio, and out of reverence for the apostle who was flayed by the barbarous Indians, he was given a third name and was called Enea Silvio Bartolommeo. He was born at dawn on St. Luke’s day, October 18, 1405. When he was three years old, while playing with other children, he fell 12 from a high wall onto a rock, receiving a severe wound in the head, which, contrary to the apprehensions and expectations of his parents, was soon healed by his godfather, Niccolò Monticuli, an untrained and so-called empiric physician. In his eighth year he was tossed by a charging bull and escaped death more by the help of Heaven than through any human aid.

After remaining for some time in his father’s house performing all sorts of rustic duties,^a he went, when he was eighteen, to the city, where he was welcomed by his kinsmen, who thought that so promising a youth ought to have his chance. He began to study under the grammarians, then became an eager follower of poets and orators, and finally applied himself to civil law. When he had spent some years listening to the professors of this subject, the outbreak of a serious war between Siena and Florence⁴ forced him to interrupt his literary studies and leave the beloved soil of his native city.

Now it happened that Domenico Capranica,⁵ a man of noble character and intellect, who had been raised to the cardinalate by Martin V and repudiated by his successor, Eugenius IV, was then at Siena. At that time a council had been called at Basle,⁶ a city of Switzerland on the Rhine, and was already in session. Domenico, who was in disgrace at Rome, resolved to defend his claims at Basle. He appointed Aeneas his secretary and took him with him to Piombino, a town called by some Populino, which is built on the ruins of the ancient Populonia. There, when he had decided to go to Genoa by the Ligurian Gulf (because the way by land was blocked) and when the ship in which he meant to cross 13 was already in sight, the lord of the place, Jacopo Appiani, though he pretended to be friendly, forbade any boat to carry him out. But Domenico, when he realized this treachery, left the town with only one companion and fled to the coast, where he procured a light skiff and hastened out to the ship which was sailing to and fro in open sea. When the tyrant learned of this, he allowed all the rest of Domenico’s party to embark, thinking there was no point in chasing he feathers when he had lost the meat.

The next day Aeneas and Piero da Noceto,⁷ who was also Domenico’s secretary, and all his servants, who had spent a very chilly night in the open air on the island of Elba, joined Domenico on his ship. But when they were making for Genoa, they were buffeted by violent gales and driven off their course to within sight of Africa, so that the sailors were in terror of being carried into harbors of barbarians. Though it sounds marvelous and almost incredible, still it is an undoubted fact that in one day and night after leaving Italy they were driven between Elba and Corsica to Africa and them, when the wind changed, drifted rather than sailed back again between Corsica and Sardinia and put in at Porto Venere. Here they procured a galley and had a successful voyage to Genoa, going from there over land to Milan, where they saw the great and illustrious Duke Filippo Maria. After a brief stay they continued their journey and by way of the St. Gotthard Alps, steep mountains towering to the skies and covered deep with snow and ice, they came to Basle.

The Emperor Sigismund was then wintering at Parma and planning to go on to Rome the next summer.⁸

In Basle Domenico pressed his claim to the cardinalate before 14 the Synod and through the advocacy of Aeneas was restored to his high office. But since Domenico was in financial difficulties because Eugenius forbade his kinsmen to give him any aid, Aeneas transferred his services to Nicodemo della Scala, Bishop of Freising, whose father had been lord of Verona, and then, when Nicodemo left Basle, to Bartolommeo Visconti, Bishop of Novara, serving both as private secretary.⁹ He accompanied Nicodemo to the meeting of the Electors, who had assembled at Frankfort; with Bartolommeo he returned to Italy and spent some time at the court of Filippo, Duke of Milan, in whose service Bartolommeo was. In his senate two men were rivals for the rectorship of the University of Pavia, one a Milanese of the noble family of the Crotti, the other a man of humble birth from Novara. Most of the University were in favor of the Milanese, who had two very influential uncles, Aloisio and Lancellotto, in the Duke’s council and had already assumed the insignia of office; but Aeneas took up the cause of the man from Novara and made so powerful a speech that the post was taken away from the Milanese and given to the Novarese.

Some time after this Aeneas accompanied Bartolommeo to the court of Eugenius, who was then established at Florence.¹⁰ From there he made a trip on important business to see Niccolò Piccinino,¹¹ the most celebrated general of the age, who was taking the baths at Siena, and then for the first time he revisited his kinsmen and his old friends, remaining with them five days. When he returned to Florence, he found that Bartolommeo had been 15 accused of grave offenses before Eugenius and was on trial for his life. Therefore Aeneas took refuge with Niccolò,¹² Cardinal of Santa Croce, a most eminent and highly esteemed senator, who appointed him his secretary and rescued Bartolommeo from Eugenius. This he did at the earnest solicitation and recommendation of his major-domo, Tommaso of Sarzana, who afterward ascended the papal throne as Nicholas V, and of Piero da Noceto, who has been mentioned above. The Cardinal of Santa Croce had at that time been appointed ambassador to France to arrange a peace between Charles of France and Henry of England.¹³ With him Aeneas saw for the third time Milan and the Duke and from there he visited Monte Giove, which is today better named Mt. St. Bernard, to see Amadeo, Duke of Savoy, who had renounced the world and was living a life of pleasure rather than of penitence in a hermitage at Thonon above Lake Geneva together with six knights, who with him had assumed the hermit’s cloak and staff; waiting, I suppose, for an event which happened eight years later, his summons to the papal throne¹⁴ by the cardinals assembled at Basle; for even then the rumor was current that Amadeo was to be pope. This report was said by some to have originated with women who tell fortunes and have the gift of prophecy, who are very numerous in the mountains of Savoy.

After paying him his respects the Cardinal went on to Basle and then sailed down the Rhine to Cologne. Here he again took horse and proceeded by way of Aix, Lodi, Louvain, Douai, and Tournay to Arras, where a congress of all the French and English cardinals was in session.

Philip, Duke of Burgundy, was at this time siding with the English against the King of France, who had put his father to death. The Cardinal’s first object was to bring about a general truce. When he failed to accomplish this,^b he succeeded in reconciling Philip with the King of France after obtaining his release from the allegiance he had sworn to the King of England on the 16 ground that the monarch had a claim to the French throne. At that time too Aeneas sent Philip a letter in verse on the blessings of peace. But before Philip broke with the English, the Cardinal sent Aeneas to Scotland to restore a certain prelate to the King’s favor.¹⁵

About this time Alfonso, King of Aragon, together with his brothers and all the nobles of his realm had been defeated and taken prisoner in a naval battle¹⁶ by the Genoese backed by Filippo, Duke of Milan.

When Aeneas arrived at Calais, a town on the seacoast opposite England, he found himself at once an object of suspicion to the English. Therefore he was put under the charge of his host and permitted to go neither forward nor back, till the Cardinal of Winchester,¹⁷ who was returning from Arras, came to his aid and ordered his release. When however Aeneas went to the King of England and asked for a safe-conduct to Scotland, he was ordered to go back again, because the English feared that he would plot some mischief against them with their enemy, the King of Scotland; for it was well known that he was secretary to the Cardinal of Santa Croce, who had incurred the bitter hatred of the English by alienating the Duke of Burgundy. All this was unknown to Aeneas, who was forced to return much against his will, having braved the perils of the sea to no purpose. Still he was glad to have seen the rich and populous city of London, the famous church of St. Paul, the wonderful tombs of the kings, the Thames which is swifter at the flow than at the ebb of the tide, the bridge like a city, the village where men are said to be born with tails,¹⁸ and, more famous than all the rest, the golden 17 mausoleum of Thomas of Canterbury covered with diamonds, pearls, and carbuncles, where it is considered sacrilegious to offer any mineral less precious than silver.

Having therefore crossed the Channel again, he went to the town of Bruges and then to Sluys, the busiest port in all the West. There he took ship for Scotland, but was driven to Norway by two violent gales, one of which kept them in fear of death for fourteen hours. The other pounded the ship for two nights and a day, so that she sprang a leak and was carried so far out to sea toward the north that the sailors, who could no longer recognize the constellations, abandoned all hope. But the Divine Mercy came to their aid, raising north winds, which drove the vessel back toward the mainland and finally on the twelfth day brought them in sight of Scotland.

When they had made harbor,¹⁹ Aeneas in fulfillment of a vow walked barefoot ten miles to the Blessed Virgin of Whitekirk.²⁰ After resting there two hours he found on rising that he could not stir a step, his feet were so weak and so numb with cold. It was his salvation that there was nothing there to eat and that he had to go on to another village. While he was being carried rather than led there by his servants, he got his feet warm by continually striking them on the ground, so that he unexpectedly recovered and began to walk.

When he was at last admitted to the King’s presence, he obtained all he had come to ask.²¹ He was reimbursed for his traveling expenses and was given fifty nobles for the return journey and two horses called trotters.

The following facts about Scotland seem worth recording. It is an island two hundred miles long and fifty wide, connected with Britain and extending toward the north. It is a cold country where few things will grow and for the most part has no trees. Below the ground is found a sulphurous rock, which they dig for fuel. The cities have no walls. The houses are usually constructed without mortar; their roofs are covered with turf; and in the country doorways are closed with oxhides. The common people, who are poor and rude, stuff themselves with meat and fish, but eat bread as a luxury. The men are short and brave; the women fair, charming, and easily won. Women there think less of a kiss than in Italy of a touch of the hand. They have no wine except what they import. Their horses are all small and natural trotters. They keep a few for breeding and castrate the rest. They do not curry them with iron or comb them with wooden combs or guide them with bridles. The oysters are larger than those in England and many pearls are found in them. Leather, wool, fish,^c and pearls are exported from Scotland to Belgium. There is nothing the Scotch like better to hear than abuse of the English. It is said there are two Scotlands, one cultivated, the other wooded with no open land. The Scots who live in the latter part speak a different language and sometimes use the bark of trees for food. There are no wolves in Scotland. Crows are rare and therefore the trees in which they nest are the property of the royal treasury. Aeneas also used to say that, before he went to Scotland, he had heard there were trees there growing along a river, the fruit of which rotted, if it fell on the ground, but if it fell into the water, came to life and turned into birds;²² but, when he eagerly investigated this marvel on the spot, he found that it was all a lie or, if true, had been moved to the Orcades Islands. He did, however, vouch for the truth of the following statement: at the winter solstice (Aeneas was there then) the day in Scotland is not more than four hours long.

When he had finished his business and was ready to return, the skipper who had brought him over promptly came and offered him his old quarters on his ship. But Aeneas, not so much foreseeing the future peril as remembering the past, said, “If he who has twice been in danger has no right to accuse Neptune, what is to be said to the man who suffers shipwreck a third time? I prefer to trust to the mercy of men rather than of the sea.” So he sent the sailor away and chose to travel through England. And very soon after the ship sailed, in the sight of all she ran into a storm, which broke her up and sank her, and the skipper, who was going back to Flanders to marry a young bride, was drowned with everyone else on board except four men, who caught hold of some planks and managed to swim to land.

Then Aeneas, realizing that he had been saved by a beneficent God, disguised himself as a merchant and left Scotland for England. A river,²³ which rises in a high mountain, separates the two countries. When he had crossed this in a small boat and had reached a large town about sunset, he knocked at a farmhouse and had dinner there with his host and the parish priest. Many relishes and chickens and geese were served, but there was no bread or wine. All the man and women of the village came running as if to see a strange sight and as our people marvel at Ethiopians or Indians, so they gazed in amazement at Aeneas, asking the priest where he came from, what his business was, and whether he was a Christian. Aeneas, having learned of the scanty entertainment to be found on his journey, had obtained at a certain monastery several loaves of bread and a jug of wine and when he brought these out, they excited the liveliest wonder among the barbarians, who had never seen wine or white bread. Pregnant women and their husbands kept coming up to the table, touching the bread and sniffing the wine, and asking for some, so that he had to divide it all among them.

When the meal had lasted till the second hour of the night, the priest and the host together with all the men and children took leave of Aeneas and hastened away, saying that they were taking refuge in a tower a long way off for fear of the Scots, who were 20 accustomed, when the river was low at ebb tide, to cross by night and make raids upon them. They could not by any means be induced to take him with them, although he earnestly besought them, nor yet any of the women, although there were a number of beautiful girls and matrons. For they think the enemy will do them no wrong — not counting outrage a wrong. So Aeneas remained behind with two servants and his one guide among a hundred women, who made a circle around the fire and sat up all night cleaning hemp and carrying on a lively conversation with the interpreter. But after a good part of the night had passed, two young women showed Aeneas, who was by this time very sleepy, to a chamber strewn with straw, planning to sleep with him, as was the custom of the country, if they were asked. But Aeneas, thinking less about women than about robbers, who he feared might appear any minute, repulsed the protesting girls, afraid that, if he committed a sin, he would have to pay the penalty as soon as the robbers arrived. So he remained alone among the heifers and nanny goats, which prevented him from sleeping a wink by stealthily pulling the straw out of his pallet. Some time after midnight there was a great noise of dogs barking and geese hissing, at which all the women scattered, the guide took to his heels, and there was the wildest confusion as if the enemy were at hand. Aeneas however was afraid that if he rushed outside, in his ignorance of the road he might fall a prey to the first person he met. Accordingly he thought best to await events in his own room (it was the stable) and very soon the women returned with the interpreter, saying that nothing was wrong and that the newcomers were friends, not enemies. Aeneas thought this was the reward of his continence..

At daybreak Aeneas proceeded on his journey and came to Newcastle, which is said to have been built by Caesar. There for the first time he seemed to see again a familiar world and a habitable country; for Scotland and the part of England nearest it are utterly unlike the country we inhabit, being rude, uncultivated, and unvisited by the winter sun. Next he came to Durham, where today men go to see the tomb of the holy abbot, the Venerable Bede, which is piously revered by the inhabitants of the region. He went also to York, a large and populous city, where 21 there is a cathedral notable in the whole world for its size and architecture and for a very brilliant chapel whose glass walls are held together by very slender columns. As he rode along he was joined by an English judge, who was hurrying up to London to court. He told Aeneas what had happened at Arras, supposing him to know nothing about it, and cursed the Cardinal of Santa Croce roundly, calling him a wolf in sheep’s clothing. Who would not be amazed at such a coincidence? Aeneas was brought safely to London by a man, who, if he had known who he was, would at once have put him in prison.

In London however, Aeneas found that the King had forbidden any foreigner to leave the island unless he had a royal passport, and he did not think it safe to ask for one. Therefore he bribed the keepers of the port (a thing which is easy enough to do, as this class of men loves nothing more than gold) and so sailed from Dover to Calais, going from there to Basle and straight on to Milan. Having learned there that the Cardinal of Santa Croce had been despatched from Florence and was on his way to Basle by way of the valley of the Adige and the Arlberg, he set out to join him by crossing the Alps at Brig and proceeded up the valley of the Sion.

At that time the Greeks had promised the Council that they would come to Latin territory to discuss the question of union, but being a poor nation and clever at begging, they asked for money for their expenses and demanded 70,000 gold florins. In order to scrape together such a sum, the Council promised plenary indulgences and remission of all their sins to those who would contribute money for this purpose. It appeared however that the indulgences would not be worth much unless backed by the Pope’s authority and though he did not refuse to give it, there was a dispute about the form. For the delegates at Basle asserted that the indulgences should be granted in the name of the Council with the concurrence of the Pope, while Eugenius insisted that the letter should be sent out in his name with the approval of the Council ;   and he said that was the time-honored and usual custom. There were many long discussions over this, in which they even [ ] to insults; for Tommaso, who later sat in the chair of St. 22 Peter but was then merely a private individual in the service of the Cardinal of Santa Croce, when the authority of the Council was mentioned, said, “Why do you lay so much stress on the Council? No one in his senses would say that there was any council or church here. It is a synagogue of Satan not a synod you are holding, you abandoned men and slaves of the devil!” The senators, angered at these words, ordered the fellow to be seized and imprisoned, but he was rescued by the great wisdom of Giuliano,²⁴ Cardinal of Sant’ Angelo. The Cardinal of Santa Croce went back to Eugenius, who was at Bologna, without having accomplished anything and soon after was sent to Duke Filippo Maria to arrange a peace between him and the Venetians.

When Aeneas had followed the Cardinal so far and had learned that no one was acceptable to Eugenius who had been on the side of the Council of Basle and that any mention of the Bishop of Novara might do him harm, in order not to waste his time at the Roman Curia, he returned, with the Cardinal’s approval, to Basle and betook himself to Juan,²⁵ the influential and holy Cardinal of San Pietro in Vincoli, who was afterward made Bishop of Ostia.

I will now relate briefly what happened^d at the Council of Basle and Aeneas’s distinguished achievements there. At that time they were considering transferring the Council to some other place, to which it was thought the Greeks might come, and the choice lay among four cities which offered to pay the expenses of the Greeks: Florence, Udine, Pavia, and Avignon. Eloquent speeches had been made in the great hall in praise of three of these and only Pavia had no one to plead her cause, because Isidoro Rosati, whom Filippo Maria, Duke of Milan, had sent for that purpose, had spoken so badly and stupidly that he had been bidden to hold his tongue. Aeneas, stirred by the humiliation of a noble city and of that prince, composed a speech that night. The next day he came into the Council and having got permission to speak through the 23 influence of Giuliano, the papal legate, he spoke for two hours to a most attentive and admiring audience, and afterward everyone present had a copy of the speech made for himself.²⁶

From that time Aeneas was more popular in the Council and in high favor with the Duke of Milan; for, although his official title was merely psalmist,²⁷ he acted as secretary and abbreviator²⁸ and often sat on the Committee of Twelve. This post, though it was held for only three months, carried great weight, since no deputation might engage in the debate unless its subject had been approved by the Twelve nor was anyone admitted to the Council without their permission. In his own deputation (which was called Deputation of the Faith) he often presided. He often kept the keys to the lead which was used to seal the letters of the synod. None of the secretaries was oftener chosen rescribendarius²⁹ and among the abbreviators he had the rank of the upper bar. When representatives of the various nations were chosen for important matters, he was almost always one. He went on embassies for the Council three times to Strasbourg, twice to Constance, once each to Frankfort, Trent, and Savoy, and always with success. When the provost of San Lorenzo at Milan died, Francesco,³⁰ Bishop of Milan, a man greatly respected for his learning and piety, at once with the approval of the Council appointed Aeneas in his place, though there were not a few scholars and important men among the Milanese themselves who hoped for advancement. But when the matter was discussed in the general assembly, Isidoro Rosati, 24 who was jealous of Aeneas because Aeneas’s eulogy of Pavia had been listened to when he himself had been refused a hearing, exclaimed, “What are you doing, senators? Are you actually appointing an outsider like Aeneas to an electoral provostship? What has become of that decree³¹ of yours which you bid us observe so strictly? Do you mean to confer a benefice in the territory of Milan without the knowledge and consent of the prince who has deserved so well of you? Do you despise his citizens and scholars, that you elect foreigners? Unless you confirm the chapter in its right, your projects will fail and the provision will be a laughing stock.”

Then Aeneas said, “I am certainly amazed, your worships, that Isidoro speaks against me, when only the other day on his return from Milan he brought me a letter from Duke Filippo, in which that prince thanks me for having pleaded his cause here and assures me that he would be pleased to have me accept any benefice in his domain and would be only too glad to confirm my tenure. Evidently he does not consider me an outsider. Nor is it anything new for a man of one state to hold positions of honor in another, provided he knows the language. Even the Archbishop of Milan came from Bologna. And no one should be influenced by the objection that has been raised on the ground of your decree concerning elections, for that is not binding on the Council but only on those subject to its authority. Furthermore election is to be delegated only to chapters which have a number of important canons, not to such as have only two or three and those ignorant and negligible, as is the case with the church of San Lorenzo now under discussion, where the canons, even if they had the right of election, would not exercise it unless bidden to elect a particular candidate. But you, senators, will act as you see fit. I ask nothing incompatible with your honor. However, if you are in favor of my nomination, I should 25 prefer your goodwill without possession to election by the chapter with it.”

When Isidoro was rising to reply to this, he was shouted down by the whole assembly and had to hold his peace.

But when Aeneas arrived in Milan, he found that by the Duke’s orders the chapter had called to the provostship and installed in office a noble of the great house of the Landriani. Aeneas was so high in favor with the prince and the court that he soon obliged his rival to surrender the post to him, but after entering upon it he suddenly came down with a severe fever. Filippo sent to see him every day his own physician, Filippo of Bologna, a learned and delightful man, who afterward entered the service of Pope Nicholas. During this illness, when Aeneas had taken a drug which had no effect and the physician had prepared another draught to be taken the next night, at the very moment when the second drug was to be administered his bowels began to work and caused him such discomfort that he had to get up ninety times. This made him delirious and brought him to the very gates of death (as the saying is) and there is no doubt that, if he had drunk the second draught, he would have been so weakened and exhausted that he would have died. Recognizing this as clear evidence of divine mercy, although for seventy-five days he was racked with continuous fever, he could never be induced to listen to magic-workers, though a man was brought to him who was said very recently to have cured of fever two thousand men in the camp of Niccolò Piccinino. But putting his trust in God, by whose aid his life had been spared, he set out while still feverish and returned to Basle, having recovered as he rode along.

At Basle the feast of St. Ambrose of Milan³² was being celebrated and at the invitation of the Archbishop Aeneas delivered the eulogy of the saint before the synod, though the theologians objected, because they wanted to perform this function themselves. But Aeneas was preferred before them all and was listened to with incredible attention by the entire audience.

In the meantime the Emperor Sigismund had died³³ and 26 Albert³⁴ had been elected in his place. When Bartolommeo, Bishop of Novara, who had been sent to Albert by Filippo, Duke of Milan, arrived at Basle, he induced Aeneas by his earnest entreaties to accompany him to Austria. Albert had not yet accepted the crown because of the opposition of the Hungarians, who said that he had ascended the throne of Hungary on the understanding that he should not accept the imperium even if it were offered him.³⁵ Being uncertain how he should act, he thought he ought to consult the envoys of the various princes who were present, and this he did, allowing them time to deliberate. Meantime Bartolommeo received from Aeneas a written statement of the considerations which made it appear advisable that Albert should accept the crown and possible that the Hungarians might be induced to consent. When he read it in the Council, he was publicly thanked and Albert proclaimed himself Emperor not only with the consent but at the urgent solicitation of the Hungarians.

Aeneas however, disliking the customs in Austria, with which he had not yet become fully acquainted, parted from Bartolommeo at Vienna and returned to Basle with Lodovico, Patriarch of Aquileia, a noble of the house of the Dukes of Teck, not knowing that a great part of his future life was to be spent in Austria. No man may say, “I will not go to this place,” for “God in His wisdom shrouds the future in dark night.”³⁶

That year³⁷ was not a good one in Germany for either wine or wheat. In Bavaria boys and girls begged bread from passers-by and fought for the morsels tossed them as dogs fight for bones. And before long there came a frightful plague which spread all over Germany. At Basle it snuffed out the life of the Patriarch Lodovico and of Lodovico, the Roman Protonotary,³⁸ who was called “the light of the law”; it carried off many prelates and laid low innumerable commoners; and the sickness raged so fiercely 27 that they buried more than three hundred corpses in one day. At that time Aeneas lost his very dear friends, the Roman Giuliano and the German Arnold, whom he attended courageously in their illness till the end. But the plague did not spare him either and when he realized that he was infected, he called his attendants and urged them to leave him, that they might not catch the sickness by remaining with a dying man. Of these Jacopo Cerveri fled in terror from Basle; Andrea Panigali, whose friendship was of stouter stuff, refused to go even if staying meant his own death.³⁹ At that time Andrea had in his service a German named Johann Steinhof,⁴⁰ and Pietro, Giuliano’s son, consulted them both about a physician. When he found that there were two celebrated doctors in the city, one from Paris, learned but unlucky,^e the other lucky^f but ignorant, Aeneas preferred luck^g to learning — reflecting that no one really knew the proper treatment for the plague. The following was the treatment he was actually given. Since his left thigh was infected, they opened a vein in his left foot. Then, after being kept awake all that day and part of the night, he was made to drink a powder, the nature of which the physician would not tell. Sometimes chopped up pieces of green, juicy radish and sometimes bits^h of moist clay were applied to the sore and to the infected place. Under this treatment the fever increased accompanied by a violent headache and his life was despaired of. Therefore he had a priest summoned, made his confession, and received Communion and Extreme Unction. Soon after, he began to wander in his mind and gave meaningless answers to questions. Then the rumor got abroad that he had died, a circumstance which cost him his provostship at Milan, for it was given to another,⁴¹ who, on account of the schism in the Church, could not be ousted. But, 28 after six days by God’s mercy he recovered. When he offered his doctor a fee of six florins, (for the man’s kindness and faithfulness had been remarkable and perhaps unprecedented in a physician), the latter, thinking he was not worth so much, said, “if you really wish me to take all this money, I will attend six poor men without charge”; and he bound himself by an oath to do so.

When at this time the canonry and the prebend of the cathedral of Trent became vacant by the death of the Pole, Johann Andreas, although the candidates were numerous and not to be disdained, the Council conferred these benefices on Aeneas with its distinguished approval.⁴² When he went to take possession of his benefices, he found that a certain German named Vilichinus, a quarrelsome, sly fellow, had pushed himself into them on the authority of the chapter; but Aeneas won the canons over to his side and forced him out.

