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From The Annals of Roger de Hoveden, Comprising the History of England and of Other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201, Translated from the Latin with Notes and Illustrations by Henry T. Riley, Esq., Volume I, London: H.G. Bohn, 1853; pp. 407-423.

THE  ANNALS  OF
ROGER  DE  HOVEDEN.
Volume I.

[Part 31: 1176-1176 A.D.]

THE ASSIZES OF KING HENRY

First ordained at Clarendon, and re-enacted at Northampton.

“If any person shall be charged before the justices of our lord the king, with murder, or larceny, or robbery, or the harbouring of men guilty of the same, or coining,¹ or arson, then upon the oath of twelve knights of the hundred, and, if there shall be no such knights, upon the oath of twelve free and lawful men, and upon the oath of four men of each vill of the hundred, he is to be tried by judgment of water,² and if he is
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1176.408 cast, he is to lose one foot. At Northampton it has been added, to vindicate the rigour of justice, that in like manner he is to lose his right hand, together with his foot, and to abjure the realm, and be banished therefrom within the space of forty days. But if he shall be acquitted on trial by water, then let him find sureties and remain in the realm, unless he shall again be charged with murder, or any base felony, by