At this time the Council of Basle had by its decrees deposedⁱ Pope Eugenius⁴³ and, being concerned about a successor, they had chosen eight men from each nation so that there should be thirty-two to whom the power of electing a pope should be delegated. When the Italians were named, Aeneas was one and because the fact that he was not yet in holy orders seemed to make him ineligible for that duty, he was given a document which entitled him to disregard the time fixed by law and assume the ranks of subdeacon and deacon together with the minor orders in one day. He was however unwilling to enter upon an ecclesiastical career for such a reason, but he was present in the conclave as Clerk of Ceremonies and witnessed all the proceedings by which the Council of Basle elected Amadeo, Duke of Savoy, Pope Felix V.

Aeneas went at once to the Duke, who was still living in his hermitage; became his secretary; and continued in his service at Ripaille, Thonon, Geneva, Lausanne, and Basle, until Frederick III, King of the Romans, who had succeeded to the throne on the 29 death of Albert,⁴⁴ was crowned at Aix on his way to Frankfort and Lower Germany. When Felix sent ambassadors to him, he bade Aeneas accompany them, and thus Aeneas, who had frequent conversations with Frederick’s counsellors, became friendly with a learned and influential man, Sylvester, Bishop of Chiemsee.⁴⁵ He also met and came to know intimately Jacob, Archbishop of Trier⁴⁶ and Imperial Elector, who was as virtuous as he was noble. After he had been introduced to the Emperor’s favor by these two men and had received the laurel crown with all the privileges belonging to poets,⁴⁷ the Emperor invited him to enter his service and remain at his court. Aeneas replied that, although there was no one who had a better right to his services, seeing that he had been born under the empire, yet, as he was still Felix’s secretary, he thought it would not be proper to go over to another master without his permission; he would however return to Basle to ask Felix’s consent and if he could obtain it, he would gladly come to the imperial court. The Emperor, who was just going to Basle himself, approved this answer.

But Aeneas, when he returned to Felix, was unable by his 30 own efforts to obtain his release. Finally however through the intervention of friends he was set free and joining Frederick at Basle on his way back from Burgundy he was appointed his secretary and protonotary in the imperial chancery. He took the oath of allegiance to the Emperor⁴⁸ at Brixen, where Caspar Schlick was appointed Chancellor, an office he had held under Sigismund and Albert. He was a noble knight, a man of ready wit and an effective speaker, who had the unprecedented or at least very rare distinction of serving three emperors as chancellor. While he was acting as the Emperor’s legate at Nuremberg, he delegated his authority in the chancery to Wilhelm Tacz, a Bavarian who hated all Italians. This man insulted Aeneas outrageously, but Aeneas, having made up his mind to conquer evil with good, laid back his ears like a stubborn ass when its burden is too heavy for its back;⁴⁹ and so, though he was considered the meanest of all there and did not have a proper place at table or a suitable room and was despised and laughed at as if he were a hateful heretic or a Jew, ^j he bore everything calmly.

Among his fellow-secretaries however was Michael Pfullendorf,^k50 who, because he loved the gentler Muses and was engaged in humane studies, bade Aeneas be of good courage, for when the Chancellor returned he would find things better. Nor was he mistaken, for when Caspar returned and tested Aeneas’s worth in one way and another, finding him talented, industrious, and able to stand hard work, he began to think highly of him and to show him preference. Furthermore, when Caspar was at Siena at the time when the Emperor Sigismund was there, he had been entertained at the house of the distinguished Niccolò Lolli⁵¹ and his 31 wife, the noble lady, Bartolommea Tolommei, Aeneas’s aunt, and had stood godfather to the child of their daughter Margarita, whom he named Gaspare for himself. All this endeared Aeneas the more to him. The next time he went away on an embassy Aeneas was left in charge of the chancery and thereafter he presided over it whenever Caspar was absent. Wilhelm, who had begun by trampling on Aeneas, was now forced to stand in awe of him,, so that all might know that meekness is easily exalted and pride still more easily brought low. He was however unable to endure his unpopularity and soon withdrew from the court. All the rest were reconciled with Aeneas, whose influence with the Emperor increased daily so that he was called upon in many important and difficult matters and finally made a member of the Privy Council.

His first mission was to the Trientines, whom he persuaded to swear allegiance to the Emperor, administering the oath himself. Later, when the Emperor and the Electoral Princes were endeavoring at Nuremberg to end the bitter schism between Eugenius IV and Felix V, they decided that the Emperor should choose four men, each Elector two, and the other princes one each, to hear the spokesmen of Eugenius and Felix and see that the Christian state should suffer no harm. The Emperor Frederick named the following: Sylvester, Bishop of Chiemsee, the theologian Thomas Haselbach,⁵² the juriconsult Ulrich Sonnenberg,⁵³ and Aeneas, the poet,⁵⁴ though the last named still favored the cause of Basle and Frederick more than he did Eugenius. For the enthusiasm he had felt at Basle had not died down nor had he yet grasped the principles on which Eugenius’s case rested, and associating as he did with one side only, he despised the other. (Later 32 however, seeing that the Basle party shrank from a trial, he gradually turned away from them.) Therefore at Nuremberg he stubbornly supported the side of Basle and it was owing to his efforts that the terms of peace offered to the opposing factions were less favorable to Eugenius than to Basle; for when they decided to try to restore peace to the Church by calling another council to which both Eugenius and the delegates at Basle should come, the place named was the city of Constance in the province of Mainz, very far from Eugenius and near Basle.

Meantime Aeneas had received from the Emperor the parish church of the Valle Sarantana,⁵⁵ which brought him a yearly income of sixty florins. This valley, lying among the Alps which separate Germany from Italy, has only one entrance and that one very high and difficult, and for three quarters of the year it is buried under snow and thick ice. The inhabitants remain in their houses all winter making boxes and other pieces of carpentry, at which they are very skilful, which they sell in the summer in Bolzano and Trent. They while away a good deal of time playing chess and dicing, games at which they are extraordinarily clever. They have no fear of war nor are they tormented by any ambition nor consumed by greed for gold. Their wealth is in their flocks, which they feed on hay in the winter, and they also live on them. There are men among them who have never drunk anything, with whom milky food takes the place of drink. Those who live far from the church place the bodies of those who die during the winter out of doors and keep them frozen till summer; then the priest, as he goes the rounds of the parish, heads a long funeral train and pronouncing the last words, receives into the cemetery many bodies at one time, while the people follow the procession dry-eyed. They might be the happiest of mortals, if they realized their blessings and bridled their lust; but they spend day and night in revelry indulging in promiscuous intercourse and no girl is ever a virgin when she marries.

Aeneas however soon gave up this church, having secured a better one, that of St. Mary of Aspach in Bavaria not far from the River Inn. Leonhard, Bishop of Passau,⁵⁶ a man distinguished alike for his rank and his magnificence, offered him this of his own accord and sent to him at Styria the presentation free of all dues.

After this, when the Council of Basle had rejected the proposed terms of peace, Aeneas was sent to confer with Eugenius.⁵⁷ But when he reached Siena, his kinsmen were unanimous in trying to deter him from going to Rome, because he had been against Eugenius at Basle. For Eugenius, they declared, remembered nothing so long as an injury and was both vindictive and cruel. Aeneas on the contrary said that he could not think Rome was unsafe for the Emperor’s ambassador and that he must either perform the duty he had undertaken or die in the attempt. Therefore in spite of the entreaties of his weeping family he continued on his way.

An old intimate of his, Gerardo Landriano, Cardinal of Como, like the good senator and faithful friend he was, introduced him to the presence of Eugenius. I should like to quote here the words of Aeneas to the Pope, for they are few and worth recording. By the Pope’s side stood two cardinals, those of Como and Amiens,⁵⁸ who first by apostolic authority absolved Aeneas of all blame which he had incurred by taking the side of the Council of Basle. When therefore he came before Eugenius and had been permitted to kiss his foot, hand, and cheek, having presented his credentials and been bidden to speak, he said, “Your Holiness, before I deliver the Emperor’s message, I will say a few words about myself. I know that many tales about me that are neither creditable nor fit to be repeated have been poured into your ears. Nor have those who have given you these reports of me lied. At Basle I said, wrote, and did many things against you. I deny none of them. But my purpose was not so much to hurt you as to help the Church 34 of God. For in attacking you I thought I was showing obedience to God. I was wrong (who can deny it?) but wrong in the company of men neither few nor mean. I followed the lead of Giuliano,⁵⁹ Cardinal of Sant’ Angelo, Niccolò, Archbishop of Palermo,⁶⁰ and Lodovico Pontano, notary of Your Holiness’s see, who were thought to be the very eyes of the law and the teachers of truth. I will say nothing of the University^l of Paris and other schools all over the world, of which so many were opposed to you. Who might not have erred in company with such great names?^m But I confess that when I realized the error of the council, I did not make all haste to go to you, as many did, but fearing to fall from one error into another, as those who try to avoid Charybdis often fall into Scylla, I betook myself to those who were considered neutral, that I might not pass from one extreme to the other without time for reflection. Therefore I stayed three years with the Emperor, where I heard more and more of the dispute between the Council and your legates, till finally I came to have no shadow of doubt that the truth was on your side. Thus it happened that when the Emperor desired to send me to Your Clemency, I gladly obeyed, thinking that it would afford me an opportunity of regaining your favor. Now I stand before you and because I sinned in ignorance, I beg you to forgive me. After that I will set forth the Emperor’s cause.”⁶¹

Eugenius replied, “We know that you have sinned grievously against us,ⁿ but since you confess your error, we must pardon you. For the Church is a loving mother, who never remits the due penalty when a son denies his sin nor insists upon it when he confesses. You now know the truth. See that you do not let it 35 go and that you seek by good works to regain the Divine Grace which you lost by wicked acts. You are now in a position where you can defend the truth and be of service to the Church. Hereafter we shall forget past wrongs and so long as you do well, we shall love you well.” After this they proceeded to speak of ecclesiastical matters, about which Eugenius wished time to meditate. Meanwhile, when Aeneas was looking for the Cardinal of Aquileia,⁶² he chanced to meet Tommaso of Sarzana, then Bishop of Bologna. When he was on the point of greeting him in accordance with their old friendship, he found that he drew back and tried to avoid him with every sign of loathing; for he supposed that Aeneas was still on the side of the Council of Basle, which he himself hated above all things. Aeneas, surprised at this and somewhat indignant, stopped short and made no further effort to speak to him; but some days later, when Aeneas lay ill with a painful attack of colic at the house of Giuliano Baratto, an old friend of his from Basle, Tommaso was sorry or him and sent his faithful and tried friend, the Spaniard Martino, to comfort the sick man and offer him money to pay his physicians. Juan de Carvajal,⁶³ who had often been ambassador at the imperial court and was afterward raised to the cardinalate, visited him every day, cardinals sent to inquire for him, and the Pope himself sent the distinguished Giovanni of Pavia to promise him everything needed for his recovery. His illness was very severe and the pain so intense that in all the twelve days he lay there there was not an hour when he did not pray for death. When however he finally recovered and received Eugenius’s answer that he would send an ambassador to the Emperor, he returned to Siena; then, after cheering his father, whom he never saw again, and greeting his kinsmen, he went back to Germany.

On his way, near San Casciano, he met Tommaso, Bishop of 36 Bologna, who was going to Rome, and thanked him for remembering him when he had been ill there. They drank together and renewed their old friendship, but Tommaso did not think the reconciliation was even yet complete, for some time later, when he was going as ambassador to the Emperor, he asked his friend and relative, Piero da Noceto, who was also a loyal old friend of Aeneas, to give him a letter of recommendation to him. But this was entirely unnecessary, for Aeneas forgot nothing so quickly as a grudge. Still, when he received Piero’s letter, he showed himself so much the more eager to do Tommaso every service as the bond of two friendships is stronger than one. Thus all the rust of dissension was wiped away and their friendship was renewed closer than ever.⁶⁴

With Tommaso was Juan de Carvajal, who had recently come from the Emperor. He brought a letter from Eugenius in which Aeneas was appointed Apostolic Secretary,⁶⁵ a post into which he was inducted later at Rome. This seems to me an extraordinary distinction and I do not know whether anyone else has ever had the good luck to be so exalted by fortune^o that he served as secretary to two popes, an emperor, and an antipope. For Aeneas held this post not only nominally but actively, first under Felix, then under the Emperor Frederick, later under Eugenius, and finally under Nicholas.

At this time the Imperial Electors in session at Frankfort,⁶⁶ roused by Eugenius’s removal of the Archbishop of Cologne,⁶⁷ and of Jacob, Archbishop of Trier, made a secret compact that, unless Eugenius annulled the dismissals, relieved the nation of its burdens, and recognized the authority granted to their councils at 37 Constance, they would recognize his deposition which had been voted at Basle; and they sent ambassadors⁶⁸ to the Emperor to explain these matters to him and to six sworn counsellors only and to beg him to join in their concordat and send his representatives with them to Rome. When the Emperor heard the purpose of the Electors, he said that he would send an ambassador to Eugenius and would ask him to grant their petitions; but he would have nothing to do with the concordat, saying that it was outrageous and impious to desert the Pope if he did not grant what they asked. Therefore he sent Aeneas to Eugenius to persuade him not to defy the Electors, but especially to beg him to restore the deposed archbishops to their former dignity. For he said that this would make all Germans throw off their neutrality and return to his bosom; if however he persisted in his harsh attitude, there would be danger of the scandal of a permanent schism. All the Electors’ secret decisions the Emperor, who was not under oath, revealed to Aeneas and bade him tell them to the Pope; and since the Electors were to have another meeting at Frankfort on the first of September to hear the Pope’s reply and to abandon their neutrality according to their compact, he instructed Aeneas to go straight to Frankfort, where he would meet the other delegates, and make known to them Eugenius’s decision. Meantime the Apostolic Legates, who had long been trying without success to learn what the Electors had decided at Frankfort, what they wanted of the Emperor, and what message they were sending to Rome, decided that one of them should go to Rome immediately. Since Juan de Carvajal was ill of a severe fever at the house of his old friend, Johann Gers (a very jealous and sharp-tongued person), this duty fell to Tommaso, Bishop of Bologna, who accompanied Aeneas on the journey.

It was then spring, a season when so much rain fell that it destroyed all the bridges In Carinthia and carried them down the 38 river. On this account they were obliged to travel for three days led by native guides over very high and pathless mountains and precipitous, snow-covered crags.

When they reached Rome, Eugenius, at Tommaso’s suggestion, heard Aeneas before he heard the delegates of the Electors and he promised to do everything that the Emperor urged. He then directed Tommaso to go to Philip, Duke of Burgundy, and obtain his consent to the reinstatement of the archbishops, because, as Philip’s nephew had been nominated for the post at Cologne and his natural brother for that at Trier, he thought he ought not to promise to reinstate the bishops without consulting him. Tommaso was instructed, after he had learned Philip’s wishes, to proceed to Frankfort. Aeneas had planned to accompany him as far as Parma, but since Tommaso seemed somewhat dilatory and slow in procuring his letter, he thought he had better go on ahead. When he had reached Siena and was staying with his family, he fell ill suddenly of the stone and was still in bed the following day when Tommaso arrived. The Bishop stopped only to greet Aeneas and went on at once, since his business was urgent. But Aeneas would not be beaten by sickness and the next day, though he was not yet well, he followed and caught up with him at the Carthusian monastery of Florence. They then set out together for Pistoia and Lucca. Aeneas however entered Florence, while Tommaso was excluded as being the legate of Eugenius, whom the Florentines then hated.⁶⁹ At Lucca they stayed a day with Piero da Noceto, who went with them through the valley of Garfagnana as far as the house of Tommaso’s sister, Catherina, who was married to a very influential nobleman of the valley named Cesare. She received her brother, whom she had not seen for a long time, with extraordinary affection and great honor.

Leaving Piero here the others made their way to Parma over the very high and rough Silanian Alps. There Tommaso, who was exhausted by the long journey on foot and the sleepless nights spent with rustic hosts, was stricken with a very severe fever. He 39 at once sent for Aeneas and tearfully begged him to go on immediately, that his delay might not interfere with their business; and he gave him the apostolic letter for Juan de Carvajal, saying that if had did not recover shortly, he would write to Eugenius to appoint someone in his place.

Aeneas was reluctant to leave the sick man, but realizing the necessity he resumed his journey. Crossing the Po at Brescello he went on to Mantua and Verona; then going by way of the valley of Trent and the Brixian Alps, he stopped to see Sigismund, Duke of Austria, who was staying in the valley of the Inn. He went hunting with him and saw a sight worth telling: a huge stag, after a long chase by the hounds, was finally forced to plunge into the river and then to give itself up alive to grace the prince’s table.

From there Aeneas went by way of Nassereit and the valley called the Vale of Hell (Höllenthal) over a high mountain ridge to Kempten, Memmingen, and Ulm, but could get no farther because brigands were blocking all the approaches to Frankfort. While he was debating in anxiety and uncertainty what he should do, presently, just as if the day had been definitely appointed for the meeting, couriers came in with the news that Peter, Bishop of Augsburg,⁷⁰ Sylvester, Bishop of Chiemsee, and the Chancellor Caspar,⁷¹ “white souls”⁷² and the Emperor’s envoys, were close at hand. Nothing could have been more welcome to Aeneas, not only because of his acquaintance with them but because of the increased safety of traveling. Soon they all set out together for Frankfort and were joined in a few days by Jacob, Margrave of Baden, and Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg. Tommaso, after an illness of ten days, at last began to recover and continued his journey. He passed unrecognized through Savoy to the court of the Duke of Burgundy and having obtained from him what he asked, arrived at Frankfort toward the end of the Diet. Meantime Juan de Carvajal and Nicholas of Cusa⁷³ were doing their best to 40 make the princes satisfied with the letter Aeneas had brought. But all their efforts were in vain, since the ambassadors of the princes who had been in Rome reported that Eugenius had shown himself rude, haughty, and bitterly hostile to their nation and had answered them very harshly. Thus Eugenius’s cause seemed desperate, because the Emperor did not dare declare for him alone against all the Electors.

In this Diet Aeneas did a bold and remarkable thing which I cannot bring myself to pass over. The Archbishop of Mainz,⁷⁴ who had affixed a seal to the concordat of the Electors both for himself and for Frederick of Brandenburg, on being asked by the Emperor’s spokesman to change his vote was not unwilling to do so, provided he could be assured that he would not be considered to have broken his word. Then Aeneas bade his companions be of good courage, for he would easily satisfy the Archbishop of Mainz. He sat up all night and from the princes’ rough draft, on the basis of which they wished to compose a letter to Eugenius, he constructed another, squeezing out all the venom, which Eugenius loathed, and amplifying all the motions which concerned the provision to be made for the nation, the reinstatement of the archbishops, and the respect to be shown the authority to the General Councils.⁷⁵ When he had finished, he directed that this draft should be shown to the Archbishop of Mainz and that he should be told that it embodied the Emperor’s wishes; that Eugenius intended to provide for the nation; and that there was no reason to doubt that they could obtain their request from His Holiness, if they would again send ambassadors to him. The Archbishop of Mainz thought this satisfactory and just, and presently, 41 with the imperial delegates and those from the Archbishops of Magdeburg, Bremen, and Salzburg, the Margrave Frederick, and many other princes, he entered into an agreement to affix the seals of them all to Aeneas’s draft and sent it to Rome. The Electors and all the other princes were dismayed at hearing this, but did not dare to oppose it, for most of the nation was in favor of the draft. Louis,⁷⁶ Cardinal of Arles, when he saw that his case was hopeless, sent for Aeneas, whom he had known at Basle and counted among his intimate friends, and accused him at length of having shifted his position. Aeneas replied that he had not changed but that the Diet was not what it had been, since, having at first promised for the sake of peace to transfer the Council from Basle to some other place, they had afterward refused to do so, as if they could not defend the truth outside the walls of Basle. Johann of Lysura⁷⁷ also, a sagacious man deeply versed in canon law, meeting Aeneas at the house of Juan de Carvajal, said to him, “And have you, a Sienese, come to dictate to the Germans? It would have been better if you had stayed at home and left us to govern our own country.” Aeneas passed on without speaking, that he might not stir up still greater malice.

At the end of the Diet Tommaso, Bishop of Bologna, and Juan de Carvajal, as they were passing through Neustadt in Austria, stopped to thank the Emperor warmly for sending to Frankfort such powerful and loyal ambassadors. While continuing their journey to Rome they were both raised to the cardinalate in recognition of their able and successful management of affairs. A few days later the Emperor appointed Aeneas and the noble Bohemian knight, Procop von Rabstein,⁷⁸ ambassadors to the Roman Curia. With the consent of the Archbishop of Mainz and the Margrave of Brandenburg, he empowered them, if Eugenius should accept the proposals agreed upon at Frankfort, to abandon neutrality and in 42 the name of the nation resume their allegiance to the Holy Apostolic See.

Meantime Johann of Lysura, when he found that events were not going to his liking, changed his liking to suit events, and having made his submission to the Archbishop of Mainz, obtained from him the post of ambassador to Eugenius. The Emperor’s envoys found him at Siena with many other ambassadors from princes and all proceeded together to Rome.⁷⁹ They were met at the first milestone by the households of the Pope and the cardinals and all the prelates of the Curia, who escorted them into the city like returning generals who have conquered the enemy.

Two days later they were summoned before Eugenius and given audience in a secret consistory, where Aeneas acted as spokesman for them all and was applauded loudly by both Pope and cardinals. But that very day Eugenius fell ill and was obliged to take to his bed, leaving the question to be handled by the cardinals. When matters were approaching conclusion, several of the Germans balked and said that they ought not to pledge obedience to a pope who, the physicians thought, would die within ten days. Aeneas however opposed them with powerful arguments, asserting that it was to the nation’s great advantage to hasten their declaration, since Eugenius was already kindly disposed to the desires of the princes and whatever he did would be approved by his successor. But if Eugenius should die before their declaration had been made, there was danger that his successor might prove harsh toward the nation; though as a matter of fact, whether his successor were harsh or mild, they could not enter on any business with him, since their credentials were to Eugenius. If they should leave Rome with nothing accomplished, the entire concordat of the princes would be annulled, the nation, which was now for the most part united, would be plunged into greater faction and discord, and, what ought to seem to them the gravest evil of all, the path to strengthening and consolidating a most dangerous schism within the church, which they had closed, would be opened again. Johann 43 of Lysura was also of this opinion and was so earnest in his efforts to persuade them to make their declaration that he said that, if all Eugenius’s other members were dead, it would be enough if the little toe of his left foot remained alive. He thus succeeded in convincing all his colleagues and when Eugenius had approved the entire draft and had composed a letter in answer to it, all the ambassadors were admitted to his chamber and made their submission to the Pope as he lay in bed. He at once put the apostolic bulls⁸⁰ into Aeneas’s hands and immediately the proceedings were resumed in public consistory, where the cardinals presided and the communications of the Emperor and the other princes were made known. Then in the general rejoicing throughout the city bonfires were lighted, and there was incessant ringing of bells and blowing of horns. The next day suspension of business was proclaimed and a general thanksgiving was decreed. The cardinals and all the other prelates with the people following in procession carried the crown of Sylvester, the head of John the Baptist, and precious relics of the saints from the church of San Marco to the Lateran, where mass was celebrated and a long and elaborate eulogy of Frederick and Eugenius was delivered.⁸¹

While these things were taking place, there was a rumor that Niccolò,⁸² Bishop of Trieste, had died. The first cardinal to hear this^p was Tommaso, Cardinal of Bologna and he learned of it from the Deacon of Aquileia,⁸³ who had asked his aid in obtaining that church for himself. But the Cardinal, as soon as he heard the news, communicated it in a short note to his colleague Giovanni, Cardinal of Sant’ Angelo, adding that here was an opportunity to advance Aeneas. Aeneas happened to be dining with Giovanni and was chatting as usual on various topics, when Giovanni handed him the note to read and asked what he thought about it. Aeneas answered, “I will not seek an office beyond my deserts, but if it is 44 offered, I will not refuse it.” The next day, when Lodovico, Cardinal of Aquileia, asked for the church at Trieste for his deacon and various others proposed other candidates, Eugenius refused them all and steadily asserted that he would be willing to trust the papacy itself to Aeneas. But when inquiry was made as to whether the church was really vacant, the rumor was found to be groundless. Aeneas, however, was made Apostolic Subdeacon by Eugenius.

For sixteen days after the submission of the Germans Eugenius fought against disease and death until, beaten at last, he died on the feast of St. Peter’s Chair⁸⁴ in the year of our salvation 1447. When his funeral rites had lasted nine days, the cardinals went into conclave to elect his successor, appointing Aeneas and Procop with the other envoy of the princes to guard the door. When they had sat up for two nights, Tommaso, Cardinal of Bologna, was elected pope⁸⁵ and assumed the name of Nicholas V, in memory, many think, of Niccolò, Cardinal of Santa Croce, who had been his master and was thought to have lost the papacy on the death of Martin because he was absent on a mission to France. As soon as he had entered the palace of St. Peter, he summoned Aeneas, confirmed him as secretary and subdeacon, and charged him with carrying the cross before him on the day of his coronation.

Twenty days after Aeneas had left Rome Nicholas received authentic news of the Bishop of Trieste’s death and without consulting any cardinal or calling a consistory he came into the Sacred College in robe and mitre and, at first to the amazement and then with the approval of all the members of the Holy Senate, he pronounced Aeneas Bishop of Trieste and sent him his presentation free of dues.⁸⁶ The Emperor Frederick, too, when he heard the church had become vacant, said, “We shall get this church, which is properly under our rule, for Aeneas,” and he wrote the 45 Pope a letter on the matter, not knowing that it was already settled. So when Aeneas returned to the Emperor in complete ignorance of what had happened, he found himself appointed to the bishopric by the desire of both Pope and Emperor. Nor were the people of Trieste, who were usually hostile to foreigners, averse to Aeneas, but although the canons had elected their own deacon and their first citizen, they bade him withdraw and with one accord bestowed the post on Aeneas even before he had arrived.

Meantime the Emperor had proclaimed an assembly⁸⁷ of prelates and princes at Aschaffenburg, a town on the Main belonging to the church of Mainz. And he sent Aeneas there with the lawyer, Hartung, to confirm the Bishop of Mainz and the others who had signed the concordat of Frankfort in their submission to Pope Nicholas and to induce Ludwig, Count Palatine of the Rhine, and the Archbishop of Cologne to join them. Their efforts were not unsuccessful. The measures the Emperor favored were passed by the Diet. At a solemn ceremony Nicholas was declared Pope of the Germans and prayers were offered for his safety. The Count Palatine, though his wife was Felix’s daughter, nevertheless made reverent submission to Nicholas.

The Archbishop of Cologne was at that time engaged in a quarrel with the people of Soest, who had rebelled against his church. Therefore Aeneas, since it was unsafe for him to travel among the disaffected peoples, remained at Cologne and communicated with him by letter. The Archbishop agreed to all his proposals and voluntarily sent money to him at Vienna for the expense incurred during the twenty days he stayed at Cologne.⁸⁸

While these things were going on, Filippo Maria, Duke of Milan, died⁸⁹ of dysentery, having publicly proclaimed Alfonso, King of Aragon, his heir, though it was not within his competence to do this. Therefore the Emperor sent Aeneas to Milan and with him Friedrich,⁹⁰ Bishop of Seckau; Caspar Schlick, his chancellor; Johann,⁹¹ his chamberlain; Jacopo Landrono, his physician; and Pancraz Riutschad (all noble knights) to lodge a claim that the dukedom had reverted to the empire. Thus at one and the same time the lordship of that powerful city was claimed by the Emperor Frederick, Alfonso, King of Aragon, and Charles, Duke of Orleans;⁹² for the last named also asserted his right, based on the marriage contract made between his father and Filippo’s.⁹³ But the Milanese, eager for freedom, had chosen a senate from their foremost citizens and had elected magistrates to carry on the government. Rejecting the King and the Duke, after they heard Aeneas speak for the Emperor they acknowledged him as their lord, reserving however the right to govern their own state. Then they finally came to the point where they were ready to accept Frederick’s rule on certain conditions. This, though not all that was properly due him, seemed to Aeneas in the circumstances reasonably satisfactory, but his German colleagues by insisting on too much lost everything.⁹⁴

Aeneas on his return to Vienna was consecrated with the Apostolic Legate, Giovanni, Cardinal of Sant’ Angelo, as his sponsor and then went to Trieste, where he was enthusiastically received by the people and celebrated his first mass. After a short stay he was ordered to go to Istria, where he adjusted a dispute about boundaries between the Emperor and the Venetians, though it afterward broke out again. On his return to Trieste he learned that Rupert von Wallsee⁹⁵ was engaged in a war with the Triestines, in which his own church was the chief sufferer. His tenants were being driven from their lands and their cattle seized; and when he went to the Emperor to complain, it was only by making the greatest haste that he escaped being waylaid by Rupert, who was very eager to take him captive.

Meantime Caspar Schlick, who had been falsely accused before the Emperor, had been compelled to give up the church of Freising, which he had obtained for his brother, and was in greater disfavor with the Emperor every day.⁹⁶ Aeneas, because of his friendship and almost continual association with him, fell under suspicion also and his position seemed to be becoming precarious. However by steering a middle course so as not to offend his friend on the one hand or his master on the other, he was restored to favor and obtained on the Emperor’s recommendation the very important parish church of Castro Vindelico.⁹⁷

At this time⁹⁸ Count Francesco Sforza was besieging Milan. The panic-stricken citizens implored the Emperor’s aid and 48 Aeneas was sent there a second time in company with the lawyer, Hartung, to promise help to the besieged, if they would submit to the Emperor. On that journey they encountered many difficulties. After visiting Duke Sigismund at Innsbruck and persuading him to join them in the matter of Milan, they had come down through the lofty Bormian Alps to the Valtellina. Here they found that the people were divided, some favoring the city of Milan and others Francesco Sforza; that Lake Como was largely in the hands of the enemy; and that they were in danger everywhere. Therefore they had to make their way sometimes at night by water, sometimes by day over steep and pathless mountains and when they finally arrived at Como, they had to stay there eighteen days because all the region between Como and Milan was held by the enemy. When Sforza learned that ambassadors from the Emperor had come, he gave orders that all the approaches should be guarded and that the ambassadors, if they could be caught, should be brought to him in chains. They however obtained a force of some two hundred cavalry and infantry and having found three trustworthy fellows called guides, who knew the roads, they set out from Como for Milan about sunset. But when they had traveled for perhaps two hours and a black night was already upon them, the cavalry took advantage of the darkness to desert. The party had been joined by the ambassadors of the Duke of Savoy and several Milanese on their way home from a business trip to Germany. When these men learned of the desertion of the cavalry, they feared an ambush and in great terror advised returning to Como. But Aeneas summoned the captains of the infantry and when he found them loyal and recognized one of them as a Sienese by his speech, he turned to the merchants and said, “Have no fear. Now that we have come through the mountain passes into the open plains we have already escaped the danger of an ambush, which is always laid in narrow places, and we have our choice of a thousand paths. Only bad luck can now lead us into the hands of the enemy and God’s goodness will save us from that. Come with me and I will this very night return you safe and sound to your own homes.” So they continued on their way and about the tenth hour a little after sunrise 49 they entered Milan, where they were received by all the populace with the greatest rejoicing.

But while the ambassadors were at Como, the government of the city had passed from the people, who were devoted to Rome, into the hands of a few men who secretly favored Francesco Sforza. Therefore Aeneas asked the senate to permit him to address the people and give them the Emperor’s message.⁹⁹ The chief of the senate at that time was Guarniero Castiglione, a lawyer famous alike for his high rank and his eloquence, who was secretly a friend of Sforza. He replied that it was unlawful to call the people together; in a besieged city there would be danger of insurrection; the senate possessed all the authority of the people and the Emperor’s message must be delivered to it. Aeneas answered that the Emperor’s orders were not subject to laws, which derived any power they had from him; his message would encourage peace and not sedition; it seemed to him very strange if a besieged people, exhausted by a long war, who might find themselves eased of their difficulties by the Emperor’s embassy, did not wish to hear the words of their lord. Therefore the senate overruled Guarniero and ordered an assembly to be called.

Next day the people gathered in great numbers in the senate house, and after the Emperor’s letter had been produced and publicly read, Aeneas spoke to the following effect. He said that at Filippo’s death the Emperor had sent ambassadors to demand for himself the government of their state; he had not been listened to, though his demands were just, but the Milanese, exulting in their new liberty, had themselves elected magistrates to administer the state and this situation had continued down to that very day. The Emperor, though he had been so unjustly rejected by them, had with his usual mildness shown no anger. In the meantime Count Francesco Sforza had appeared. Though once 50 their friend, he had become their enemy and had brought the towns under his power; the city had been besieged and was enduring great hardships; their soldiers had deserted to Francesco; the people were suffering for lack of food; no one of the neighboring princes could aid them; the Emperor alone, forgetting all repulses, had pity on them. If they were now finally ready to submit to the Holy Empire and acknowledge the Emperor as their lord, he was ready to help them. They must take into consideration the fact that preliminaries had already been arranged with the Emperor’s cousin, Duke Sigismund, a neighbor of the Lombards, and that in a short time a large force could cross the Alps and descend into their territory. They must not rely only on themselves, which would be hopeless, nor on the other hand must they think they would lose their liberty, if they acknowledged the sovereignty of the Emperor, for to serve legitimate and natural lords was the only true liberty; in so-called democracies there were always found some to put a yoke on the people. Furthermore they must decide whether they preferred to have the Emperor or Sforza rule them, for things had come to such a pass that, if they did not submit to the Emperor, they could not escape the tyranny of Sforza. If the Emperor were acknowledged by them, he would show his citizens extraordinary favor and grant them important privileges; they would be able to do business freely in Germany, to make their state truly golden and the capital of all Italy.

After this speech Guarniero discoursed on the sweetness of liberty, though he said nevertheless that they must choose the chief men of the people to discuss the Emperor’s message with the ambassadors. But some nights later, while the matter was still pending, three “gates” of the city (for so they call its divisions) armed and hailed the Emperor as their lord. There are six “gates” in the city and the people are distributed among them. The will of any four gates is binding on all. When therefore three were already turning to the Empire to save them, the senators hearing the tumult, before the populace could throng to the fourth gate, rode into the city and bade the people lay down their arms and go home quietly. They assured them that they too were ready 51 to acknowledge the Emperor’s sovereignty, provided the city’s honor were kept inviolate, and that they were discussing the matter carefully with the ambassadors. Then representatives were chosen, who conferred with the ambassadors and agreed that if the Emperor would help them against Sforza, they would consent to the following terms: the Emperor should appoint a German to administer justice in Milan itself, and in the other towns anyone he pleased; appeals from the other governors should be heard by the one at Milan and from his decision there should be no appeal; the revenues from the states subject to Milan should belong in equal parts to the Emperor and to the Milanese; Milan should pay yearly 50,000 florins to the Emperor and he should collect the tribute due from the churches and the nobles; all vassals should swear allegiance both to the Emperor and to the state; if the Milanese should acquire any town or territory by force of arms, the Emperor was to receive its allegiance together with the payment of a fitting sum. These terms seemed satisfactory to the ambassadors, but having been instructed to ask for more, they could not accept them.

Meanwhile Carlo Gonzaga,¹⁰¹ a brave general who seemed to be the only hope of the Milanese, came to Aeneas in the dead of night and having summoned Hartung also, urged them to ask again for a popular assembly, promising that he would be present and would incite the people, who had the greatest confidence in him, to demand the Emperor as their lord. He said he had no doubt that they would depose the magistrates and entrust the government to the imperial ambassadors until the Emperor should come himself or send his representative, and he assured them that he had already taken steps with certain powerful citizens to bring this about. Although this plan seemed likely to succeed, Aeneas thought it extremely hazardous and although he knew that there can be no great or memorable act without some risk, still, thinking that this was by no means becoming to him as a priest, 52 he said that he had carried out the Emperor’s orders; the people had heard the Emperor’s will and could now, if they chose, obey him; to employ force was not easy nor was it within his instructions; Carlo deserved the Emperor’s favor for his proposal and he would report his loyalty. But after this Carlo asserted everywhere that Aeneas was for Sforza; so true it is that there is nothing which the evil minds of the malicious do not distort.

Aeneas and Hartung, when they were unable to elicit anything further from the Milanese, procured a letter to Sforza and went to his camp — to his complete astonishment, for he said he could not understand how they had succeeded in getting into Milan past his pickets. They talked with him at some length in the presence of the Venetian and Florentine envoys; then, after all the rest were dismissed, they remained alone with him for an hour explaining the Emperor’s attitude, and finally were sent away with every mark of honor.

On their return to Germany they found the Emperor at St. Veit, a town of Carinthia. He was pleased with the promises of the Milanese, but the latter, after waiting two months for his reply, fearing that they would be overpowered by Sforza’s army, proceeded to murder the Tuscan Galeotto, expel the rest of the senators, and make a treaty with the Venetians. When the Venetians also failed to give them sufficient aid, they murdered the Venetian ambassador, Leonardo Venerio, in a street riot, opened their gates to Francesco Sforza,¹⁰² and conferred on him the insignia of the dukedom — such is the madness of the mob.

Aeneas meanwhile had gone to his church at Trieste, but in the jubilee year he was recalled by the Emperor and sent with Gregor¹⁰³ Volckenstorf and Michael Pfullendorf to Alfonso, King of Aragon and Sicily, to arrange a marriage between the Emperor and Leonora, sister of the King of Portugal.¹⁰⁴ The Portuguese ambassadors were already gathered at Naples. When after forty days of negotiation the matter was finally concluded, Aeneas, in the presence of the King, the Apostolic Legate, the Cardinal of Amiens, the Dukes of Clèves, Calabria, Suessa, and 53 Silesia, and a great number of prelates and counts, delivered a speech in the senate hall of the Castelnuovo at Naples on the nobility and virtue of the contracting parties. This was afterward committed to writing by many. Going from here to the Pope toward the end of the jubilee year, he announced in a public consistory that the marriage had been arranged and that the Emperor would come the next year to be crowned. He urged against granting the request of the French for a Council in France.¹⁰⁵ There was present on this occasion the Emperor’s brother, Albert, Duke of Austria, who on Christmas night was presented with the apostolic sword, though this had before been promised to the Duke of Clèves; but the Pope said that his promise was to be interpreted as binding only if a worthier candidate did not appear.

This journey had not been without dangers. The Ligula is a river of the Volscians, deep and everywhere bordered by woods whose trees overhang the water and form numerous bridges. The boats there are very small, but Aeneas and his companions, misled by the insistence of the sailors, embarked. Being compelled to travel by night they frequently struck against the branches and finally, when the darkness was thickest, were caught on a huge trunk, where for two hours they were in danger of their lives. In that same spot a little later a boat was sunk and eleven men were drowned. Not far from Cumae, when they were about to cross another river near the coast and their attendants were already on board, the ship, which was overloaded, capsized and spilled men and horses into deep water. But the men escaped by catching hold of a rope and the horses swam to safety.

Now, since we have related the mishaps, it is only fair to tell the pleasant events. When Aeneas stopped in his journey at Ferrara, he found there his cousin, Jacopo Tolommei, a distinguished lawyer and a judge of the Ferrarese senate, whom the Emperor later created Count of the Lateran.¹⁰⁶ He said that he 54 had learned in a letter from his wife that Nerio, Bishop of Siena, had died and that Aeneas was said to have been appointed to succeed^q him. This was afterward confirmed by the Legate at Bologna. The facts were as follows. On the death of Nerio the Sienese earnestly recommended to the Apostolic See the Count Abbot of the monastery of San Galgano,¹⁰⁷ an excellent man, one of their own citizens and approved by their government. They declared he was the only man they wanted for their bishop. Various cardinals urged other candidates, but the Pope, who alone thought of Aeneas in his absence, proposed his name to the Sacred College and persuaded them to transfer him from Trieste to his native city. He told the Sienese that he had given them a distinguished bishop and when they heard that it was Aeneas, they expressed the warmest thanks to His Holiness, realizing that beyond their highest hopes a noble and learned man and their own citizen was coming back to his native city. When Aeneas passed through Siena,¹⁰⁸ they were eager to install him in the episcopal palace without waiting for the apostolic letter and offered him immediate possession of all rights and privileges. Aeneas however said they must wait for the letter.

When therefore Aeneas returned to Rome from Naples, he went to thank the Pope and he received from the camera the very unusual honor of a letter of appointment free of all duties.¹⁰⁹ On his arrival at Siena, the home of his fathers, the clergy and the people came out in procession to meet him and he was escorted into the city under a golden canopy with greater acclamation from the citizens and greater honor, they say, than had ever been given to any bishop.

In the course of this journey also he persuaded Pope Nicholas to send that holy man, Giovanni Capistrano,¹¹⁰ a disciple of St. 55 Bernard, to Germany to plant there again the rule of St. Francis, which had been abolished in all that country. Aeneas later heard him preach at Vienna, where he was much liked by the people and believed to perform miracles.¹¹¹

On his return to Austria Aeneas brought back not only a marriage contract that pleased the Emperor but the assurance that the Pope, the Sienese, the Florentines, the Bolognese, the Marquis of Este, and the Venetians would all give safe-conduct to the Emperor when he went to be crowned; for he had negotiated the matter satisfactorily with all of them.

Meantime the Bohemians, after many vain efforts to get Ladislas for their king,¹¹² had proclaimed a Council of the Realm at Prague to discuss their affairs. They threatened that unless Albert’s son and the heir to the kingdom were sent to them, they would themselves choose another king. Therefore Aeneas and other nobles were despatched to confer with them. But since the plague was raging at Prague, the Council was transferred to 56 the village of Beneschau. When Aeneas had there publicly^r delivered the Emperor’s message,^r assured them that a king who was a minor and needed guidance could be in no better hands than the Emperor’s, and promised that they should soon have their wish, their anger cooled and they promised not to call anyone else to the throne. After a long and shrewd conversation with the regent, George,¹¹³ about the blessings of peace and unity, Aeneas decided that he was a man led astray by his lust for power rather than by heresy. This is characteristic of many of the Bohemians, who would rather rule over heretics than be subject to the faithful.

In the course of this mission Aeneas twice visited the Taborites,¹¹⁴ the worst of all heretics in Bohemia, and had very spirited arguments with them about the faith. But since he sent the illustrious Cardinal of Sant’ Angelo an account of the customs of the Taborites, the situation of their city, and the heresy of the people together with the text of his speech and since this letter is extant and has been included by me among those collected in a volume, I pass over these matters here and hasten on to others.

The following year was the one when the Empress Leonora was, according to agreement, to sail from Portugal to the harbor of Telamone in Sienese territory¹¹⁵ and the Emperor Frederick was to enter Italy and be crowned at Rome. He was very eager that they should go to Rome together and together be crowned by the Pope’s own hands. Therefore twelve noble matrons and maidens were chosen to receive the royal bride at the harbor and to be her attendants and two barons¹¹⁶ and two knights were appointed to accompany them. To this number were added Aeneas and the Emperor’s secretary, Michael Pfullendorf, who were to 57 discharge the duties of ambassadors. After they had received the Empress at Telamone they were all to escort her to Siena and there await the Emperor’s arrival. Aeneas and Michael were further instructed to inform the communes and princes of Italy, and especially the Pope, that the Emperor, about whose coming they were beginning to have doubts, would certainly arrive at the feast of St. Martin;¹¹⁷ to ask safe-conduct for him; to fix fair prices for the supplies he would need. Letters dealing with these matters were sent ahead.

At this news the powerful in Italy were filled with terror, the weak with hope; princes wavered, rumor was rife, and there was fear of uprisings such as had been known of old at the coming of emperors. But the Sienese were more frightened than anyone else, because they thought that Aeneas, a member of a great and noble family, bishop of their city, who had the ear of the Emperor and was highly esteemed by him, desired a revolution in their government. Now Siena is considered next to Florence the chief city of Tuscany; it rules many flourishing towns and possesses a wide territory. At first the nobles were in power, but when they were divided among themselves and voluntarily withdrew, the government passed to the people. Among them also, as usually happens, some were more able than others and as one party after another became powerful it seized the government. One party was called The Nine, another The Twelve, not because these were their actual numbers but because they appointed that number of Priors to govern together; another, because under its régime it had reformed the city’s laws and rebuilt the walls, was called The Reformers. Of these the so-called Twelve (they were actually five hundred), although they are rich merchants, are nevertheless considered insignificant; they have been deprived of any part in the government and live an almost servile^s existence. The Nine and The Reformers share the functions of government equally with the people and allow the nobles on sufferance, as it were, a certain number of offices. Thus the Sienese thought that Aeneas being a noble, would at the 58 Emperor’s arrival set on foot some scheme to restore his family to their old prestige and power. When therefore he had carried out the Emperor’s instructions at Venice, Ferrara, Bologna, and Florence and was on his way to Siena, they were afraid of him, watched to see what he would do, and forbade the people to go to meet him. Some, as is the way of the populace, even hurled abuse at him and the ruling party actually hated him. The way of the world is certainly absurd with nothing about it fixed or stable. During the preceding year no one could look at or praise Aeneas enough, but now when he entered the city, he was hateful to all and not a soul did him the honor of going out to meet him. At his house he was welcomed by only a few; in the public squares he heard many curse him; it was even rumored that there was a conspiracy against his life. But he bore everything calmly and smiled to himself at the change of fortune. When therefore he appeared before the senate, after discharging the emperor’s mission he begged the presiding magistrate not to be suspicious of him, saying that one who had been loaded with so many favors by their government had no reason to wish to oppose it; he, who as bishop was their most honored citizen, desired peace and loathed all dissension; the Piccolomini family, to which he belonged, had like the other nobles always been treated honorably by the party now in power; Gregorio Lolli,¹¹⁸   a celebrated lawyer and one of the chief magistrates of the city, was his cousin, the son of his father’s sister, Bartolommea; his sisters were married to members of the ruling party and their children would be his heirs; in short there was no conceivable reason why he should be hostile to the government. He said furthermore that the Emperor was not coming to be king of Italy but to be crowned; he had with him illustrious princes and powerful nobles, who were all lovers of peace and came as friends not foes; nothing was to be feared from them, as they desired only permission to pass; the Emperor had never loved civil strife, his honor was to be relied on, and be carried out faithfully what he promised. By these words he appeased 59 them somewhat and was enabled to remain among them in safety.

Meanwhile his colleague and very dear friend, Michael Pfullendorf, was stricken with fever and breathed out his high and noble spirit. Aeneas gave him splendid burial in the Cathedral of the Blessed Virgin.¹¹⁹ Then, wishing to bow yet further to his unpopularity, because there were still some in Siena who whispered against him, he went at once with his colleagues to Telamone to await there the arrival of the Empress and also to avoid being found at Siena, if the Emperor should in the meantime set out for Italy. He could not go to the Pope for fear that the Empress, with whose reception he was especially charged, might land while he was detained in Rome.

The Pope, who knew the character of the Romans, realized that many were eager for a change of government. Fearing a popular disturbance (for the Florentines too were saying that there was a prophecy that he would either die on March 20 or be foully taken prisoner), he had already sent word to the Emperor that he should put off his coming till summer, giving as a further excuse the scarcity of supplies.¹²⁰ He commanded Aeneas to come to him as soon as possible. Aeneas however, knowing of the message sent the Emperor, wrote the Pope a letter, in which after making his excuses he expressed his astonishment at the Pontiff’s change of heart. He said he thought it dishonorable that the apostolic word should be recalled; he remembered very well that the Pope had told him that, if the Emperor wished to come to Rome, he should choose the winter, because that was a more healthful season and provisions were more abundant then; all the preparations for his coronation had been made; the Pope had himself of his own accord invited him to come and it was unseemly to reverse his instructions now, when it was well known that the Emperor was on the very eve of starting and his bride might land in Italy any day. He added that he had heard that the Pope was apprehensive and that the Emperor was feared at Rome, but he 60 assured him that these fears were groundless. He said the Emperor was just and attached to Nicholas; there was nothing he hated so much as disorder; he would die sooner than break his word; the imperial retinue was composed of great nobles who were eager for peace and devoted to religion, the Church, and God.

Nicholas was impressed by these words and wrote the Emperor a letter telling him to come when he saw fit. This he sent first to Aeneas to be forwarded to the Emperor if he thought best. Aeneas was satisfied with the apostolic letter and at once despatched it by courier to Frederick. But meantime disturbances¹²¹ had arisen in Austria, which put off the Emperor’s journey many days, and the Empress was seriously delayed by unfavorable winds and violent storms. Therefore Aeneas had to spend sixty days at Telamone, days which were very dull both for him and for his colleagues. Still he employed the interval in visiting Monte Argentaro and the famous Port’ Ercole and Ansedonia, which is worth seeing, for, though its buildings are in ruins, its walls, built of huge, square-hewn stones fitted together with extraordinary precision without mortar, still stand on a hill above the Tuscan Sea looking out toward Carthage.

By a remarkable coincidence, on the very day when the Emperor, who had crossed from Germany into Italy and was proceeding as quickly as possible, entered Florence, the Empress, sped by some breeze from heaven or by sheer chance, landed at Leghorn.¹²² Aeneas too received on the same day letters from both the Emperor and the Empress bidding him and his colleagues come at once to Pisa. Thereupon, accompanied by his colleagues and the ladies in waiting, he obediently made haste to go thither through Grosseto, Scarlino, and the territory of Volterra. The 61 Emperor had already sent to meet the Empress Johann, Bishop of Ratisbon;¹²³ his kinsman Vanco,¹²⁴ Duke of Silesia; Michael, Count of Magdeburg; his chamberlain, Johann;¹²⁵ Ulrich Sonnenburg, Chancellor of Austria; Ulrich Starnberg; his physician, Jacopo Landrono; and other noble knights. But no definite arrangements had yet been made. Therefore they debated a long time at Pisa about sending the bride to the Emperor, till finally, after the other matters had been arranged, the Marquis of Portugal, who had received Leonora from her brother and was charged with bringing her to the Emperor, in the presence of the ambassadors, the distinguished nobles of Pisa, and the notaries, took the Empress by the hand and delivered her to Aeneas that he might escort her to the Emperor. This was very annoying to Duke Vanco, who thought that this honor belonged to him because of his kinship with Frederick; but the Portuguese and the imperial ambassadors thought differently.

While this was going on at Pisa, the Florentines, who are harsh and tyrannical rulers of that city and suspect all Pisans, were displeased that so many foreigners had come there and were staying so long. Nevertheless they were restrained from taking any action by Aeneas, who was better known to them than the rest and from day to day kept promising that they would depart. Meantime the Emperor had reached Siena and was awaiting his bride there. When he learned that she was coming with all possible speed, he sent to meet her first the citizens, then his brother Albert, Duke of Austria, then his cousin Ladislas, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and fourth and last the clergy carrying relics of the saints. He himself with the two Apostolic Legates, Pope Nicholas’s brother,¹²⁶ the Cardinal of Santa Susanna, and the Cardinal of Sant’ Angelo, at his side awaited the bride outside the city between the second and third gates. There in a wide open space the royal couple dismounted and embraced. Heinrich Leubing, an expert in canon law, spoke for the Emperor and Aeneas 62 for the Empress. Soon after this the Sienese erected there a marble column as a lasting memorial, that after-ages might know that an Emperor from the East and an Empress from the West had first met in that place.

Meanwhile the Sienese had banished from the city all those among The Twelve and The Nobles who could bear arms and especially Aeneas’s kindred, the Piccolomini. But when they realized the Emperor’s mildness and clemency and saw that Aeneas had spoken the truth, they returned to their old admiration for him, proclaimed him their good father and citizen, recalled his family, ceased to suspect him, and appointed him their ambassador to the Pope.

When the emperor had ascended the ridge of Mt. Cimino above Viterbo, he summoned Aeneas as he rode along and said to him, “Look you, we are going to Rome. I think I can see that you are going to be cardinal. Nor will your good fortune stop there, but you will be still further exalted and the chair of St. Peter awaits you. Do not despise me when you attain that honor.” Aeneas replied, “I do not aspire to be pope or cardinal.”¹²⁷ “Nevertheless,” the Emperor broke in, “I see that this is to be.” Aeneas took this as a jest. Proceeding with the Emperor to Rome he was foremost among his prelates and replied in his behalf to the greetings of the cardinals and chief citizens who came out to meet him.

After the Emperor had stayed one night outside the walls,¹²⁸ Aeneas was summoned to the Pope, who was ill in bed, and made clear to him that the Emperor’s attitude was friendly and to be trusted, adding that he was astonished that the honor of so great a prince could have been questioned. The Pope replied by quoting what many persons had told him and said, “To be too apprehensive is not so bad as to be too trusting.”

When the Emperor finally entered the city and at the door of 63 St. Peter’s kissed the Pope’s holy feet, Aeneas by his orders was his spokesman, as he was also on the occasion of the emperor’s petition for the crown of Milan, called the Lombard Crown, and at the blessing of the bridal pair in the course of the marriage ceremony in which Leonora was united to Frederick by His Holiness himself. Finally, when Frederick was crowned emperor at the altar of St. Peter, Aeneas was charged with making the proper responses and he also handled many private matters between the Pope and the Emperor.¹²⁹

Now there is one thing which I think ought not to be passed over, a matter concerning dreams, which seems worth recording. The day after the coronation the Emperor with three Councillors, of whom Aeneas was one, had audience with Pope Nicholas. After they had talked for some time, the Emperor said, “You remember, Father, that after the coronation I was going to tell you about my dream. It is as follows. The night after you left me at Vienna the last time, I dreamed that I had come to Rome and was being crowned by your hands. And in my sleep I marveled and thought my coronation was not valid, since it had been performed not by the Bishop of Rome but by the Bishop of Bologna. When I awoke I paid no attention to the dream, but after I learned from Aeneas’s letters that you had been made cardinal and then pope, I was immediately convinced that, as has actually happened, I should be crowned by your hands.” Then Nicholas said, “The dreams of rulers often come true. I myself the night before Eugenius died thought in my sleep that I was in this very room, which, as you, Aeneas, know, was then divided into two parts. Eugenius, taking off his robe and then his tunic, put them upon me and lifting from his own head a high mitre such 64 as our soldiers^t wear, put it on mine. Finally, taking me by the hand and pointing to this throne, he said, ‘From this seat I shall go to St. Peter.’ He died the next day. His body was carried into the church of St. Peter and perhaps his soul is even now rejoicing in communion with his glorious predecessor. Twelve days later the papacy was conferred upon me.”

While these things were going on, it was the general opinion that Aeneas, who appeared to be in high favor with the Pope and the Emperor, was to be made cardinal. This was not unlikely, for Nicholas had promised Frederick that the next time he made any cardinals Aeneas should be the first named. He did not break his word, but he died without appointing anyone to that office. Such distinction is not always open to him who deserves it but is often the prey of the unworthy. Some however deserve it first and then attain it, while others make themselves worthy after achieving it. Some carry their spoil with them to the tomb without ever having deserved it.

After this the Emperor left for Naples,¹³⁰ but Aeneas, who was not well, remained a few days at Rome and with the others attended on the young King Ladislas.¹³¹ Meantime it was reported to the Pope that the King was planning to escape and unless he were guarded, would be off home. Accordingly at the fifth hour of the night said to be chosen for the flight, he summoned Aeneas and told him to have the King’s house closely guarded. Aeneas went to the palace and warned the guards not to give any opportunity for disloyal plots and to restore their charge safe and sound to the Emperor on his return. However no certain evidence of such a plan was discovered, though the King’s tutor¹³² attempted a still greater crime at Florence.

When the Emperor returned¹³³ and again appeared before the Pope and the Holy Senate, Aeneas in his name read two speeches in public audience; one thanking the Pope and the cardinals for the distinguished favors they had bestowed on the Emperor; the other begging that a crusade against the enemies of Christianity should be proclaimed and equipped and imploring the Pope to put a stop to the harrying of Christians in Greece and the Orient. Finally, when Aeneas left Rome with the Emperor, he was sent as spokesman of the Apostolic See with the powers of Legatus de latere to Bohemia, Silesia, Austria, Moravia, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. Not long after, at the urgent request of the Emperor, the Pope extended his mission to include the kingdom of Hungary.

When the Emperor had returned to Siena and was afraid to go on to Florence because he thought that his stay at Naples had aroused the suspicion of the Florentines, Aeneas was sent ahead and succeeded in restoring public confidence and making the Emperor’s passage safe. The envoys of Hungary and Austria were there, awaiting the Emperor. They invited Caspar, King Ladislas’s tutor, to a conference and persuaded him to carry off the King from the authority of the Emperor, outlining their scheme as follows: the boy was to be instigated, after he had followed Frederick on his departure as far as the gates of the city, to say that he would like to stay some days longer in Florence and then, after he had asked permission, to wheel his horse about; they would arrange with the magistrates to have men at hand to resist the Emperor if he should try to use force with the boy. But the Florentine senate was aghast at such an outrage. With unshaken integrity they rebuked the intermediaries and sent the Emperor away unhindered^u and loaded with honors.¹³⁴

When Frederick arrived at Ferrara, he was urgently besought 66 to raise the Marquis Borso to the rank of Duke. He was at first unwilling, but finally, yielding to the arguments of Aeneas and the persuasions of his counsellors, he^v created a dukedom from the territory of Modena and Reggio and made Borso Duke.¹³⁵ All Italy said this was good policy and a good investment. They did not yet know the new prince’s character.

When the new Duke was publicly invested with the insignia of his rank in the usual fashion, the duty of delivering an oration on the graciousness of the Emperor, the glories of the house of Este, the ability of Borso, and the exalted rank conferred upon him was assigned to Aeneas; and when they came to Venice,¹³⁶ no one else was delegated to speak for the Emperor on important matters before the senate and the Doge.

When the Emperor finally returned to his own country and the Austrians had led a great army against him and besieged him for some days near the city of Neustadt, pounding the walls with bombards and other engines of war, Aeneas stayed undaunted at Frederick’s side. When a truce was made and King Ladislas had been sent back, Aeneas was the chief among the numerous distinguished ambassadors sent by the Emperor to the Congress called at Vienna¹³⁷ to discuss peace. The envoys of all Germany, the 67 great prelates, illustrious counts, and famous barons met at his house. There he spoke twice for the Emperor before the nobles of Hungary, who had assembled from all parts of the kingdom, and once before the Bohemians. Twice he went to pay his respects to Ladislas, who had now ascended the throne.

During this time an important case¹³⁸ about difficult questions was being hotly argued in the Emperor’s court between Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg, and the city of Nuremberg, a case which only the princes were competent to decide. Since Albert, by his powerful eloquence and clever diplomacy had won to his side a duke of Austria, two of Bavaria, one of Saxony, two of Silesia, and numerous other princes, it looked as if the Emperor would be forced to return an unjust decision. Here Aeneas, who, ever since he had been Bishop of Siena, had been counted by the Emperor among the princes of the empire, intervened. When asked his opinion, he said that above all it was imperative to maintain the honor of the Emperor, in whose name the decision would be handed down, and that this could not be done unless the decision were just; those who were named as objects of suspicion and those who had taken part in the war which Albert had waged against the citizens of Nuremberg were not fit persons to make the decisions and the others who were on the Emperor’s side were inexperienced youths and too few to decide so important a matter. In his opinion neither justice nor the salvation of their souls ought to suffer and therefore it was expedient that the question should be deferred till another time when the Emperor might have on his side more princes not concerned in the case. Thereupon Johann, Bishop of Eichstadt, realizing that he was hit by these words (for he too had declared war on Nuremberg) came to his senses and supported Aeneas’s motion, as did also the Bishop of Ratisbon and Karl, Margrave of Baden. The latter, although his wife was Albert’s sister, said that he would not put relationship before justice, thus showing himself a young man deserving the obedience of nations and a worthy follower of his excellent father. The rest were influenced by the words of the Bishop of Eichstadt (which they had not really understood!) and so the matter was 68 put over till another time. Thus the Emperor was saved from the disgrace which, through no fault of his own, he had nearly incurred, when it seemed that, owing to the dissension and the bad judgment of the princes on his side, he was going to pronounce an unjust decision. Later, when the ambassadors of King Ladislas came to the Emperor Frederick to negotiate the peace which had been despaired of at Vienna, Aeneas made the public address in answer to them and when the negotiations were dragging on with little hope of success, at the urgent request of many of the councillors and chamberlains Aeneas and Ulrich Sonnenberg went to the Emperor and proved to him by weighty arguments that the peace was honorable and ought to be accepted; and the very next day it was concluded.¹³⁹

During these events the Turks, who had for a long time been masters of Asia Minor and most of Greece, laid siege with a great army by land and sea to Constantinople, the capital of the eastern Empire and the only city in Thrace to resist the Mohammedan yoke. After a siege of thirteen days they stormed, captured,¹⁴⁰ and sacked it, killed the Emperor Constantine, massacred all the nobility, reduced the people to servitude, and polluted with their Moslem filth the famous church of Santa Sophia and all the basilicas of the city. This was sad news to the Christians, especially to Pope Nicholas and the Emperor Frederick III,¹⁴¹ whose reigns had been branded with no small infamy by this foul insult to the Christian religion.^w For what calamity of the times is not laid at the door of princes? All troubles are ascribed to the negligence of rulers. “They might,” said the populace, “have aided perishing Greece before she was captured. They were indifferent. They are not fit to rule. The Emperor, now that he knows what 69 has happened, in his eagerness to wipe out such a stain of infamy is incurring a greater. For he has begun and has not finished. He calls Christians together to consult for the common weal and does not come to the Congress himself.”

The Emperor commanded the Germans to assemble at Ratisbon,¹⁴² a city of Bavaria on the Danube, and he summoned thither Philip, Duke of Burgundy. This celebrated and able prince on receipt of the Emperor’s letter immediately abandoned his operations against the uprising in Flanders, which he was engaged in putting down, and made the long journey to Ratisbon; for he was the one among the Christian princes who showed himself most hostile to the Turk, whether from a desire to avenge his father,¹⁴³ whom the Turks had once taken prisoner and held for a huge ransom; or through love of religion, thinking this the surest path to eternal life; or because he sought thus to capture the applause of the populace, to which almost all mortal men are slaves. The prestige of the Diet of Ratisbon was greatly increased by his arrival,¹⁴⁴ for when Ludwig, Duke of Bavaria, Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg, and many other princes who would otherwise have stayed at home, heard that Burgundy had started, they were aroused to set out for Ratisbon themselves. The Emperor, though he had given them good reason to count on his coming, changed his mind and stayed in Austria, fearing that the flames next door in Hungary would finally set fire to his house. The robber chiefs, Gilles and Hanchrauter,¹⁴⁵ were at this time ravaging the districts of Hungary nearest to Austria and Styria and it was thought probable that John Hunyadi,¹⁴⁶ the governor general of that kingdom, who had already taken the field, would soon fight a battle with them. Whoever came out victorious would be a source of apprehension to the Emperor. Therefore Frederick, who like most men chose to handle his private affairs himself and 70 affairs of state through ambassadors, sent to Ratisbon brilliant orators from his court; two barons,¹⁴⁷ two bishops (Ulrich of Gurk,¹⁴⁸and Aeneas of Siena), and with them Nicholas,¹⁴⁹ Cardinal of St. Peter, who was then at his church in Brixen. Pope Nicholas sent Giovanni, Bishop of Pavia,¹⁵⁰ to commend to the Diet the protection of the Catholic Faith and to offer his aid.

When all the delegates had assembled, at a meeting in the town hall before numerous prelates of the Church and Christian princes Aeneas made a speech for the Emperor, in which he showed clearly and lucidly the extent of the harm inflicted on all Christendom by the fall of Constantinople and the danger that threatened if no action were taken to check the Turks. He urged the necessity of all the powers arming in defense of the common weal and presented the excuses of the Emperor, who, he said, had been obliged to remain at home, though all his reasons sounded lame. The speech for the Pope was delivered by Giovanni, Bishop of Pavia, and that for Burgundy by Jean,¹⁵¹ Bishop of Toul, whom Pius II later transferred to the church at Tournay. The Cardinal of St. Peter also spoke in favor of war and a considerable number of others harangued to the best of their ability, as is usually the case in a large assembly.

When Philip heard Aeneas, he said, “What is the use of a long discussion? Aeneas has shown us our duty. Let others give their opinions; I will speak for myself. I realize the crisis in which Christianity finds itself. If we wish to keep our faith, our liberty, our lives, we must take the field against the Turks and crush their power before it becomes any stronger. I will not refuse 71 to devote my person and my resources to this cause, if only some other prince who is fit for this enterprise will gird himself to go with me.”

The whole assembly applauded Philip and voted him the only one of them all qualified and deserving to govern a state. Then when all had expressed their opinions, a vote was taken on Aeneas’s motion and there was no one who did not vote for a crusade against the Turks. They decided however to ask the French to help by furnishing cavalry and the Italians by sending a strong fleet to Greece and Asia to blockade the chief Turkish ports. As for the Germans, another diet was to be called at Frankfort¹⁵² on the River Main, which flows into the Rhine near Mainz, for the purpose of levying troops and raising money to finance the war. These measures and many others which concerned the Germans themselves were passed at Ratisbon.

On the adjournment of the Diet Aeneas returned to the Emperor. He had intended to go back to Italy and spend the rest of his life in his native city, but when he asked the Emperor’s permission, Frederick refused it and kept him to be his spokesman at the Diet of Frankfort, because he seemed the only man in the palace who felt any great concern about defending the Faith or could exert any influence by his speeches.

When the date for the Diet arrived, Aeneas, the Bishop of Gurk, and the Margraves of Brandenburg and Baden were appointed delegates. On reaching Frankfort they found there only a few members and those hostile to the Emperor and the Pope. Some days later came Theodoric, Bishop of Mainz, Jacob, Archbishop of Trier, and delegates from almost all Germany. From Italy the Pope and the Marquises of Este and Mantua sent representatives. Alfonso, King of Sicily, and the Venetians were even later, their ambassador reaching Germany only after the Diet was dismissed. The Hungarians and Burgundians were present, the former asking, the latter offering aid. There was present also Giovanni Capistrano, a Minorite monk famous for the holiness of his life and his tireless preaching of the word of God, and regarded as a prophet by the people, though he had little success in 72 persuading them to make war on the Turks. The Germans had changed their minds and none of them was in favor of a crusade. As if their ears had been infected with some poison, they could not bear to hear the name of the Emperor or of the Pope, who, they said, were false and greedy and wanted to rake in gold, not make war; this was a fine sort of trick, to proclaim a crusade against the Turks, that money might be extorted from the Germans by artful wiles as from barbarians. But, they asserted, the result of the Diet would be very different from what those princes expected, for the German people would neither contribute money nor enlist for military service. All, won over to this opinion, cursed the Emperor and the Pope, insulted their ambassadors, jeered at the Burgundians, who seemed inclined to the expedition, and abused the Hungarians, whom they accused of wishing to involve Germany in their calamities, since they were unable to defend their own kingdom.

There seemed not the slightest prospect of favorable action, since the decision taken at Ratisbon was being summarily rejected. But when the Diet actually opened and Aeneas had made his speech, wonderful to relate, the old enthusiasm for the war suddenly revived in all. He spoke for almost two hours and was listened to with such absorbed attention that not once did anyone clear his throat^x or take his eyes from the face of the speaker. No one thought his speech long, no one but was sorry when it ended. They heard numerous other delegates, but they listened with weariness and derision, especially to the Bishop of Pavia, the Apostolic Legate, whose speech, in which he compared the Church to a beautiful woman bewailing her misfortunes, who had appeared to him in a dream, was thought to be less dignified than befitted so grave a matter. Aeneas’s speech however was praised by all and written down by many. As a result of his arguments the vote to make war, which had been passed at Ratisbon, was reaffirmed; the Hungarians were promised aid to the extent of 10,000 cavalry and 32,000 infantry; and it was decided that the Imperial Electors 73 and all the princes of Germany should go to the Emperor¹⁵³ at the approaching feast of Pentecost to make the final arrangements for hastening the crusade.

When the diet adjourned after taking this action, the ambassadors of the Emperor returned to Austria.

Soon after this the date fixed for the new diet¹⁵⁴ arrived and there came to the Emperor, this time in Neustadt, Jacob, Archbishop of Trier, Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg, Karl, Margrave of Baden, and a number of other German princes. The rest sent delegates. From Hungary the chief bishops and barons came to ask aid and they had a great deal to say about declaring war against the Turks and the chances of victory. From Italy there was the Apostolic Legate, the same as at Ratisbon and Frankfort, Giovanni, Bishop of Pavia, who thought himself extremely wise and eloquent, though in the opinion of others^y the best that could be said for him was that he was not exactly a fool nor entirely unversed in speaking. He was followed by the delegate from Alfonso, King of Sicily, and Aragon, Michele Riccio,^z155 an orator more passionate in invective than in eulogy. Giovanni Capistrano was also present, trying by his continual and earnest preaching to rouse the people to take arms against the Turk.¹⁵⁶

In this Diet Aeneas by the Emperor’s orders delivered a public speech in answer to the ambassadors of Hungary, which was afterwards published and is included among his Orations.

During this debate, just when everything was on the point of 74 being settled and there was every reason to hope that the next summer a great host would be put into the field against the enemy, news was suddenly received of the death of Pope Nicholas V,¹⁵⁷ which in an instant rent the web that had been so long in weaving and showed how vain are the designs of men and how futile their pains. For what knowledge of the future have they? what certainty on which to base their plans? All man’s endeavors fail, if they are not aided by the hand of God. It was not the will of the Divine Mercy that the Turkish empire should be extended at this time, yet it was preserved a little longer for the rebuking of our sins.

Nicholas had sat on the throne of St. Peter about eight years. He owed his distinction not to his birth but to his learning and intellectual gifts. He was born in Sarzana, a town in Tuscany not far from the Magra River, but his family had originally come from Lucca. He celebrated the jubilee year, which was attended by throngs of pilgrims from all nations. He canonized Bernardino of Siena. He crowned and anointed the Emperor Frederick and the Empress Leonora of Portugal at Rome in the church of St. Peter, the chief of the apostles. He erected magnificent buildings in his city, though he began more than he finished. He created seven cardinals among them his own brother, Filippo, Bishop of Bologna, a man of great charm and the most loyal of friends. When the Church was reunited, he recognized several of the cardinals who had been created during the schism.¹⁵⁸ When Stefano Porcaro, a Roman of honorable birth, plotted to raise revolution¹⁵⁹ in the city and to seize and kill the Lord’s anointed himself, he thwarted his designs and had him put to death. He attained success and fame in many great undertakings but was unhappy in the fall of Constantinople, which occurred during his pontificate and was a black stain on his reputation.^a While he was seeking to 75 wipe it out,^b he died from the gout, which attacked his entire body, and at his death all the ambitious projects against the Turks collapsed.

After Nicholas’s funeral the cardinals, who were concerned about his successor, entered the conclave as is the custom. There they split into divers factions^c and it was exceedingly difficult for two thirds of the Sacred College to agree, since everyone wanted the papacy for himself. After the scrutiny had been taken twice without election, certain cardinals conferred outside the place of scrutiny and decided to elect Bessarion, Cardinal of Nicaea, because he seemed the fittest to govern the state. A sufficient number were about to agree upon him and there seemed no doubt that at the next scrutiny he would be chosen pope by a two-thirds vote; indeed petitions were already being addressed to him. But when this became known to the opposite faction, Alain, Cardinal of Avignon, went round to one another and said, “Shall we then give the Latin Church a Greek pope? Shall we put a neophyte at the head of the book?¹⁶⁰ Bessarion has not yet shaved his beard and shall he be our head? Have we any assurance that his conversion is sincere? It is but a short time since he attacked the faith of the Church of Rome and because today he has had a change of heart, shall he be our master and lead the Christian army?¹⁶¹ Behold the poverty of the Latin Church which cannot find a man worthy of the papacy without having recourse to the Greeks! But do as you will senators; I and those who think with me will never agree to a Greek pope.” These words influenced some of the cardinals so much that there was not the least chance of two thirds of the college acceding to Bessarion, who, after being one night 76 definitely regarded as pope by many,^d found himself the next morning still cardinal with less prestige than before. Such is the common fate of those who have fallen from high hopes.

When they came again to the scrutiny and tried the method which is called “accession,”¹⁶² two thirds agreed upon the man who had been generally regarded as the least likely candidate. This was Alfonso,¹⁶³ Cardinal of the Santi Quattro Coronati, a Spaniard from Valencia, of noble birth, an eminent jurist, a man of great and wide experience, but very old and almost decrepit, for he was over seventy. Some years before, when the Holy See was vacant, he is said to have predicted his own election to everyone^e he met, asserting that he would undoubtedly be pope, but no one had believed him and his words were thought an old man’s babbling. Now his prophecy turned out to be true. He said he had received it from St. Vincent, a fellow countryman of his, now dead, whom he afterwards canonized.¹⁶⁴

When Alfonso was seated in St. Peter’s chair, he took the name of Calixtus III and vowed to direct all his efforts against the impious Turks. Almost at once he declared war against them, gave absolution for their sins to all who enlisted, and sent ambassadors to France and Hungary to raise armies.

When this news was heard in Austria, there were not a few who tried to persuade the Emperor¹⁶⁵ that the time had come to 77 exert pressure on the Apostolic See in order to reduce its power in Germany. They said that the agreements made with Eugenius IV had been violated and that they owed no obedience to the new^f pope until he granted the petitions of the German nation; that Germany was regarded as a servant, while she deserved at last to be free. Jacob, Archbishop of Trier, who expected to profit from the dispute, insisted stubbornly on this policy, but Aeneas on the contrary said that it was not for the Emperor’s advantage to lessen the prestige of the Pope in order to win the favor of the people, which is by its very nature extremely fickle; the reins of government must not be handed over to the populace, which he knew to be hostile to the rule of princes; among princes friendship was sometimes to be found, but between the people and a king there was undying hatred; the Pope and the Emperor needed each other’s help and it was folly to injure a man whose assistance you hoped for; the beginning of a new pontificate was the time to win the favor of the Pope by benefits, but, if you began with injuries, it was then difficult to open a way to good will. He urged Frederick to send assurances of obedience, as his ancestors had done, and to make an honorable treaty with the new pope, declaring that the Germans would support the Emperor in such a compact.

Aeneas’s advice prevailed and he himself together with the lawyer, Johann Hinderbach,¹⁶⁶ was sent to carry out his policy. But before going to Rome they were instructed to stop at Friuli to settle a dispute about boundaries between the Venetians and the Austrian subjects. When they had spent several days at Pordenone discussing this matter and were still unable to win over the stubborn Venetian ambassadors, they went to Venice and had audience with the senate. There, although the Emperor’s cause was opposed by the Doge, Francesco Foscari, whose eloquence and 78 prestige was very great, Aeneas persuaded the senators to rescind their decree which forbade the people of Pordenone to have any dealings with the subjects of Venice. Then the two colleagues went on to Rome, where they were received with all the greater honor because they had been so long and so eagerly awaited. At their arrival a public consistory was convened, in which Aeneas, after having made his submission in the time-honored way, delivered a speech in praise of the Emperor and the empire and discussed also the proposed war against the Turks. This was afterward written down and widely circulated.

At this time it was common report that during the season of Advent, which was approaching, Calixtus would create new cardinals and it was persistently rumored that Aeneas would be one of them. Thus, wherever he went, he was pointed at as soon to be raised to the cardinalate, and indeed Calixtus himself had said as much.

When the day arrived and a secret consistory was held for the purpose, report came from the Palace that a number of cardinals had been created and that Aeneas was among them. Many came to congratulate him as he lay sick with gout and when he heard the news, he said very calmly with no change of expression, “If this news is true, it will be generally known within two hours. Meantime I shall be prepared for either result. I shall not be shaken by fear nor deluded by vain hope.” On the other hand Juan, Bishop of Zamora, when he was greeted in same way, said, “At last I have attained that which have been anxiously awaiting for thirty-nine years!” and, after making a present to the messenger, he knelt before the image of the Blessed Virgin and gave thanks to her and to her Son, because they had at last answered his prayer. So different are the natures of men! Some are ready to believe what they desire and others what they fear.

When the matter had been debated a long time in the consistory, three cardinals were created,¹⁶⁷ two of whom were the Pope’s nephews, Luis, Presbyter of Santi Quattro Coronati, 79 and Rodrigo, Deacon of San Niccolò. The third was Jaime, Deacon of Sant’ Eustachio, of the royal house of Portugal. They were all so young, though of great promise,¹⁶⁸ that it was not inaptly said that the three cardinals together had not years enough for one. It was evident that men were not made cardinals because they could help the Church but because they themselves had need of her help; though it is indeed a common fault to subordinate the office to the man, not the man to the office. The creation of the cardinals was not published immediately, but the consistory was dissolved as if no action had been taken and all the senators were instructed to say nothing about it. However, some of the Pope’s household guessed what had happened because writing materials had been called for and some hints were given by gestures. Secrecy is hard to achieve.

The cardinals’ reason for wishing to conceal the election for a time was their hope that they might trick the Pope, who, they thought, would probably die before the announcement was made. But it was the Pope who tricked the cardinals, for in the course the next summer, when only one cardinal,^g who did not dare raise any objection, was present (the rest had gone away to escape the heat), he made the public announcement. This brought discredit on the college, because, when the Pope wished to elevate together with his nephews men of ripe years who had deserved well of the Roman curia, it had agreed to those who appeared less suitable and rejected those who were generally thought most worthy of the honor. Nor did Calixtus escape censure for having preferred the ties of the flesh to the advantage of the Church.

About this time when all Italy was breathing more freely because of the recent peace¹⁶⁹ (for all the powers had laid down their arms), a new disturbance arose, which would not let that sinful^h land rest. Jacopo, the son of Niccolò Piccinino, who had long been in the service of the Venetians and was a general who could not endure peace, crossed the Po with a large force of cavalry, penetrated into the Romagna, and from there marched into Tuscany against the Sienese, the weakest of all Italian powers, with 80 the intention of seizing their state and making himself tyrant of that famous city; and indeed he was already allowing himself to be styled Duke of Siena. Alfonso, King of Sicily, was bitter againstⁱ the Sienese, because, though they were his allies and bound to him by a treaty, they had made peace with the Duke of Milan and the Florentines without saying a word to him, and for this reason he encouraged Piccinino in ravaging their territory. Shortly before this the Sienese had been engaged in a war with Ildebrando, Count of Pitigliani,¹⁷⁰ in which they hired two captains notorious for their perfidy, Roberto Corrigiano and Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta,¹⁷¹ the prince of all wickedness, both of whom promised Piccinino to desert to him. Roberto was summoned to the palace where he was murdered forthwith and flung through a window into the piazza. Sigismondo, the poison of all Italy, who was reserved for greater crimes, saved himself by flight. In these circumstances the Sienese must have submitted to Piccinino, who had already seized the considerable Sienese towns of Citonio and Monte Marano with their citadels, had reinforcements not arrived in the nick of time from Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, the Venetians, and Pope Calixtus. They were commanded by distinguished generals,¹⁷² who fell upon Piccinino and routed him. The latter had to yield to superior strength and was so terrified that he did not think himself safe till he had arrived with all speed at Castiglione, a town on the Sienese coast which Alfonso had taken from the Florentines and was then holding. 81 Here he shut himself up and existed for several days on wild plums. He was rescued by Luca Sclavo, who, though he was guarding Orbetello for Siena, allowed himself to be bribed. Having tricked and taken captive the commandant of the citadel, he admitted Piccinino’s troops and the general himself, who was conveyed to Orbetello by sea. There Piccinino was again besieged, but the town was difficult to take by storm, especially for those who did not desire to succeed. For the Italian mercenaries had realized that if Piccinino were overpowered and captured, they would have to go back to tilling their fields, since peace would reign everywhere; and they worshipped him as a god because he alone could furnish occasion for war. Therefore when he was suffering from hunger, they supplied him with bread; they reported to him the plans of their generals and refused to obey their officers. Alfonso also sent him supplies by sea. The siege dragged on from day to day and all attempts to take the city came to nothing. By the time the Sienese, whose money and grain were exhausted, could hold out no longer. Calixtus was weary of the expense involved. Their other allies were not so prompt as at first in sending them aid and things had come to such a pass that the besiegers were in as much danger as the besieged. Therefore it seemed to the people of Siena that their one salvation was to ask Alfonso to grant them terms of peace and to seek the aid of him whose alliance they had despised, since he was the only one who could give orders to Piccinino. So little do the populace care for honor when it is opposed to expediency!

Aeneas had already returned to Siena and was soon to leave for Germany. The magistrates of the city, who are called Priors, and those who presided over the balia sent for him and besought him not to refuse to go to Alfonso in behalf of his native city and beg him to grant peace to Tuscany. First however Aeneas was to ask Calixtus to agree to Siena’s sending ambassadors to the King. Aeneas consented in order not to fail his country in such a crisis; for unless she obtained peace immediately, she would surely lose her independence. Therefore he returned to Rome and with considerable difficulty persuaded the Pope to intercede with 82 Alfonso. Calixtus hated Alfonso bitterly and did not think such a step would increase his prestige but even he had to obey Necessity, the mistress of the world. He sent with Aeneas Giovanni Sogliera, a distinguished theologian, whom Pius afterward appointed to the church at Barcelona,¹⁷³ to treat for peace in his name. The Sienese sent two other ambassadors, the lawyer, Galgano Borghese, and Leonardo inappropriately named Benvogliente. When the time came for them to start, Aeneas had an attack of gout which kept him at Rome a week. His colleagues went on ahead and met Alfonso at Trajetto, where they show the tomb of the elder Africanus not far from the river Liris, which we now call the Garigliano.

When Alfonso had heard Galgano and Leonardo, he replied with a very harsh speech, in which he made many complaints about the Sienese. He rehearsed the benefits he had conferred on them and recounted the ingratitude of the state to him. He declared that the people of Siena .deserved no one’s pity. He could not bring himself to give the ambassadors themselves a civil look. But when Aeneas arrived,¹⁷⁴ he was received with smiles and flattering words and as soon as the King saw him, he said, “Now I will talk about peace, since we have an intermediary whom I like,” and negotiations began forthwith. But since there were many snags and new difficulties arose every day, the matter dragged on for several months and was discussed now at Naples, now at Puteoli, and sometimes at Torre del Greco — wherever Lucrezia¹⁷⁵ was staying. She was a beautiful woman or girl, the daughter of poor but noble Neapolitan parents (if there is any nobility in poverty), with whom the King was so desperately in love that in her presence he was beside himself and could neither hear nor see anything but Lucrezia. He could not take his eyes off her, praised everything she said, marveled at her wisdom, admired every gesture, thought her beauty divine.^j He had made her many presents, had given orders that she was to receive the honors of a queen, and at last was so completely dominated by her 83 her that no one could get a hearing without her consent. Marvelous is the power of love! A great king, lord of the noblest part of Spain, obeyed by the Balearic Islands, Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily itself, who had subdued many provinces of Italy and defeated the most powerful generals, was finally conquered by love and like any captive of war was a slave to a weak woman! He had no intercourse with her (if report is true) and they say she used to declare, “Never with my consent shall the King ravish my maidenhood! But if he should attempt force, I shall not imitate Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, who endured the outrage and then took her own life, I will anticipate the outrage by my death.” But noble acts are not so easy as noble words nor did her after-life bear out her protestations. For after Alfonso’s death she went into Piccinino’s camp, where she had no reputation for virtue; indeed it was common talk that she was his secretary’s mistress and had a child by him. But Alfonso thought there was nothing in the world more divine. Though wise in everything else, in regard to this and hunting he was stark mad.

While Aeneas in his efforts to secure terms of peace was following Alfonso about¹⁷⁶ even when he went hunting, he visited Baiae, Cumae and the ruins of ancient cities, Salerno, Amalfi, and the venerable tombs of the Apostles Andrew and Matthew, where the holy bodies are said^k to exude the famous manna. He saw also the source of the Sarno, which is so cold that the darker kinds of wine, when put into it, turn white in a short time. In this place not long afterward, when he was already pope, his forces and those of King Ferrante, who had shown themselves too daring, were beaten and put to flight,¹⁷⁷ while Simonetta, general of the papal troops, was killed by a stone from an engine of war. There is a town here called Sarno from the river. He also visited Nola, which derives no less^l glory from the holy life of Paulinus, 84 the Confessor,¹⁷⁸ than from Roman history and the death of Marcellus.

On his return to Naples, when he went one day to see the King in Castelnuovo, just as he was entering the triumphal gate, Alfonso, who was walking with his courtiers in the hall opposite the gate, saw him and, turning to his nobles, said, “Do you want me to show you the pope?” When they said, “Yes,” he continued, “There he is. The Bishop of Siena, who is just entering the gate, is destined by God to be pope and he is the man whom the cardinals will elect to succeed Calixtus when he dies. There is no one who they could justly prefer to him.” When the courtiers reported this to Aeneas and congratulated him, he replied to them all, “But the cardinals are not accustomed to elect any but a cardinal. Do not believe this till you see me wearing the red hat, of which I know myself to be unworthy.”

Meantime it was rumored that a huge Turkish force commanded by the Sultan¹⁷⁹ himself and powerfully equipped with engines of war had besieged Taurunum, by land and sea. This is a town in Russia (once called Upper Moesia) between the Danube and the Save at their confluence, which is now called Belgrade or sometimes the second Alba. Alfonso, disturbed at this news, asked those who were standing around him how the besieged could be aided and Aeneas said, “It is of use to think about aid. For the wars of the Hungarians and Turks are not like Italian wars, which seldom come to a pitched battle and are aptly called by our soldiers ‘negotiations’. This very moment, while we are speaking, either the enemy or the Hungarians are in flight and we shall presently have the report.”

A week passed and a letter did in fact arrive from Hungary announcing that the Christians under the sign of the cross, who were besieged in Taurunum, had made a sally against the Turks and by divine rather than human aid had won a most glorious 85 victory,¹⁸⁰ inflicting great loss on the enemy; the Sultan had been wounded in the breast; his army was scattered, all the engines of war abandoned, and he himself had fled in panic with a few followers. The information was so precise that no further evidence could be required.

Before long this good news was followed by the conclusion of peace with the Sienese on condition that Piccinino in consideration of a sum of money should return Orbetello to Siena and should withdraw from Tuscany to winter in the Abruzzi and the territory of Aquila.¹⁸¹

After these questions were settled, Aeneas returned to Rome and, though he wished to visit his native city and then go back to the Emperor in Germany, he was kept at the capital by Pope Calixtus, who promised him the cardinalate if he would stay. Aeneas complied, though he suspected that Calixtus would yield to the cardinals, who dreaded nothing so much as the creation of new colleagues, especially those who they feared would be rivals for the papacy.

At Advent,¹⁸² which may almost be called “election time” for cardinals, there was bitter dispute in the apostolic senate, because Calixtus wished to create cardinals and the college opposed him. Now they said there were too many cardinals already; now they heaped abuse and insults on the persons named as candidates and, as is their habit, inveighed more and more bitterly against those who were considered better and more worthy of the papacy. Nevertheless Calixtus won with the vigorous support of the three cardinals he had already created and showed himself, as was fitting, the head and master. He created six new cardinals; Rainaldo Piscicello, Archbishop of Naples, Lucrezia’s uncle, whose creation Alfonso urged as a personal favor; the Spaniard, Juan,¹⁸³ 86 Bishop of Zamora, eminent for his knowledge of the law, who had served in the Curia with wisdom and integrity for thirty-nine years; Giovanni of the noble Milanese house of the Castiglioni, Bishop of Pavia; Aeneas, Bishop of Siena,¹⁸⁴ whose creation was urged not only by the Emperor but by King Ladislas of Hungary and almost all the German princes; Jacopo,¹⁸⁵ Bishop of Montefeltro, a Roman and the brother of the physician, Simone; Richard, Bishop of Coutances,¹⁸⁶ a Norman priest nominated by King Charles of France. There was general approval of all these except the Bishops of Naples and Montefeltro, who, it was said, had not been elevated for their merits nor at the request of proper sponsors, but one had been granted to a courtesan and the other to a physician.

When the people heard that Aeneas had received the red hat, it was at once rumored that Calixtus had designated him as his successor, and there was great joy throughout the city. Siena too, when it learned of the honors conferred on its bishop, made holiday amid public rejoicing, though privately the governing party was profoundly distressed, fearing (as actually happened) that Aeneas might some day be pope and try to make them receive into the public offices the nobles of the city, whom they had long ago totally excluded from the government. But above all the Emperor Frederick was highly elated when he heard that his ambassador had been chosen into the sacred college. Alfonso, King of Aragon and Sicily, received the news with no small gratification, seeing that the way to the fulfillment of his prophecy was now open. All the princes of Germany sent Aeneas congratulatory letters, feeling that Germany herself had been honored in him. Nor were they mistaken, for Aeneas, not only as cardinal but as pope, always showed himself the champion and defender of the Germans and in regard to German affairs Calixtus listened to him more than to all the other cardinals.

In Prussia, which used to be called Ulmerigia and lies near the Baltic Sea, there was a famous very rich church in a place called Ermeland. It possessed many strongholds and towns and controlled a wide territory, but after the outbreak of a fierce and cruel war between the Teutonic Order of St. Mary, who were lords of Prussia, and the king of Poland,¹⁸⁷ to whom the Prussians had gone over, the church itself definitely forsook its allegiance, part siding with the Order and part with the Poles, while all its towns and farms were sacked and plundered. Meanwhile Franz,¹⁸⁸ the Bishop of that church, died and the greater^m number of the canons wanted Aeneas for their bishop. The rest were divided, some voting for Lutkonis,¹⁸⁹ the Chancellor of the King of Poland, and others for one of the priests who had sided with the Teutonic Order. At first possession was given to Lutkonis, but when Calixtus, in response to the demands of the canons,¹⁹⁰ had entrusted the administration of the church to Aeneas, his proctor was given possession also of the part which had been held by Lutkonis, who did not dare offer any resistance to a cardinal. Later however, after Aeneas became pope, he appointed to that church Paul Leghendorf,¹⁹¹ who is governing it to this day without any opposition.

About the same time another cathedral church of Prussia in a place called Kulm fell vacant.¹⁹² The Poles wanted one man for bishop, the Teutonic Order another. Domenico,¹⁹³ Cardinal of 88 Fermo, who championed the Order, had succeeded in making the cause of the Poles hateful to the Pope and to all the cardinals except Aeneas. The latter, when it came his turn to speak, seeing that the votes of the college were going to ignore the Poles and advance the man who was by no means likely to secureⁿ possession, described from the beginning the course of the quarrel between the Teutonic Order and the Poles. He showed that the Poles had entered another’s territory, unjustly to be sure, but still after the way of mankind. They were not armed invaders but came in response to an invitation from the subjects of the Order, who were being governed with insolence and cruelty. The church in question was in possession of the Poles. If a friend of the Order should be made bishop, neither he nor the church would be served, for he would not be admitted. On the other hand the Poles, who had invaded another’s territory, did not deserve to obtain a church at their pleasure. Therefore the college ought to listen to neither side but call in a third party as a sort of steward to administer the church till matters could be put on a better footing; and he made it plain by a long argument that the course which the majority had urged and which Calixtus seemed to be embracing with enthusiasm was not the one which should be followed.

When Calixtus had heard Aeneas, he said, “I was in favor of the motion of the Cardinal of Fermo, but you, Aeneas, have changed my mind and I pronounce in favor of your plan.” The Cardinal of Fermo resented this so bitterly that many days later, when he was asked his opinion in the senate, he refused to speak and he was very angry with Aeneas — more to his own discomfiture than Aeneas’s, who was applauded while Fermo was derided. This must ever be the fate of the proud, for those who think more of themselves than circumstances warrant fail in a crisis and consume themselves and are laughed at by others.

About this time Giovanni, Cardinal of Pavia, suffered equal ignominy, when he wished to get the better of Aeneas and impugn his loyalty. There fell vacant the church of Ratisbon¹⁹⁴ on the Danube in Bavaria, which was once presided over by the distinguished philosopher,^o Albertus, whom the Germans call Magnus, 89 the same who is said to have been the teacher of the Doctor of the Church, St. Thomas Aquinas.^p Rupert of Bavaria,¹⁹⁵ a member of the imperial house, was a candidate for this church, but the canons had voted for their own provost¹⁹⁶ and were urgently requesting that they might have him for their bishop. Aeneas supported Rupert, because he thought his advancement would prove more useful and more distinguished, but the Cardinal of Pavia defended the man the canons had elected, not so much on account of the man himself as that he might seem to outdo Aeneas in his interest in German affairs. Calixtus appointed them both to hear the case. After carefully weighing the vote of election and the merits of the rival candidates they were to report their findings to the consistory and express their opinions. While the matter was under discuss, the Cardinal of Pavia canvassed the other cardinals, interviewing each at his house. He praised the bishop elect, asserting that his qualifications were far superior to Rupert’s; he said it seemed to him unfair not to ratify the election of a chapter; and he called their attention to the fact that the diets of the German nations were very much in favor of such elections. He added further that the elected candidate was of the proper age, while Rupert was not yet twenty-five. He went to the Pope also with the same arguments.

By now the cardinals were ready to vote with the Cardinal of Pavia and Calixtus was wavering; but, when they came to the consistory and heard Aeneas, all suddenly changed their minds and Calixtus no longer had any doubts. For Aeneas showed that the election had been dishonest; simony had been involved; the candidate had not been within the communion of the church at the time he was chosen; his conduct had been far from reputable and he was unfit for so important a church; on the other hand 90 what Rupert lacked in years was abundantly made up for by his ability, his noble character, and the services of his ancestors. The result of the consistory was awaited by a crowd as large as if it were a question of creating cardinals. The Curia too was divided, some favoring one candidate and some the other, but the great majority was for the elected candidate. Nevertheless Rupert won, thanks to the championship of Aeneas, and though under the proper age, he was appointed to the church of Ratisbon.¹⁹⁷

This affair increased Aeneas’s reputation among the cardinals to no small degree. In two disputes he had defeated his opponents and restored causes that had almost been given up.

While these things were going on, Lucrezia, whom I have mentioned above, came to Rome with as large a retinue and as much pomp as if she were a queen. Calixtus received her in a consistory with the cardinals present and honored her in many ways. This displeased Aeneas and many others, who thought it unseemly that a woman whom the King loved for base reasons should be exalted in the sight of the Apostolic Majesty. Though Aeneas was devoted to Alfonso, he did not visit his mistress at Rome as did many of the cardinals, including Pietro of San Marco,¹⁹⁸ who showed himself not so much master of ceremonies as an expert seeker after worldly favors.

During this time the kingdom of Naples was racked for many 91 days by an earthquake such as our fathers cannot remember to have seen or heard. At Naples itself many splendid buildings fell and Ariano and many other towns were completely destroyed. It was said that more than thirty thousand bodies were buried under the ruins. The people everywhere left the cities and moved into the country. There was a period of public penitence, men and women mortifying themselves by fasting and scourging. Then also there appeared in the Aegean Sea an island never seen before, small but rising forty cubits above the water. It blazed for some days till there was no more bitumen to feed the flames.

At this time King Charles of Sweden because of his cruelty to Christian priests and his complete enslavement to avarice and lust was dethroned through the efforts of the Archbishop of Upsala, who led an army against him. He was succeeded by Christopher, who is still reigning.¹⁹⁹

Aeneas, because his gout was worse than usual, went with Calixtus’s permission to the baths at Viterbo, hoping for some relief but not expecting a cure, since this disease, when once it has become chronic and deeply rooted, is ended only by death. While taking the baths, he began his History of Bohemia,²⁰⁰ which he dedicated to Alfonso, King of Aragon and Sicily, — inauspiciously, 92 as it turned out, for^q the King died²⁰¹ before the work was finished. He had fallen ill of a slow fever while Aeneas was at the baths and lingered forty days between hope of life and fear of death. Finally he paid his debt to nature, having designated as his heir his illegitimate son, Ferrante,²⁰² whom Popes Nicholas and Eugenius had declared eligible to rule. The King died in sanctity, for he confessed his sins like a Christian and received the sacraments before he passed to the other life. He charged his son to give the Pope 60,000 gold ducats toward the crusade against the Turks and left large legacies to pious causes. He directed that his bones should be taken to Aragon. The carrying out of these instructions was hindered by the outbreak of war; for although at Alfonso’s death all the princes and states of his realm acknowledged Ferrante as their sovereign and swore allegiance to him, Pope Calixtus transferred the hatred he had felt for Alfonso during his life to his son and declared that the kingdom of Sicily had reverted to the Church of Rome. It was common talk that he intended to put his nephew, Borgia, on the throne. But what is more certain than the plans of men? While Calixtus was unduly elated at the death of his royal enemy and thought that now everything was going to be easy for him,^r he himself fell ill and being weakened by extreme old age died within forty days.

Giovanni Caimo, the envoy of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, who was passing through Viterbo, went to see Aeneas there and in the course of conversation said he had been sent to Calixtus to tell him that it was not acceptable to Francesco that Ferrante should be deposed from his father’s throne;²⁰³ if the Pope had any such intention, he must know that the Duke of Milan would be against him. When he heard this, Aeneas said, “In that message you are bringing Calixtus his deathblow!” And such was the case, for when the Pope heard that Francesco did not agree with 93 him about the kingdom, he soon fell ill of the malady from which he died. His nephews buried him in the basilica of St. Peter in the place called the chapel of St. Mary of the Fevers,²⁰⁴ which used to be the temple of Apollo. He died on August 6, in the year of our Saviour 1458. The cardinals, as was customary, celebrated his funeral with magnificent rites.

When Filippo, Cardinal of Bologna, who was spending the hot days of summer at Bagnareia, received the news, he went to Viterbo and accompanied Aeneas to Rome for the election of the next pope. As they approached the city together they were met outside the walls by the entire Curia and most of the populace, who all declared that one of them would be elected pope. All other cardinals who were within a hundred miles of Rome returned also, so that there were nineteen in the city. During the funeral ceremonies, however, the Cardinal of Fermo was attacked by a slow fever and followed to the tomb Calixtus, whom he had too passionately aspired to succeed.²⁰⁵ He was a man who would have been a model of virtue, if he had not let ambition and a violent temper master him. His life was pure, his learning and experience great, but he was too hot a partisan of the Ghibellines.

Ten days after Calixtus’s death the other eighteen cardinals entered the conclave,²⁰⁶ while the whole city waited in suspense for the outcome; though indeed it was common talk that Aeneas, Cardinal of Siena, would be pope, since no one was held in higher esteem.

The conclave was held in the apostolic palace at St. Peter’s, where two halls and two chapels were set apart for it. In the larger chapel were constructed cells in which the cardinals might 94 eat and sleep; the smaller, called the chapel of San Niccolò, was reserved for discussion and the election of the pope. The halls were places where all might walk about freely.

On the day of their entrance nothing was done about the election. On the next day certain capitulations²⁰⁷ were announced, which they agreed should be observed by the new pope and each swore that he would abide by them, should the lot^s fall on him. On the third day after mass, when they came to the scrutiny, it was found that Filippo, Cardinal of Bologna, and Aeneas, Cardinal of Siena, had an equal number of votes, five apiece. No one else had more than three. On that ballot, whether from strategy or dislike, no one voted for Guillaume, Cardinal of Rouen.

The cardinals were accustomed, after the result of the scrutiny was announced, to sit and talk together in case any wished to change his mind and transfer the vote he had given one to another (a method called “by accession”), for in this way they more easily reach an agreement. The procedure was omitted after the first scrutiny owing to the opposition of those who had received no votes and therefore could not now be candidates for accession. They adjourned for luncheon and then there were many private conferences. The richer and more influential members of the college summoned the rest and sought to gain the papacy for themselves or their friends. They begged, promised, threatened, and some, shamelessly casting aside all decency, pleaded their own causes and claimed the papacy as their right. Among these were Guillaume, Cardinal of Rouen, Pietro, Cardinal of San Marco, and Giovanni, Cardinal of Pavia; nor the did the Cardinal of Lerida²⁰⁸ neglect his own interests. Each had a great deal to say for himself. Their rivalry was extraordinary, their energy unbounded. They took no rest by day or sleep by night. Rouen, however, did not fear these men so much as he did Aeneas and the Cardinal of 95 Bologna, toward whom he saw the majority of the votes inclining. But he was especially afraid of Aeneas, whose silence he had no doubt would prove far more effective than the barkings of the rest. Therefore he would summon now some, now others, and upbraid them as follows: “Why do you think him worthy of the papacy? Will you give us a lame, poverty-stricken pope? How shall a destitute pope restore a destitute church, or an ailing pope an ailing church? He has but recently come from Germany. We do not know him. Perhaps he will even transfer the Curia thither. And look at his writings! Shall we set a poet in Peter’s place? Shall we govern the Church by the laws of the heathen? Or do you think Filippo of Bologna is to be preferred? — a stiff-necked fellow, who has not the wit to rule himself, and will not listen to those who show him the right course. I am the senior cardinal. You know I am not without wisdom. I am learned in pontifical law and can boast of royal blood.²⁰⁹ I am rich in friends and resources with which I can succor the impoverished Church. I hold also not a few ecclesiastical benefices, which I shall distribute among you and the others, when I resign them.” He would then add many entreaties and if they had no effect, he would resort to threats. If anyone brought up his past simony as an indication that in his hands the papacy would be for sale, he did not deny that his past life had been tainted with that stain but swore that in the future his hands should be clean. He was supported by Alain, Cardinal of Avignon,²¹⁰ who lent him every assistance in his power, not so much because he was a Frenchman siding with a Frenchman as because, at the elevation of Guillaume, he expected to obtain his house in Rome, the church of Rouen, and the vice-chancellorship.

Not a few were won over by Rouen’s splendid promises and were caught like flies by their gluttony. And the tunic of Christ without Christ was being sold.

Many cardinals met in the privies as being a secluded and retired place. Here they agreed as to how they might elect Guillaume pope and they bound themselves by written pledges and by 96 oath. Guillaume trusted them and was presently promising benefices and preferment and dividing provinces among them. A fit place for such a pope to be elected! For where could one more appropriately enter into a foul covenant than in privies? Guillaume could certainly count on the two Greeks, the Cardinals of Genoa, San Sisto, Avignon, Colonna, and Pavia.²¹¹ The Vice-chancellor, the Cardinals of Bologna, Orsini, and Sant’ Anastasia were doubtful²¹² and seemed likely to accede to him if pushed a little. Indeed they had almost given him definite grounds for hope. Since it now appeared that eleven were agreed, they did not doubt that they would at once get the twelfth. For when it has come to this point, some one is always at hand so say, “I too make you pope,” to win the favor that utterance always brings. They thought therefore that the thing was as good as done and were only waiting for daybreak to go to the scrutiny.

Some time after midnight the Cardinal of Bologna went hurriedly to Aeneas’s cell and waking him said, “Look here, Aeneas! Don’t you know that we already have a pope? Some of the cardinals have met in the privies and decided to elect Guillaume. They are only waiting for daylight. I advise you to get up and go and offer him your vote before he is elected, for fear that if he is elected with you against him, he will make trouble for you. I intend to take care not to fall into the old trap. I know what it means to have the pope your enemy. I have had experience with Calixtus, who never gave me a friendly look, because I had not voted for him. It seems to me expedient to curry favor beforehand with the man who is going to be pope. I offer you the advice I am taking myself.”

Aeneas answered, “Filippo, away with you and your advice! 97 No one shall persuade me to vote for a man I think utterly unworthy to be the successor of St. Peter. Far from me be such a sin! I will be clean of that crime and my conscience shall not prick me. You say it is hard not to have the pope well-disposed to you. I have no fears on that score. I know he will not murder me because I have not voted for him. ‘But,’ you say. ‘he will not love you, will not make you presents, will not help you. You will feel the pinch of poverty.’ Poverty is not hard for one accustomed to it. I have led a life of indigence heretofore; what matter if I die indigent? He will not take from me the Muses, who are all the sweeter in humble fortunes. But I am not the man to believe that God will allow the Church, His Bride, to perish in the hands of the Cardinal of Rouen. For what is more alien to the profession of Christ than that His Vicar should be a slave to simony and lewdness? The Divine Mercy will not endure that this palace, which has been the dwelling of so many Holy Fathers, shall become a den of thieves or a brothel of whores. The apostleship is bestowed by God, not by men. Those who have conspired to commit the papacy to Rouen are men; and men’s schemes are vain — who does not know it? Well has their conspiracy been made in the privies! Their plots too will have to retire and, like the Arian heresy, their most foul contrivings will end in a most foul place. Tomorrow will show that the Bishop of Rome is chosen by God not by men. As for you, if you are a Christian, you will not choose as Christ’s Vicar him whom you know to be a limb of the devil.” With these words he frightened Filippo from going over to Rouen.

Next Aeneas went at daybreak to Rodrigo, the Vice-chancellor, and asked whether he had sold himself to Rouen. “What would you have me do?” he answered, “The thing is settled. Many of the cardinals have met in the privies and decided to elect him. It is not for my advantage to remain with a small minority out of favor with a new pope. I am joining the majority and I have looked out for my own interests. I shall not lose the chancellorship; I have a note from Rouen assuring me of that. If I do not vote for him, the others will elect him anyway and I shall be stripped of my office.” Aeneas said to him, “You young fool! will 98 you then put an enemy of your nation in the Apostle’s chair? and will you put faith in the note of a man who is faithless? You will have the note; Avignon will have the chancellorship. For what has been promised you has been promised him also and solemnly affirmed. Will faith be kept with him or with you? Will a Frenchman be more friendly to a Frenchman or to a Catalan? Will he be more concerned for a foreigner or for his own countryman? Take care, you inexperienced boy! Take care, you fool! And if you have no thought for the Church of Rome, if you have no regard for the Christian religion and despise God, for Whom you are preparing such a vicar, at least take thought for yourself, for you will find yourself among the hindmost, if a Frenchman is pope.”

The Vice-chancellor listened patiently to these words of his friend and completely abandoned his purpose.

After this Aeneas, meeting the Cardinal of Pavia, said to him, “I hear that you too are with those who have decided to elect Rouen. Is this true?” He replied, “You have heard correctly. I have agreed to give him my vote so that I may not be left alone. For his victory is already certain; so many have declared for him.” Aeneas said, “I thought you a different man from what I find you. Only see how much you have degenerated from your ancestors! Your father’s brother (or was he your mother’s?), Branda, Cardinal of Piacenza,²¹³ when the papacy was beyond the mountains in Germany (for John XXIII, when he appointed the council of Constance, had carried the Roman Curia across the Alps) never rested till he brought the Holy See back to Italy. It was owing to his diplomacy, devotion, and genius that on the withdrawal of the contestants for the papacy, Martin V, a Roman of the house of Colonna, was elected pope. Branda brought the Apostolic Curia back from Germany to Italy; you, his nephew, are going to transfer it from Italy to France. But Rouen will prefer his own nation to Italy and a Frenchman will be off to France with the supreme 99 office. You say, ‘He is under oath. He will not go outside this province without the decree of the senate, and if he wishes to go, we will not consent.’ What cardinal will dare oppose him when he is once seated on the apostolic throne? You will be the first, when you have secured some rich benefice, to say, ‘Go where you will, Holy Father.’ And what is our Italy without the Bishop of Rome? We still have the Apostleship though we have lost the Imperium, and in this one light we see light. Shall we be deprived of this with your sympathy, persuasion, help? A French pope will either go to France — and then our dear country is bereft of its splendor; or he will stay among us — and Italy, the queen of nations, will serve a foreign master, while we shall be the slaves of the French. The kingdom of Sicily will come into the hands of the French. The French will possess all the cities and strongholds of the Church. You might have taken warning from Calixtus, during whose papacy there was nothing the Catalans did not get. After trying the Catalans are you so eager to try the French? You will soon be sorry if you do! You will see the college filled with Frenchmen and the papacy will never again be wrested from them. Are you so dull that you do not realize that this will lay a yoke upon your nation forever? And what shall I say of this man’s life? Are you not ashamed to entrust Christ’s office to a slippery fellow who would sell his own soul? A fine bridegroom you are planning for the bride of Christ! You are trusting a lamb to a wolf. Where is your conscience? your zeal for justice? your commonsense? Have you so far fallen below your true self? I suppose we have not often heard you say that it would be the Church’s ruin if it fell into Rouen’s hands? and that you would rather die than vote for this very man? What is the reason for this change? Has he suddenly been transformed from a demon to an angel of light? Or have you been changed from an angel of light to the devil, that you love his lust and filth and greed? What has become of your love for your country and your continual protestations that you preferred Italy above all other nations? I used to think that if everyone else fell away from devotion to her, you never would. You have failed me; nay, more, you have 100 failed yourself and Italy, your country, unless you come to your senses.”

The Cardinal of Pavia was stunned by these words and, overcome alike with grief and shame, he burst into tears. Then stifling his sobs he said, “I am ashamed, Aeneas. But what I am I to do? I have given my promise. If I do not vote for Rouen, I shall be charged with treachery.” Aeneas answered, “So far as I can see, it has come to the point where you will be guilty of treachery whatever way you turn. You now have to choose whether you prefer to betray Italy, your country, and the Church or the Bishop of Rouen.” Convinced by these arguments Pavia decided it was less shameful to fail Rouen.

When Pietro, Cardinal of San Marco, learned of the conspiracy of the French and had lost hope of getting the papacy himself, actuated alike by patriotism and hatred of Rouen he began to go to the Italian cardinals urging and warning them not to abandon their country; and he did not rest till he had gathered all the Italians except Colonna in the cell of the Cardinal of Genoa, revealed the conspiracy that had been made in the privies, and showed them that the Church would be ruined and Italy a slave forever, if Rouen should obtain the papacy. He implored them individually to show themselves men, to consult for the good of Mother Church and unhappy Italy, to put aside their enmities for one another and choose an Italian rather than a foreigner for pope. If they listened to him, they would prefer Aeneas to all others. There were present seven cardinals: Genoa, Orsini, Bologna, San Marco, Pavia, Siena, and Sant’ Anastasia. All approved Pavia’s words except Aeneas, who thought himself unworthy of so exalted an office.

The next day²¹⁴ they went as usual to mass and then began the scrutiny. A golden chalice was placed on the altar and three cardinals, the Bishop of Ruthen,²¹⁵ the Presbyter of Rouen, and the Deacon of Colonna, were set to watch it and see that there should be no cheating. The other cardinals took their seats and then, rising in order of rank and age, each approached the altar and deposited in the chalice a ballot on which was written the 101 name of his choice for pope. When Aeneas came up to put in his ballot, Rouen, pale and trembling, said, “Look, Aeneas! I commend myself to you,” — certainly a rash thing to say when it was not allowable to change what he had written. But ambition overcame prudence. Aeneas said, “Do you commend yourself to a worm like me?” and without another word he dropped his ballot in the cup and went back to his place.

When all had voted, a table was placed in the middle of the room and the three cardinals mentioned above turned out upon it the cupful of votes. Then they read aloud the ballots one after another and noted down the names written on them. And there was not a single cardinal who did not likewise make notes of those named, that there might be no possibility of trickery.^t This proved to be to Aeneas’s advantage, for when the votes were counted and the teller, Rouen, announced that Aeneas had eight, though the rest said nothing about another man’s loss, Aeneas did not allow himself to be defrauded. “Look more carefully at the ballots,” he said to the teller, “for I have nine votes.” The others agreed with him. Rouen said nothing as if he had merely made a mistake

This was the form of the ballot: the voter wrote with his own hand, “I, Peter (or John or whatever his name was) choose for pope Aeneas, Cardinal of Siena and Jaime, Cardinal of Lisbon”; for it is permitted to vote for one or two or more, on the understanding that the one first named is the one preferred, but if he does not have enough votes to be elected, the next is to be counted in his place, that an agreement may more easily be reached. But a thing advantageous in itself some men pervert to base ends, as Latino Orsini did that day. He named seven in the hope that those he named might be influenced by that good turn either to accede to him in that scrutiny or to vote for him in another; although he who has the reputation of a cheat does not gain much by tricks.

When the result of the scrutiny was made known, it was found, as we have said before, that nine cardinals²¹⁶ (Genoa, Orsini, 102 Lerida, Bologna, San Marco, Santi Quattro Coronati, Zamora, Pavia, and Portugal) had voted for Aeneas; the Cardinal of Rouen had only six votes, and the rest were far behind. Rouen was petrified when he saw himself so far outstripped by Aeneas and all the rest were amazed, for never within memory of man had anyone polled as many as nine votes by scrutiny.^u Since no one had received enough votes for election, they decided to resume their seats and try the method that is called “by accession” to see if perhaps it might be possible to elect a pope that day. And here again Rouen indulged in empty hopes. All sat pale and silent in their places as if entranced.^v For some time no one spoke, no one opened his lips, no one moved any part of his body except the eyes, which kept glancing all about. It was a strange silence and a strange sight, men sitting there like their own statues; no sound to be heard, no movement to be seen. They remained thus for some moments, those inferior in rank waiting for their superiors to begin the accession. Then Rodrigo, the vice-chancellor, rose and said, “I accede to the Cardinal of Siena,” an utterance which was like a dagger in Rouen’s heart, so pale did he turn. A silence followed and each man looking at his neighbor, began to indicate his sentiments by gestures. By this time it looked as if Aeneas would be pope and some, fearing this result, left the conclave, pretending physical needs, but really with the purpose of escaping the fate^w of that day. Those who thus withdrew were the Cardinals of Ruthen and San Sisto. However as no one followed them, they soon returned. Then Jacopo, Cardinal of Sant’ Anastasia, said, “I accede to the Cardinal of Siena.” At this all appeared even more stunned, like people in a house shaken by unprecedented earthquakes, and lost the power of speech. Aeneas now lacked but one vote, for twelve would elect a pope. Realizing this, Cardinal Prospero Colonna²¹⁷ thought that he must get for himself the 103 glory of announcing the pope. He rose and was about to pronounce his vote with the customary dignity, when he was seized by the Cardinals of Nicaea and Rouen and sharply rebuked for wishing to accede to Aeneas. When he persisted in his intention, they tried to get him out of the room by force, resorting even to such means to snatch the papacy from Aeneas. But Prospero, who, though he had voted for the Cardinal of Rouen on his ballot, was nevertheless^x bound to Aeneas by ties of old friendship, paid no attention to their abuse and empty threats. Turning to the other cardinals, he said, “I too accede to the Cardinal of Siena and I make him pope.” When they heard this, the courage of the opposition failed and all their machinations were shattered.

All the cardinals immediately fell at Aeneas’s feet and saluted him as Pope. Then they resumed their seats and ratified his election without a dissenting vote. At this point Bessarion, Cardinal of Nicaea, speaking for himself and for the others who had voted for the Cardinal of Rouen, said, “Your Holiness, we approve your election, which we do not doubt is of God. We thought before and still think that you are worthy of this office. The reason we did not vote for you was your infirmity. We thought your gout the one thing against you; for the Church needs an active man who has the physical strength to take long journeys and meet the dangers which we fear threaten us from the Turks. You on the contrary need rest. It was this consideration that won us to the side of the Cardinal of Rouen. If you were physically strong, there is no one we should have preferred. But, since God is satisfied, we must needs be satisfied^y too. God Himself, who has chosen you, will make good the defect in your feet and will not punish our ignorance. We revere you as Pope, we elect you again, so far as is in our power, and we will serve you faithfully.”

Aeneas answered, “Your Eminence of Nicaea, your opinion of us, as we understand it, is much higher than our own, when you 104 attribute to us no defect except that in our feet. We are not ignorant that our imperfection is more general and we realize that our failings, which might justly have caused us to be rejected as pope, are almost innumerable. As to any virtues, which might raise us to this post, we know of none; and we should declare ourselves utterly worthy and should refuse the honor offered us, if we did not fear the judgment of Him Who has called us. For what is done by two thirds of the sacred college, that is surely of the Holy Ghost, which may not be resisted. Therefore we obey the divine summons, and we praise you, Your Eminence of Nicaea, and those who voted with you. If, following the dictates of your conscience, you thought we ought not to be elected as being inadequate, you will still be welcomed by us, who attribute our calling not to this man or that but to the whole college and to God Himself, from Whom cometh every good and perfect gift.”

With these words he took off the garments he was wearing and put on the white tunic of Christ. When asked by what name he wished to be called, he answered, “Pius,”²¹⁸ and he was at once addressed as Pius II. Then after swearing to observe the capitulations that had been announced in the college two days before, he took his place by the altar and was again reverenced by the cardinals, who kissed his feet, hands, and cheek. After that the election of a pope was proclaimed to the people from a high window and it was announced that he who had been Cardinal of Siena was now Pope Pius II.

The attendants of the cardinals in the conclave plundered Aeneas’s cell and meanly carried off all the plate (though it was very modest), his clothes, and his books; and the infamous rabble not only pillaged his house in the city but actually demolished it taking away even the blocks of marble. Other cardinals, too, suffered losses, for while the people were waiting in suspense, various rumors got about as now this cardinal, now that was reported elected, the crowd would rush to their houses and plunder them. The Cardinal of Genoa, whose name was mistaken for Siena, lost part of his possessions. Though many names were mentioned, 105 none was received with enthusiasm except^z that of the Cardinal of Siena. When the cry arose that Rouen or Genoa or Lerida (for there were reports of them too) had been elected, all cast down their eyes and cursed the college. Only their personal friends were pleased; the rest shared the general sorrow. But when it was certain that Aeneas had been seated on Peter’s throne, there was no one who did not rejoice. You might have seen not men only but the very animals and the buildings of the city exulting. Everywhere was heard laughter and expressions of joy and the cries of men shouting, “Siena! Siena! O happy Siena! Viva Siena!” Though the city was under arms and no one seemed to have confidence in anything but the sword, presently, when the people were told that the papacy had fallen to Aeneas, the aspect of the capital was completely changed. What had a little time before been the city of Mars all at once became the city, I will not say of Venus, the mother of that ancient Trojan Aeneas, but of Peace and Quiet, and joy and tranquillity reigned everywhere.

Meantime the new Pope after taking a little refreshment was escorted to the basilica of St. Peter and conducted to the high altar, under which lie the bodies of the blessed Apostles. Shortly after, he took his seat according to custom on the high throne and in the apostolic chair itself. There the cardinals and bishops and after them many of the people kissed his feet and reverenced him on his throne as Christ’s Vicar. Then after a brief interval, when evening was coming on, they escorted him back to the palace. At nightfall fires blazed at every crossroad and on every tower; singing could be heard; neighbors called to neighbors; everywhere horns and trumpets blared and there was no spot in all the city which did not share in the general rejoicing. The older men said they had never seen such enthusiasm among the Roman populace.

The next night in a procession that reached from Hadrian’s mausoleum to the Church of St. Peter the chief citizens of Rome on horseback and carrying lighted tapers went to the palace to greet the Pope.

Not only Rome but many states of Italy²¹⁹ and many princes 106 when they heard of the accession of Pius, expressed the liveliest satisfaction, but the Sienese especially were elated, because their own citizen had been so exalted that he was now looked on as the first of all men on earth^a (though, to be sure, many who were enemies of the nobles grieved in their hearts.) Ferrante, King of Sicily, welcomed the news because he realized that a friend of his father was now seated in the chair of St. Peter. Francesco Sforza, though he had expected a different pope,²²⁰ was nevertheless pleased to learn of the election of Aeneas, whom he had once received with honor in his camp, when he was attacking Milan. Borso, Duke of Modena, held military maneuvers and gave many conspicuous signs of his joy. His friendship with Aeneas dated from the time when he had received dukedom from the Emperor Frederick, a favor in which Aeneas had had no small hand. He hoped that under the pontificate of Aeneas his fortune and prestige would increase and therefore saw to it that Ferrara and all his dominions should evince extravagant pleasure at the accession of the new pope. How many ways men have to get interest on their money! The Marquises of Mantua, Monferrato, and Saluzzo were equally delighted, for they all knew Aeneas and were his friends. Only the Venetians and Florentines among the Italians were sorry to hear the news; the Venetians because Aeneas, when he was the Emperor’s ambassador, had often seemed to them to speak over harshly in their senate and to accuse them of tyranny; the Florentines, because, as is the way of mankind with their neighbors, they hated the Sienese. They were so vexed at Aeneas’s accession that when they were greeted by persons they met on the road with the customary words, “May God aid you,” they answered indignantly, “He is busy with the Sienese, 107 whom He is trying to bless!” Nevertheless the Venetians and the Florentines concealed their sentiments and like^b the other Italian powers sent to Rome very distinguished ambassadors to congratulate the new Pope and pledge him their obedience.

Among the transalpine princes the Emperor Frederick was especially gratified, since it was from his service^c that Aeneas had been called to the cardinalate and had finally ascended the throne of St. Peter. All the Christian princes of Spain showed their satisfaction, but Scotland, Denmark, Poland, France, Hungary, and Cyprus were not pleased to hear that a friend of the Emperor had become Christ’s Vicar. The King of²²¹ Bohemia, was particularly distressed, for he realized that the Pope knew him for a heretic. Philip of Burgundy and Lodovico of Savoy were delighted with the elevation of their old friend, Aeneas.

————————

 ¹  This is doubtful. The notion may have originated with the flatterers of Aeneas Sylvius after his accession to the pontificate. Cf. Voigt, G., Enea Silvio de’ Piccolomini, als Papst Pius der Zweite, und sein Zeitalter, I, 5.

 ²  In 1277 the nobles were declared forever ineligible to high office. It was not until the election of A. S. to the papacy that the Sienese, for reasons of pride or expediency, readmitted them, Voigt, op. cit., III, 13; see also infra, p. 62.

 ³  Pienza, so named by A. S. after he became Pius II, Voigt, I, 1.

 ^a  performing all sorts of rustic duties for his own diversion, as the nobles do

 ⁴  Florentine aggression against Lucca at the close of 1429 led Siena to ally herself with Genoa and others against Florence, Sismondi, J. C. L. Simonde de, Histoire des républiques italiennes du moyen âge, V, 429 sq.

 ⁵  Bishop of Fermo, made Cardinal of Sta. Maria in Via Lata in 1426, deposed by Eugenius IV in 1432, restored in 1434. For an account of this episode, v. Hefele, C. J. (LeClercq), Histoire des Conciles, VII, pt. ii, 748, n. 1. A courageous figure and one of the ablest members of the Curia, Capranica was considered a likely successor to Eugenius IV. Similarly upon the death of Nicholas V, negotiations were in progress for his election to the papacy but were cut short by his death August 14, 1458, Pastor, L., History of the Popes, II, 483 sq.

 ⁶  1431-1448; moved to Lausanne; final session, April 25, 1449.

 ⁷  One of Aeneas’s closest friends who likewise served under Cardinals Capranica and Albergati in turn. He travelled widely and took part in important diplomatic missions. He became scriptor at Basle, notary at the Council of Ferrara and enjoyed the special favor and confidence of Nicholas V. Noceto suffered a reversal of fortune upon the death of Nicholas, nor was he restored to favor when Aeneas became pope, Wolkan, R., Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvis Piccolomini, Abt. I, Bd. i, 58 n. a.

 ⁸  He received the Iron Crown of the Lombards in Milan, Nov. 25, 1431. Early in 1432 he proceeded to Piacenza and thence to Siena. After a sojourn of nine months at Siena, he went to Rome and was crowned by Eugenius IV, May 31, 1433, Gregorovius, F., History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages, (transl. from the 4th ed. By A. Hamilton), VII, pt. I, pp. 34-35.

 ⁹  Nicodemus della Scala, Bishop of Freising 1421-1443, son of Guglielmo who died in April 1404, eight days after recovering Verona from the Milanese, Litta, P., Famiglia celebri italiane, I, 14; Allen, A. M., Hist. of Verona, 331 and note. Bartolomeo Visconti, Bishop of Novara 1429-1457, was the brother of Giorgio Aicardi who was known as Scaramuccia Visconti and who had once saved the life of Filippo Maria Visconti. Bartolomeo apparently owed his bishopric to his brother’s influence, A. S., De viris illustribus, 3-4; Corio, B. di, Storia di Milano (rev. by E. de Magri), III, 194 n. 9.

¹⁰  Eugenius was forced to flee from Rome June 4, 1434, Gregorovius, VII, ii, 45.

¹¹  A. S. seems to have been unaware of the nature of his errand as bearer of a letter from the Bishop of Novara to Piccinino, both of whom were in the service of the Duke of Milan. In reality it was part of a plot to seize the pope while the latter was outside the city walls. The details and motives of the plot remain obscure. A. S. was able to persuade Albergati of his innocence. Voigt, however, is unconvinced, op. cit., I, 80 sq.

 ^b  when he had accomplished this

¹²  Albergati, a man of austere piety, sent by Eugenius as one of his legates to preside at the Council of Basle, Creighton, M., History of the Papacy, III, 52.

¹³  The Congress of Arras, summer of 1435.

¹⁴  As Felix V, elected Nov. 5, 1439, Hefele, VII, pt. ii, 1076.

¹⁵  In De vir. illus., XXXII, he tells us it was to bring about the release of a captive. According to Campano, biographer and court-poet of Pius, the real object of the mission was to stir up hostilities against England, Vita Pii II, Murat. Script. III, pt. ii, pp. 967 sq. This would have been in line with Albergati’s policy after England’s withdrawal from the peace congress at Arras.

¹⁶  Battle of Ponza, Aug. 5, 1435, Sismondi, VI, 12.

¹⁷  Henry Beaufort, second son of the Duke of Gaunt. He was made Cardinal by Martin V in 1426, Pastor, I, 262.

¹⁸  Strood, in Kent. The inhabitants of this district were said to have cut off the tail of St. Thomas à Becket’s horse, and were thus fittingly punished by divine justice. The legend was still current in the sixteenth century, cf. Polydore Vergil, Anglicae historiae (ed. Basle, 1570), Bk. XIII, p. 218; although Paradin, G., in his Angliae Descriptionis Compendium (1543) discounts it, Williams, C., (transl.) Thomas Platter’s Travels in England, 1599, Introd., p. 41, sq.

¹⁹  Creighton gives Dunbar as the place of landing, History of the Papacy, III, 53.

²⁰  A renowned place of pilgrimage in Scotland (Haddingtonshire), which Creighton identifies with the church “ad beatem Virginem quam de alba ecclesia vocitant”, cf. Kitchin, G. W., The North in the Fifteenth Century, pp. 234-5.

²¹  Aeneas’s unaccustomed brevity here suggests an unwillingness to divulge the nature of his errand. If the real object was to arouse James of Scotland against England, he was not successful. James refused to begin war but agreed to send agents to negotiate for peace, and to refrain from giving aid henceforth to England, — so according to Campano, Vita Pii II, Murat. Script. III, pt. ii, pp. 967 sq.

 ^c  salt fish

²²  Obviously the legend of the Bernacle Geese. Cf. Hakluyt, Voy. II, 1, 63: “There stand certaine trees upon the shore of the Irish Sea, bearing fruit like unto a gourd, which . . . . doe fall into the water, and become birds called Bernacles.” — 1599.

²³  The Tweed.

 ^d  happened to Aeneas

²⁴  Giuliano Cesarini, Cardinal of St. Angelo in Pescaria, Papal Legate delegated by Marvin V to preside in his name at the Council of Basle, Hefele, VII, pt. ii, 667. His powers were confirmed by Eugenius IV, ibid., p. 674.

²⁵  Juan Cervantes, a Spaniard, created Cardinal by Martin V in 1426.

²⁶  In his admiration for the speech the writer forgets to note that its ostensible purpose was not achieved.

²⁷  A clerk whose function it was to lead the singing of the antiphonal parts of the liturgical service. Cf. precentor.

²⁸  I.e., abbreviator litterarum apostolicarum — an official of the papal chancery, usually appointed by the Pope or Vice-Chancellor, whose duty in general consisted in the preparation of certain categories of papal documents. In the fifteenth century there had come to be three recognized grades in the College of Abbreviators, according to ability and experience. The highest rank, de parco maiori, or “upper bar,” was a post of considerable responsibility, attainable only by special examination after several years of service, Bresslau, H., Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, I, 296-99.

²⁹  The chief of the College of Scriptores or copyists. He was appointed for a term of six months by the Vice-Chancellor and notaries. His duties were to distribute work equally among the scriptores and to compute their fees in accordance with an established tariff. Bresslau, op. cit. I, 277-8.

³⁰  Francesco de’ Pizzolpassi.

³¹  Second decree of the 12th session, restricting for all time the power of the pope in regard to provisions. Free elections were to be restored to cathedral chapters and monastic establishments, and papal reservations abolished save as provided by canon law and in territories directly or indirectly subject to the papal see. Added to this decree were instructions for the form of election of bishops and abbots. — July 13, 1433, Hefele, VII, ii, 806, 809-10.

³²  April 4. Voigt dates this speech as 1438 or 1439, op. cit., I, 150, n. 1.

³³  Dec. 9. 1437, Gregorovius, op. cit., VII, ii, 68.

³⁴  Albert of Austria, son-in-law of Sigismund, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and by election March 18, 1438 King of the Romans under the title of Albert II, Gregorovius, VII, ii, 69.

³⁵  I.e., without their consent.

³⁶  Hor. Carm. 3. 29.29.

³⁷  Probably 1438. The plague presently referred to raged in Basle during the spring and summer of 1439, Creighton, III, 18.

³⁸  Lodovico Pontano, a celebrated canonist.

 ^e  irreligious

 ^f  pious

 ^g  pity

 ^h  Reading frusta of the edition for frustra of the MS.

³⁹  In letters to Giovanni Peregallo, dated Apr. 18, and June I, 1444, A. S. mentions Panigali, de Cerveriis and Julianus de Roma as dear friends to whom he sends greetings, Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, 314, 333.

⁴⁰  Johann Steinhof v. Plettenburg, whom A. S. describes as thick-set and ruddy, ignorant of the Italian tongue, cf. letter to Campisio, June 1, 1445, Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, 503-4.

⁴¹  To a certain Leonardo of Vercelli, the candidate previously appointed to this vacancy, but who was, along with the Duke’s nomine, set aside in favor of A. S., Epis. ad Barzizium Dec. 5, 1442, Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, 117-118.

 ⁱ  rashly deposed

⁴²  By a bull of Felix V dated Oct. 26, 1442, A. S. had been assured of appointment to the next benefice to be vacant in the diocese of Trent, Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, 117, n. a.

⁴³  Decree of suspension, Jan. 24, 1438, Hefele, VII, pt. ii, 953.

⁴⁴  Albert II died Oct. 27, 1439. Frederick III, assuming the title of King of the Romans, succeeded him by election Feb. 2, 1440. His coronation at Aix did not take place till June 17, 1442. Voigt, I, 247, 256, 267. From the 11th to the 16th century it was customary for the monarch to take the title, “Romanorum rex semper Augustus” until his coronation at Rome by the Pope, thereafter “Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus,” Bryce, J., The Holy Roman Empire, App. p. 536. Austrian writers refer to Fred. III as IV because Fried. der Schöne, 1313-1300, was the third ruler of this name, Potthast, I, 20, n.

⁴⁵  Sylvester Pflieger, bishop of Chiemsee 1438-1454, Gams, B., Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae, p. 267.

⁴⁶  Jacob v. Sirk, Archbishop of Trier from 1439 to 1456, Gams, op. cit. p. 318. He was a prominent figure in imperial and conciliar history, a man of great energy, an astute diplomat and a nepotist, despite A. S.’s high tribute to his character, cf. Voigt, I, 257-8 et passim.

⁴⁷  Diploma dated at Frankfort, July 27, 1442. The privileges attached to this honor included the right to publish and to lecture publicly, to wear a gown embroidered with gold, etc., Chmel, J., Regesta Chronologico-Diplomatica Frid. III. Rom. Imperatoris, I, Anhang XXIX, No. 17. This coronation was the first of its kind to occur on German soil. Voigt believed that A. S. himself must have urged Frederick to confer this title upon him since it was a custom known to Italy rather than to Germany. Although this conjecture fits the characters of both Frederick and A. S., the fact remains that even in Italy the conferring of the laurel crown had almost come to be an imperial prerogative. Schottenloher, K., “Kaiserliche Dichterkrönungen im Heil. Rom. Reiche,” pp. 649-50, from Papsttum und Kaisertum, by E. Caspar et al.

 ^j  enemy

 ^k  There was, however, one man among his fellow secretaries

⁴⁸  Jan. 1443, — Voigt, I, 272, n. 3. In a letter written to Campisio the following May, A. S. gives as his reason for entering the imperial service: “. . . . apud hunc igitur principem me reperies, ad quem, cum in hac tempestate ecclesie accersirer, tanquam in tutissimum portum libenter me contuli, ut procul ab hujusmodi prelatorum dissensionibus agam vitam et me ipso fruar,” Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, 153-4. It is apparent that his connection with the schismatic faction at Basle had become burdensome to him. See infra, p. 34.

⁴⁹  Hor. Serm. 1: 9.20.

⁵⁰  Imperial protonotary, one of A. S.’s closest friends, with whom he served on various missions. A. S. describes him as a Swabian. Cf. letter of A. S. in Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, pp. 353, 562.

⁵¹  With whom A. S. had lived when, at the age of eighteen, he was sent to Siena to continue his studies, Voigt, I, 7; see infra, p. 58.

⁵²  Thomas Ebendorffer v. Haselbach, theologian, historian, a convinced advocate of conciliar authority, frequently called upon to serve on imperial commissions. He presents an interesting contrast to A. S. in temperament, training and outlook. Voigt has illustrated this vividly by a comparison of the two as historians, op. cit. II, 346.

⁵³  An accomplished jurist, later Bishop of Gurk and Chancellor of Austria. His name occurs as Sonnberger, Sunnenberger and Montis solis. Gams, p. 279, gives the name of Ulricus Hinenberg at the dates of Sonnenberg’s incumbency. This is obviously an error, cf. A. S.’s letter to Procop v. Rabstein, Dec. 12, 1453, in Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 376.

⁵⁴  From this time on, until he becomes Bishop of Trieste, A. S. adopts the title of poeta, see letters, Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, 110 et passim.

⁵⁵  A. S. was unable to take possession of this church. The Emperor‘s right of presentation to it was disputable, and in any case Frederick had not the power to enforce it. A. S.’ s letters reveal persistent efforts to gain access, but an uprising in the Tyrol dashed his hopes. See e.g., letters to Schlick, ibid., 251, 265; also to Bossio, p. 264; cf. Voigt, I, 292-3.

⁵⁶  Leonhard v. Laiming, Gams, p. 301.

⁵⁷  This must have been early in 1445. He left Rome in April, Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, 491, n. a.

⁵⁸  Jean de Contay (Le Jeune), frequently referred to as Morinensis, Cardinal of S. Lorenzo in Lucina, Cardinal-Bishop of Amiens, Pastor, I, 354 and n. 1.

 ^l  universities.

 ^m  men.

 ⁿ  have sinned with many

⁵⁹  Cesarini.

⁶⁰  Niccolo Tudeschi, made Cardinal by Felix V in 1439, Hefele, VII, ii, 1080.

⁶¹  Authorities differ in regard to A. S.’s motives. Pastor, citing v. Reumont, does not believe he was actuated merely by personal considerations in leaving the service of Felix V, op. cit., I, 344. A. S. in a letter to the Bishop of Chiemsee, May 24, 1445, describes himself as having to choose between three evils: the Roman Curia, the Council, and neutrality, any one of them a thorny path. He is greatly troubled in spirit. Later he feels compelled to defend himself against the charge of apostasy, cf. is letter to the Rector of the University of Cologne, Aug. 13, 1447, in which he does not justify his earlier attitude, but explains it and confesses himself to have been in error, ibid., Abt. II, 54.

⁶²  Lodovico Scarampo, Patriarch of Aquileia succeeding Lodovico de Teck in 1439, Cardinal of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, probably the most powerful member of the Curia. He was Vitelleschi’s successor as agent of Eugenius IV to restore papal authority in Rome and the States of the Church. Like Vitelleschi, Scarampo was distinctly a worldly, military type of prelate. See Gams, 774; Pastor, I, 302.

⁶³  Then, i.e., 1445, Auditor of the Rota and of the papal palace, created Cardinal of St. Angelo in December, 1446, along with Tommaso of Sarzana (Parentucelli), Pastor, I, 348, n. 4.

 ^o  the grace of God

⁶⁴  It is to be noted however that Nicholas, despite his confidence in A. S., did not fulfil his promise to elevate him to the cardinalate.

⁶⁵  After his departure from Rome Apr. 1, 1445. The fact of this appointment obviously could not be made public at the time for diplomatic reasons. A. S.’s new rôle would have invited further criticism and distrust.

⁶⁶  The assembly met in March, 1446, Pastor, II, 338.

⁶⁷  Dietrich v. Moers, who was in A. S.’s opinion easily the foremost of the German princes. The two archbishops were removed by papal bull of Feb. 9, 1446, and their sees given respectively to Duke Adolph of Clèves, nephew of Philip of Burgundy, and to John, Bishop of Cambrai, natural brother of Philip, see infra, p. 38; Voigt, I, 357.

⁶⁸  Among them Gregor of Heimburg, for some fifteen years Syndic of Nuremberg, stormy petrel of the anti-curial party, who presently heads the embassy sent by the German princes to Eugenius, infra p. 40. His violent championship of the independence of the church in Germany assumed various proportions under A. S.’s pontificate, Voigt, I, 364; III, ch. iv.

⁶⁹  This hostility was largely the result of Eugenius’s change of policy in coming to terms with Alfonso of Aragon in June, 1445, and of his recognition of Ferrante the next year as successor to the throne of Naples, cf. Pastor, I, 331-334.

⁷⁰  Peter v. Schaumburg, Cardinal of S. Vitalis, Pastor, I, 320, n. 1.

⁷¹  Caspar Schlick.

⁷²  Hor. Serm. 1.5.41.

⁷³  Cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincoli, celebrated scholar and reformer, whom Vespasiano, I, 169, describes as “grandissimo filosofo e teologo, e grande platonista. Fu di sanctissima vita”. . . . In 1451 he undertook the work of moral reform in Germany, aiming at the reëstablishment of church unity and papal authority there. On A. S.’s accession to the pontificate, Cusa brought forward a project for the general reform of the Church, which was embodied in a papal bull. Pastor, II, 105; III, 270.

⁷⁴  Dietrich v. Erbach, a worldling, unreliable, open to bribery, doubly dangerous for commanding the vote of the Elector of Brandenburg in addition to his own. In his Frid. III., p. 127, Comment. ed. Fea, quoted by Voigt, I, 372-3, A. S. states openly that bribery was employed in this case, 2000 florins furnished by Frederick III having been distributed among the Archbishop’s councillors. The sum was later paid back by Nicholas V, Hefele, VII, pt. ii, 1117, n. 1.

⁷⁵  Although A. S. was the author of this particular draft, the modifications of milder tone had already been proposed by the Bishop of Chiemsee at Vienna when the ambassadors of the Electors left for Rome, ibid., 1118. For the terms see Pastor, I, 348; Voigt, I, 374.

⁷⁶  Aleman or d’Allemand, Cardinal of S. Cecilia.

⁷⁷  Vicar-General of the Archbishop of Mainz, active at Basle, an opponent of Eugenius IV until 1443. His change of allegiance at that time was attributed to bribery, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 141, n. a.

⁷⁸  Appears in the imperial chancery as early as 1437. He was a close friend of A. S., one of whose speeches he translated into Czechish. Von Rabstein became Chancellor of Bohemia in 1453, d. 1472, Wolkan, Abt. I, Bd. i, 239, n. b.

⁷⁹  A detailed account of the journey, the negotiations at Rome, the death of Eugenius and the election of Nicholas V, and finally of the return of the embassy, is to be had in A. S.’s report to Frederick III, Wolkan, Abt. II, App. A, 238 sq.

 ^p  “to hear this” omitted in edition

⁸⁰  Known as the Concordat of the Princes Feb. 5 and 7, 1447. The papal documents were couched in terms sufficiently vague and elastic to constitute a real departure from the terms of the German proposal. A. S. glides lightly over this fact, which he was so well qualified to appreciate. For an analysis of the original proposals and the terms of the papal bulls, see Hefele, VII, ii, 1120 sq; also Voigt, I, 387 sq.

⁸¹  By Morinensis.

⁸²  De Aldegardis, Gams, p. 320.

⁸³  Antonio de Goppo, Wolkan, Abt. II, 231-2 n. 1.

⁸⁴  Feb. 23.

⁸⁵  March 6, 1447. Cf. A. S.’s account in his Report, Wolkan, Abt. II, 254 sq.

⁸⁶  The announcement was made Apr. 19, A. S. having left for Germany March 30. By this act Nicholas disregarded Frederick’s right of presentation to the diocese of Trieste as well as the principle of freedom of election. The letter of appointment is given in Wolkan, Abt. II, 47.

⁸⁷  July, 1447. This was actually not a formal Diet but an assembly of the princes who had already taken the oath of allegiance to Nicholas V. In a sense therefore this gathering acted irregularly in authorizing Frederick to conclude a Concordat in the name of the whole Empire. Frederic however could claim to have acted consensibus accedentibus plurimorum electorum, a procedure which had the merit of sidestepping the opposition otherwise to be expected in a regularly convened Diet, Hefele, VII, ii, 1129-30, Voigt, I, 412-13.

⁸⁸  At this time A. S. wrote the first of his so-called Retractations setting forth the reasons for his change of allegiance. Having been known at Cologne as Secretary of Felix V, and staunch defender of the Council, he now became the target of bitter accusations. The letter of retractation is addressed to the Rector of the University of Cologne, Wolkan, Abt. II, 54. See also supra, p. 34, n. 61.

⁸⁹  Aug. 13, 1447, Voigt, I, 431.

⁹⁰  Friedrich Gren, Bishop of Seckau (Gratz), Gams, p. 311.

⁹¹  Johann Ungnad.

⁹²  Son of Valentina Visconti, the sister of Filippo Maria, and of Louis, Duke of Orleans. Other claimants were Francesco Sforza who had married Bianca, illegitimate daughter of Filippo Maria, and Lodovico of Savoy, brother of the widowed duchess.

⁹³  In connection with the marriage of Valentina to Louis, Duke of Orleans. The marriage by proxy took place at Pavia, Apr. 8, 1387, but was not consummated until 1389. The marriage-contract was in reality a series of negotiations during those two years, in the course of which the original agreement in favor of the heirs of Valentina was considerably modified. E. Jarry holds that the later claims of the French to Milan did not rest on the vague terms of this contract but on the terms of a will made by Gian Galeazzo in 1399, “Actes additonels au contrat de Mariage de Louis d’Orleans et de Valentine Visconti,” in the Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, LXII, 35-6.

⁹⁴  A. S.’s report to Frederick on the Milanese negotiations shows that he himself considered these first proposals of Milan impossible of acceptance, see Report in Wolkan, Abt. II, 263 sq. Milan had offered a vague recognition of imperial overlordship which left her virtually free, in return for defense against her enemies. Quite different in character are the terms offered to the imperial ambassadors on their second mission, infra, p. 51, which A. S. and his colleagues deemed satisfactory.

⁹⁵   “Ropertum Valscum,” whom Voigt, I, 435, calls Robert Walsko, an adventurer. It is more likely that “Valscum” here refers to Reinprecht (or Rupert) v. Wallsee [= Walsee, Waldsee], one-time councillor of Frederick who withdrew his support on the eve of the Italian expedition. That there were serious differences between Trieste and v. Wallsee is attested by other sources. An imperial document issued at Neustadt March 14, 1449, deals with negotiations then in progress for settling a dispute between the city of Trieste and v. Wallsee over the latter’s seizure of certain possession, Chmel, I, No. 2554. Later in the same year (Sept. 29), Frederick postpones the hearing of a case between Wallsee and A. S., Bishop of Trieste, who have had dissensions over certain churches, Wolkan, Abt. II, 87. Wallsee’s defection along with that of the Counts Cilli added greatly to the strength of the opposition, Hist. Frid. III, 57, 67.

⁹⁶  The reasons for his fall are obscure. Voigt offers various conjectures, such as the hostility of Ungnad’s party at court, etc. Schlick died soon thereafter, July 16, 1449, op. cit., I, 436, 437 n. 1

⁹⁷  Windischgrätz?

⁹⁸  1449.

⁹⁹  Although the narrative which follows agrees in general with other contemporary accounts of this turbulent interval in Milanese history, it is difficult to appraise A. S.’s report of his own activities in Milan at this time. The chroniclers make no mention of them; in most accounts the fact of his presence is not even noted. Cf. Simoneta, Murat. Script., XXI, 396-7, 497 sq; Corio, B. I, Storia di Milano (ed. Magri) III, 30 sq; Pier Candido Decembri, Vita Francesci Sfortiae, Murat. XX, 1042. See also Cipolla, op. cit., I, 427 sq.

¹⁰⁰  Cf. supra, p. 46, n. 94.

¹⁰¹  According to Simoneta, Murat. Script. XXI, 506, Carlo Gonzaga, seeing the confusion and instability of the populace, determined to acquire the signory for himself. He had previously been elected captain general, ibid., 497.

¹⁰²  Feb. 26, 1450, Voigt, I, 435.

¹⁰³  I.e., Georg, cf. Voigt II, 107.

¹⁰⁴  And niece of Alfonso. Terms were concluded Dec. 10, Voigt II, 17.

¹⁰⁵  Nicholas V had promised to hold a council in a French town, presumably Toulouse, after the close of the jubilee year, as A. S. tells us in his History of the Council of Basle, which he sent to Cardinal Carvajal, Wolkan, Abt. II, 227. This promise was virtually the price of French mediation to secure the resignation of Felix V and the dissolution of the Council of Basle. See also D’Achery, Spicilegium, III, 768, Art. VI.

¹⁰⁶  He was made Count Palatine May 18, 1452. Chmel, II, No. 2826.

 ^q  suspectum

¹⁰⁷  Of the house of Cacciaconti, Voigt, II, 17.

¹⁰⁸  Jan. 12, 1451, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 4 n. a.

¹⁰⁹  Epist. Nic. V ad E. S., Rome, Sept. 23, 1450, ibid., p. 1.

¹¹⁰  Capistrano preached in many cities of Germany, fought against the Hussite heresy in Moravia, and continued into Poland, Pastor II, 125 sq. Later we find him a powerful influence in rousing a crusading spirit in Hungary on the eve of the victory of Belgrade over the Turks, ibid., 393 sq. Cristoforo da Soldo gives a vivid account of this celebrated preacher whom he heard address a great throng at Brescia in 1451. He tells of Capistrano’s healing of the sick, restoring the dead to life, etc. While listening to him, da Soldo narrowly escapes being trampled to death by the crowd. Unmindful of Capistrano’s powers, he tells us that he was saved only by the timely help of fellow spectators! Cf. Annales Brixiani, Murat. Script. XXI, 865 sq.

¹¹⁰  A. S. aroused the ire of the Italian Minorites by asserting that though he had heard of the wonders performed by Capistrano he had himself never witnessed any supernatural occurrences. This unwillingness to commit himself is but a thin disguise for his essentially critical, sceptical outlook. In a letter to Leonardo dei Benivoglienti Sept. 25, 1453, this matter is fully set forth, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 284-5. A. S.’ opinion of Capistrano underwent a change. Later as pope, he refused to canonize him.

¹¹¹  Ladislas was then eleven years old. The anarchic state of affairs in the three realms of Bohemia, Hungary and Austria, to which Ladislas was to succeed made the question of a regency during his minority an exceedingly difficult one. Despite violent opposition, Frederick assumed the rôle of guardian, in accordance with the decision of the Austrian magnates in 1439. Factional strife within the three realms, and the Turkish menace to Hungary, provided Frederick with the means of securing support of his action: he entered into agreements with the de facto governors, John Hunyadi of Hungary and George Podiebrad of Bohemia, in which his guardianship of Ladislas was recognized in return for similar support of their leadership in their respective realms. The Austrian opposition Frederick took less seriously. This was the situation when the Council of Prague was called in 1451. One of the best accounts of this complicated story is given by Voigt, II, 7 sq. For documents relating to the case, see Chmel, Nos. 13, 154, 165, 2166, 2232, 2587, 2635, 2654 giving the terms of the treaty with Hunyadi, et al. A. S. provides a fuller account of the career of Ladislas in his Hist. Bohem. cap. lvi. sq/

 ^r  message to the state

¹¹³  Podiebrad.

¹¹⁴  The extremist branch of the Hussite movement. They accepted more completely than did other Hussites the teachings of Wycliffe, denying the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, the primacy of the pope, belief in purgatory, etc. In their desire to restore the original simplicity of the apostolic church, they abolished ritual, destroyed images and altars. Waldensian influence is very noticeable. A. S. gives a graphic if biased account of the Taborites in the letter to Carvajal, Cardinal of St. Angelo, Aug. 21, 1451, which is presently referred to, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 22 sq. See also Hist. Bohem., c. 35.

¹¹⁵  Leonora of Portugal was to land Nov. 1, 1451.

¹¹⁶  Albert Potendorff, George Volkenstorf, barons, are mentioned in the Hist. Frid., p. 43.

 ^s  similar

¹¹⁷  Nov. 11.

¹¹⁸  Gregorio Lolli later became Pius II’s confidential secretary, Pastor, III, 139. See supra, p. 30, n. 51.

¹¹⁹  A further source of offence to the Sienese since Pfullendorf was a foreigner.

¹²⁰  The task of persuading the Emperor to defer his coming was entrusted to Heinrich Senftleben, apostolic scriptor, Hist. Frid. III, p. 45 sq.

 ¹²¹  If Frederick’s guardianship of Ladislas was widely resented, still more so was his announced purpose to take the young king with him on the Italian journey. This fact, added to the appointment of an unacceptable regency to govern Austria during his absence, brought the opposition to a head. A league representing nobles, prelates, and towns was formed at once to protest against this action, and to demand the return of Ladislas. Frederick’s failure to comply led to open rebellion under the leadership of the powerful Ulrich Eizinger. See Hist. Frid. III, p. 43 sq., 47-57; Chmel, No. 2726; Krones, Grundriss der oesterreichischen Geschichte II, 353 sq., Voigt, II, 30 sq.

 ¹²²  Feb. 2, 1452. She is received by Frederick at Siena Feb. 24, Voigt, II, 39, Pastor, II, 147.

 ¹²³  Similarly in the Hist. Frid. III, p. 68. I cannot discover who is meant here, since the Bishop of Ratisbon at this time was Friedrich v. Blankenfels, Gams, 305.

 ¹²⁴  The Hist. Frid. III, p. 68, calls him Barco.

 ¹²⁵  Johann Ungnad.

 ¹²⁶  Filippo Calandrini, step-brother of the Pope, Pastor, II, 146.

 ¹²⁷  Ably refuted by A. S.’s active efforts to that end! See infra, p. 70, n. 150.

 ¹²⁸  A. S. thinks the reason for this custom was to give the pope a day to take precautions against an uprising or to give the emperor time to sound out the temper of the populace. According to A. S., Frederick and Leonora stayed at the home of a Florentine merchant, Marco Spinelli, Hist. Frid. III, 75.

 ¹²⁹  The royal party entered the city March 9, the marriage took place on the 16th, and the imperial coronation on the 19th. After the marriage there had followed the coronation with the Lombard Crown, a ceremony which should normally have taken place in Milan. A pestilence in Milan, we are told, necessitated this irregularity in procedure, although Sforza had at least made the gesture of inviting him to Milan to receive the Lombard Crown, Hist. Frid. III, p. 61. The imperial coronation has been described in various sources, among them the Hist. Frid. III, p. 76 sq., the description by the papal singer, Goswinus Mandoctes, given in Chmel, Vol. I, Anhang CXIX, No. 98. For a discussion of dates, cf. Pastor, II, 154 n. 1 and 2; of sources, ibid., 156 n. 2. Excellent secondary accounts are given by Pastor, II, 154 sq., and Voigt, II, 43 sq.

 ^t  the popes

¹³⁰  March 24, Pastor, II, 158.

 ¹³¹  Voigt, II, 52, regards this as an excuse to remain in Rome in the interests of his elevation to the cardinalship. His illness did not prevent considerable activity in behalf of Ladislas.

 ¹³²  Caspar Wendel, described by A. S. as a person of obscure origin who had by his own efforts risen from poverty to a position of great influence in the imperial household and in the counsels of princes. A. S. had to defend himself later against charges of undue severity while acting as judge in Wendel’s case. See A. S.’s letters to Capranica, Nov. 12, 1453, and to Carvajal, Jan. 22, 1454, in which he explains the case and attempts to exonerate himself, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 351 sq., 423.

 ^u  lavishly and splendidly honored

 ¹³³  He arrived in Rome, Apr. 22, and left four days later with A. S., Pastor, II, 159 sq.

 ¹³⁴  Frederick apparently did not wait for the farewell ceremonies prepared by the Florentines. He had been approached by an envoy from Sforza desiring to know whether the latter was to be regarded as vassal or enemy. To avoid giving a definite reply, Frederick practically fled to Ferrara, leaving A. S. and Riederer to continue negotiations. They offered him imperial investiture at the price of 50,000 ducats annually or the return of a state like Como or Parma to the Empire. Hist. Frid. III, 93-4.

 ^v  When Frederick arrived at Ferrara, reflecting on the magnificence with which Borso had received him before and was receiving him then, on his noble spirit, the extent of his dominions, and the exalted rank of the Este, he yielded to the persuasions of his counsellors and especially to Aeneas’s arguments and

 ¹³⁵  At an annual payment of 4000 ducats, Chmel, II, Nos. 2871, 2890, reduced several months later to 3000, ibid., No. 2817. See also No. 3277.

 ¹³⁶  While at Venice the Emperor went about to the various shops in disguise to avoid paying imperial prices for his purchases, Hist. Frid. III, p. 96.

 ¹³⁷  Held Nov.-Dec. 1452. A. S. gives little indication here of the Emperor’s humiliating position or of the protracted negotiations. The latter’s absence in Italy had given opportunity for all the dissentient elements to organize about the leadership of Eizinger. By March 1452 Hunyadi too concluded an alliance with him, notwithstanding the agreement with Frederick. Strong Bohemian factions opposed to Podiebrad joined forces with Eizinger, and many of Frederick’s erstwhile supporters saw no other safe course. Nevertheless the victory of the rebels was due as much to Frederick’s dilatory policy and distaste for war as to their own strength. The display of force at the walls of Neustadt speedily led him to propose a truce, in which Ladislas was turned over to Count Cilli pending the discussion of peace terms. With Ladislas in their hands, the rebels had no need to be subservient, even though divisions in their own ranks quickly appeared. The German princes too used the congress at Vienna to their own ends. See A. S., Hist. Frid. III, p. 98-118; Hist. Bohem. cap. lviii-ix; Chmel, II, Nos. 2945, 2947, 2985, 2997, 3033, Voigt, II, ii.

 ¹³⁸  Relative to Albert’s demand for a heavy indemnity from the town.

 ^w  seeing that during their reign so foul a scandal had befallen the Christian religion

 ¹³⁹  A. S. wrote an account of these proceedings to Carvajal, containing his speech to the Emperor, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 126 sq., Apr. 10, 1453. The terms to which the Emperor finally consented on March 26, 1453, were never ratified, leaving matters unsettled for more than a decade, Voigt, II, 88.

¹⁴⁰  May 29, 1453, Pastor, II, 267.

 ¹⁴¹  Elsewhere A. S. laments the inaction of Christendom against the Turks and admits that the Emperor is not the person to resist them. He has been trying to arouse the sluggish spirits at the imperia court, Ep. Ad Leonardum de Benevolentibus, Sept. 25, 1453, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 279.

 ¹⁴²  The meeting was called for Apr. 23, 1454, Voigt, II, 101.

 ¹⁴³  John the Fearless (1409-19).

 ¹⁴⁴  And great was the need of such support! The summons had brought forth a flood of excuses for inability to attend or to aid the cause of Christendom. The Emperor himself set an inglorious example which A. S. here tries feebly to explain away. The deliberations of the Diet reveal growing discontent with the loose government of the Empire, Voigt, II, 109.

 ¹⁴⁵  Or Hankelreuter, ibid., II, 105.

 ¹⁴⁶  Supra, p. 55, n. 112.

 ¹⁴⁷  Johann Ungnad and Georg Volkenstorff, Voigt, II, 107.

 ¹⁴⁸  Sonnenberger, cf. supra, p. 31, n. 53.

 ¹⁴⁹  Nicholas of Cusa.

¹⁵⁰  Giovanni Castiglione. A. S. had stressed the importance of sending a papal representative of the rank of cardinal, cf. his letter to Carvajal, March 4, 1454 in Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 455. In view of his efforts to secure the cardinalate for himself, illustrated, e.g., in a letter to Senftleben, his representative in Rome, Jan. 22, 1454 (Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 424), there is basis for Voigt’s contention that A. S.’s great concern over the Turkish question was animated in part by the opportunity it afforded him for a rôle that would lead to the cardinalship, op. cit., II, 91.

 ¹⁵¹  A. S. is in error here in regard to the name, referring apparently to Guillaume Filastre, Bishop of Toul from 1449 to 1460, translated thence to Tournai, Gams, 636. A. S. addresses him as “Guillaume’ in a letter dated Sept. 3, 1453, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 237.

 ¹⁵²  For the autumn of 1454.

 ^x  spit

 ^y  many.

 ^z  Pitius.

 ¹⁵³  Since the Emperor obviously could not be relied upon to come to any meeting-place previously agreed upon!

 ¹⁵⁴  Feb. 26, 1455. On this occasion there was considerable “lobbying” among the leaders before the formal opening of the Diet. The Archbishop of Trier was conspicuous here as at Frankfort in his eagerness to advance his own interests, Voigt, II, 136 n. 2.

 ¹⁵⁵  Riccio served as envoy of Alfonso two years before when Nicholas V summoned the powers of Italy to consider a general peace, Facius, De rebus gestis ab Alphonso Primo, in Graevius, Thesaurus antiq., IX, pt. 3, p. 177 B; Cipolla, Storia delle Signorie Italiane, I, 483. The printed edition of the Commentaries erroneously reproduces the name “Ritius” as “Pitius”, which may be the basis for Voigt’s error in referring to the envoy as Michele Pitti, op. cit., II, 135. It is to be noted that one of the Florentine delegates on the same occasion was Giannozzo Pitti (Janotius Pitius), cf. Facius, op. cit., p. 144.

 ¹⁵⁶  Voigt quotes interesting extracts from letters of A. S. to Capistrano instructing him how to preach and what to stress in the circumstances, op. cit., II, 133. I have not seen these letters.

 ^a  caused him the keenest sorrow

 ¹⁵⁷  March 25, 1455, Pastor, II, 313 n. 1.

 ¹⁵⁸  Cf. Hefele, VII, ii, 1141.

 ¹⁵⁹  The conspiracy occurred in 1453. A. S. received a report of this event in a letter from Stefano Caccia di Fara, which he in turn sent to the Chancellor of Savoy, March 1453, Wolkan, Abt. III, Bd. i, 117 sq. Contemporary accounts include L. B. Alberti’s De conjuratione Porcaria, Murat. XXV, 293, favorable to Nicholas V, and Infessura’s Diarium, Murat. III, pt. ii, 1134-5, which reveals admiration for Porcaro. See also Pastor, II, ii.

 ^b  consolation for that calamity

 ^c  engaged in heated arguments

¹⁶⁰  I.e., at the head of the Church. Cf. Psalm 39: 8-10 (transl. from the Vulgate, 1914): “Then said I, Behold I come. In the head of the book it is written of me that I should do thy will: . . . . . I have declared thy justice in a great church, lo, I will not restrain my lips: O lord, thou knowest it.” The Messianic interpretation of this passage is shown in Hebrews 10: 7, and by inference would apply to Christ’s Vicar.

 ¹⁶¹  Bessarion’s conversion to the Roman obedience was quite consistent with his earnest efforts in behalf of the union of the Greek and Latin churches at the Council of Ferrara-Florence. This gifted scholar and patron of letters had been raised to the cardinalate Dec. 18, 1439, Pastor, I, 319 sq.

 ^d  all

 ^e  although he predicted his own election to almost everyone

 ¹⁶²  Described below p. 94.

 ¹⁶³  Alfonso Borgia, elected Apr. 8, 1455, Pastor, II, 325.

 ¹⁶⁴  St. Vincent Ferrer, Pastor, II, 326.

 ¹⁶⁵  The Emperor had his own reasons for wishing restrictions placed on papal power in Germany. A. S.’s own career supplies illustrations of papal reservations of benefices to which the Emperor had the right of patronage. A further concern was to insure Calixtus’s payment of his share of the price of Frederick’s obedience in 1446. By this disgraceful treaty Frederick was to receive 221,000 ducats. — 121,000 to be paid at once, the remainder by succeeding popes. Voigt, I, 336, 385. A letter to Gregor Heimburg, July 3, 1466, ibid., I, 445, sums up the payments to date as follows: “Tunc rex CCXXI millibus ducatorum obedientiam depicisci non veretur, quorum centum ac viginti et unum millia illico numerantur et persolvuntur, de reliquis papa cum subscriptione Cardinalium obligat sedem et succesores.” . . . . . “Ipse papa Nicolaus pacta servavit, satisfaciendo imperatori de quota sua ;  sic enim residua centum millia per quotas inter successores erant divisa. Calixtus nil dedit, sed Eneam Silvium creavit Cardinalem.” . . . . . . “Ita praesens papa adhuc debitor manet inprimis de XXV millibus ducatorum, quos dare recusat et imperator evilescit exigere, quia turpitudo certat contra turpitudinem.” Hefele, VII, ii, 1103, mentions the 100,000 florins to be paid by Eugenius.

 ^f  Roman

 ¹⁶⁶  A distinguished jurist at the imperial court, on several occasions a colleague of A. S. on imperial embassies. He was also an historian, to whom A. S. entrusted the task of completing his Historia Austriaca or Historia Friderici III. The latter work with Hinderbach’s continuation was edited by Kollar in the Analecta Monum. Vindobon. II (Vienna 1762), Fueter. E., Geschichte der neueren Historiographie, 116; Voigt, II, 327, 357.

 ¹⁶⁷  Juan Luis del Mila, son of the pope’s sister, Rodrigo Borgia, the future Alexander VI, and Jaime, son of the Infante Pedro of Portugal, cf. Pastor, II, 450, 451, 459.

 ^g  a few cardinals.

 ^h  virgin.

 ¹⁶⁸  This is hardly true, as A. S. himself presently implies.

 ¹⁶⁹  Peace of Lodi, 1454, Pastor, II, 296.

 ⁱ  annoyed with.

¹⁷⁰  For account see Contareni, F., Historiae Hetruriae, Bk. ii-iii, in Graevius, Thes. antiq. VIII, pt. 2.

¹⁷¹  Lord of Rimini, a condottiere notorious even in his times for cruelty, lawlessness and moral depravity, yet a patron of learning and art, himself no mean poet and scholar. He was openly hostile to religion and scorned the censures of the Church. As a formidable mercenary captain, his services, however, were not despised by the powers of Italy, including Pope Eugenius IV. Malatesta incurred the active hostility of A. S. (then Pius II) after the peace at Mantua in 1459, in which the Pope acted as arbiter between him and Ferrante of Naples. Subsequent events show Pius’s mediation to have been far from disinterested, and Malatesta’s submission merely a temporary yielding to circumstance. Malatesta’s perfidy brought upon himself the relentless opposition of the Pope until his power was shattered in 1462. Cf. Simonetta, Murat. XXI, 686-690; 707 sq; Voigt, III, 123 sq;, Pastor, III, 116 sq.

¹⁷²  Giovanni Ventimiglia, Roberto di Sanseverino, Corrado Folliano, Pastor, II, 361; Sismondi, VI, 281.

 ^j  extraordinary.

¹⁷³  Appointed Bishop of Barcelona in 1458, Gams, 15.

¹⁷⁴  Probably about the beginning of March, 1456, Voigt, II, 187 n. 3.

¹⁷⁵  Lucrezia di Alagno.

 ^k  known.

 ^l  much more.

¹⁷⁶  While here A. S. wrote his Commentaries on Antonio Panormita, designed to flatter Alfonso, doubtless in the interests of securing favorable peace terms, Voigt, II, 188.

¹⁷⁷  July 7, 1460, in the war between the houses of Anjou and Aragon for the throne of Naples, Pastor, III, 103-4.

¹⁷⁸  Bishop of Nola c. 409, died 431. Born in Bordeaux c. 354, he had entered upon a promising political career which he renounced some time after his conversion to Christianity. The later years of his life were characterized by rigorous asceticism and saintliness. Numerous letters and religious writings testify to an active pen as well, Löffler, K, article “Paulinus,” Catholic Encyclopedia, ed. 1913.

¹⁷⁹  Mahomet II.

¹⁸⁰  The final victory of Belgrade took place July 21, 1456, Pastor, II, 396. For a full and vivid account see ibid, 389 sq.

¹⁸¹  The peace with Alfonso was concluded May 31, 1456, for the full terms of which see Pastor, II, 364. Premature reports of the victory of Belgrade were circulated in Naples early in July (ibid., 403 n. 1). Since the actual advance of the Turks did not begin till June, A. S.’s order of events here is obviously confused.

¹⁸²  In the consistory of Dec. 17 1456. Voigt, II, 192, gives the date as Dec. 18; this is corrected by Pastor, II, 458 n. 2.

¹⁸³  De Mella.

¹⁸⁴  Becomes Cardinal-Presbyter of St. Sabina, with dispensation to continue to hold his bishopric of Siena, Voigt, II, 192.

¹⁸⁵  Jacopo Tebaldo, whose brother Simone was physician to Nicholas V and Calixtus III.

¹⁸⁶  Richard Ollivier de Longueil, famous as the presiding judge on the commission to re-examine the case of Joan of Arc. He took charge of the inquest in 1452, Fabre, J., Procès de Réhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc, T. I. 5.

 ^m  large.

¹⁸⁷  Casimir IV (1447-92). The war lasted from 1454 to 1466, Hanisch, E., Geschichte Polens, pp. 113-15.

¹⁸⁸  Franz Kuhschmalz, Bishop of Ermland, d. June 10, 1457, Gams, 358. Note that the contest over a successor was going on simultaneously with that at Kulm (see below). Since the rival parties were essentially the same in both cases, A. S. was able to play one against the other to his own advantage.

¹⁸⁹  Johann Lutkonis. A full account of the dispute is given in Voigt, J., Geschichte Preussens, VIII, 565 sq.

¹⁹⁰  Voigt, G., Enea Silvio etc., II, 231 n. 3., calls this assertion a presumptuous falsehood. The canons at this time had been scattered in three groups, six at Gross-Glogau, who voted for A. S., seven at Königsberg who elected their own candidate, and three at Danzig who chose a third. The implications in A. S.’s statement therefore are quite misleading. See also Voigt, op. cit., II, 225.

¹⁹¹  Bishop of Ermland, 1458-67, Gams, 358.

¹⁹²  By the death of Johann Margenau, March 7, 1457, Gams, 346.

¹⁹³   Capranica. His defense of the claims of the Teutonic Order was quite in accord with the previous attitude of the Curia.

 ⁿ  had secured.

 ^o  philosopher and theologian.

¹⁹⁴  By the death of Frederick v. Blankenfels, May 24, 1457, Gams, 305.

 ^p  T. A. of the order of the preaching friars.

¹⁹⁵  Nephew of Duke Ludwig of Bavaria, Voigt, II, 215.

¹⁹⁶  Heinrich v. Absburg, or Habsburg, who actually secured the election seven years later on the death of Rupert and assumed office, Gams, 305. It is significant too that A. S. gives Habsburg a bad character on this occasion but is able to recommend him to Ludwig of Bavaria a few months later for another appointment, asserting that his election had not been set aside because of unworthiness of the candidate but because was uncanonical, v. letters of Sept. 4 and 7, 1457, Aeneae Sylvii Piccolomini, Opera, ed. Basle, 796.

¹⁹⁷  Voigt makes it appear that A. S. contradicts himself in the accounts given here and in his De vitu, situ etc., p. 1044. From the latter, Voigt, II, 217, infers that the Cardinal of S. Clemente agreed with A. S. on the merits of the case, and that they both found the election invalid. The passage in the De vitu, situ etc., is as follows: “Henrico Habspergensi electo denegatum esse, rumor et querela Theutonicae plebis improbat ;  fuerunt qui canonicam electionem illius existimarunt :  Sed examinauismus nos causam ipsam simul cum patre doctissimo et recti amantissimo Ioanne Cardinali sancti Clementis, amboque diui Calixto pontifici, cui nihil est iuris incognitum, electionis negotium referauimus :  Ille pro sua doctrina multis de causis inualidam, et nullius momenti esse declarauit :” . . . . “Sed Roberto de Bauaria illam commisit,” . . . . . While there is no indication of the double rôle attributed to the Cardinal of S. Clemente (Pavia) in the Commentaries, I can find nothing in the passage to rule out such a possibility or to justify Voigt’s conclusions.

¹⁹⁸  Pietro Barbo, nephew of Eugenius IV, later Paul II. Regarding the reception of Lucrezia at Rome, Pastor, II, 426, contends that it can only have been due to political considerations, since the relations between Alfonso and Calixtus had become increasingly embittered. Pastor does not however find any improvement resulting from this recognition of the King’s mistress.

¹⁹⁹  If the reference actually belongs in this place in the Commentaries, the time referred to would be c. 1458, the year of Alfonso’s death. In that case the reference to the deposition of Charles VIII (Karl Knutsson) of Sweden is correct, but not the name of his successor, who was Christian I, formerly Count of Oldenburg, d. 1481. The same monarch, however on one of his previous political defeats, was succeeded in 1440, by Christopher of Bavaria, who died in 1448. Thus A. S. is either confusing the names, or the passage itself belongs to an earlier date in his diary. Swedish history during this century is largely a record of conflict between rival parties and their candidates, Karl Knutsson himself having been three times King of Sweden without power to maintain his title, Hallendorf, C., and Schück, A., History of Sweden, p. 86 sq., Koht, H., “The Scandinavian Kingdoms During the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,” Cam. Mod. Hist., VIII, xvii.

²⁰⁰  The Historia Bohemia was completed in 1458, the last work before his elevation to the pontificate. It reproduces the substance of an earlier writing addressed to the Cardinal of Fermo, as A. S. tells us at the end of cap. 1. The former, we learn from the Commentaries, p. 238, was mainly a polished Latin version of native chronicles in the barbarous tongue. The History naturally becomes more important when it reaches the author’s own period (caps. xxxv et seq.), but is marred by an uncritical hostile bias in his treatment of the Hussite movement. The later chapters on Ladislas are largely identical with the account given in the Historia Frederici III. The work first appeared in Rome in 1475. Cf. Voigt, II, 331 sq., Fueter, op cit., 116.

 ^q  but.

 ^r  In the edition this sentence reads: But in the midst of these events, while Ferrante was trying to defend himself and the Pope was taking measures to secure possession of the kingdom, Calixtus, etc.

²⁰¹  June 27, 1458, Pastor, II, 467 and n. 1.

²⁰²  Who ruled from 1458 to 1494.

²⁰³  Cosimo de’ Medici similarly supported the rights of Ferrante.

²⁰⁴  So called because of the miracles attributed to the image of the Virgin during an epidemic of fever. The chapel had previously been named in honor of St. Andrew. According to Jacopo Grimaldi (quoted by Müntz, E., Les artes à la cour des papes pendant le XVe et le XVIe siècle, pt. i, p. 212), it had once been a temple of Mars, not of Apollo.

²⁰⁵  Capranica’s death occurred Aug. 14, 1458, Pastor, II, 494.

²⁰⁶  I.e., Aug. 16. The account which follows constitutes a unique source of information concerning these earlier conclaves. The details given in the Cod. Reginensis, 1995, and here indicated in italics are suppressed in later editions of the Commentaries. According to Voigt, III, 5 n. 1 the first complete edition of this account is in the Appendix of Meuschen’s Caeremonialia electionis et coronationis Pontificis Romani, Francof., 1732.

 ^s  election.

²⁰⁷  Capitulations which increased the powers of the College of Cardinals and limited those of the pope, cf. Pastor, III, 10-11. Voigt, III, 522 sq. In practice however it was still possible for the pope to evade these restrictions by playing upon the greed and ambition of the individual cardinals.

²⁰⁸  Antonio de Cerda, Bishop of Lerida, Spain, Cardinal of Santi Quattro Coronati.

²⁰⁹  Related to the Bourbon house on his mother’s side, Voigt, III, 6.

²¹⁰  Alain de Coëtivy.

²¹¹  Respectively, Cardinals Bessarion, Isidore, Metropolitan of Kiev, Fiesco da Lavagna, Torquemada, Alain, Prospero Colonna, Castiglione. Both Pastor (III, 12), and Voigt (III, 7), cite six rather than seven votes as certain, only one of the “Greeks,” viz., Bessarion, being included. The total of eleven is thus reached by adding to the latter the four doubtful votes and Rouen’s own, on the assumption that he would vote for himself. By doing so, Rouen would have rendered his election invalid. It is to be noted that A. S. builds up his total without including Rouen. See Actes et Histoire du Concile Oecuménique de Rome, 1869, publ. by V. Frond, Paris 1870, Introd., p. LII; The New Schaff-Herzog Encyc. of Religious Knowledge, article “pope” by E. Schling, p.  51.

²¹²  I.e., Roderigo Borgia, Calandrini, Orsini de’ Domicelli, Tebaldo.

²¹³  Branda da Castiglione, 1350-1443, Bishop of Piacenza from 1404-1409, Gams, 746, patron of humanism. Although Branda was active in the interests of reform and unity of the Church, A. S. exaggerates his prominence, probably for purposes of winning over the younger Castiglione. See Vespasiano, Vite, I, 98.

²¹⁴  Aug. 19, 1458.

²¹⁵  I.e., Isidore of Kiev.

 ^t  fraud and cheating

²¹⁶  Caretto, the Milanese envoy, secured for A. S. the support of the Neapolitan envoy and of Cardinals de la Cerda, de Mila and Borgia. Pastor, III, 14-15, stresses the importance of the aid of Milan and Naples in A. S.’s election. Voigt is in error in assuming Ilerdensis here to mean Juan de Mila. The latter did not become Bishop of Lerida until 1461, the present incumbent being de la Cerda. Since de Mila’s title was Cardinal of Santi Quattro Coronati, Voigt’s error reasonably led him to assume a duplication in the list of nine cardinals. Cf. Gams, p. 44, Pastor, III, 12 n.

 ^u  by scrutiny with so few cardinals present

 ^v  as if rapt by the Holy Ghost

 ^w  election

²¹⁷  Carretto’s Report to Francesco Sforza, Aug. 20, 1458, which constitutes one of the chief sources of information regarding this conclave, differs from A. S.’s account in regard to the attitude of Colonna. According to Carretto, Colonna’s support had already been secured by previous agreement. For a discussion of this point, see Pastor, III, 14 sq.

 ^x  and since he was

 ^y  we are satisfied

²¹⁸  Inspired in this choice by Virgil’s “pius Aeneas,” see Cugnoni, J., Aeneae Sylvii Piccolomini Sinensis etc., opera inedita, p. 344.

 ^z  with greater enthusiasm than

²¹⁹  For accounts of these celebrations, see authorities cited by Pastor, III. 16 n. 2.

 ^a  Here the edition has the following; At Corsignano, a town eighty miles from Siena, at the very hour when the pope was elected, the townspeople, returning in a body from the fields, went to congratulate Pius’s sister Laodamia, assuring her unanimously that they had received the good news that Aeneas, Cardinal of Siena, had been elevated to the supreme height of the papacy. This presage, which is worth recording, was confirmed the next day by letters from friends.

²²⁰  Capranica had been his choice. In Carretto’s Report of Aug. 14, 1458 (pastor, III, App. 1), he refers to the death of Capranica as having spoiled the hopes of Milan, and points to the possibilities of A. S. who is liked by all parties. Carretto is not, however, without hope for Cardinal Colonna.

 ^b   The Venetians and the Florentines like

 ^c  as a result of his favor

²²¹  George Podiebrad, former Regent, who had sided with the Utraquists, was elected King, March 2, 1458, a few months after the death of Ladislas, A. S. Hist. Bohem., 143; Pastor, II, 441.

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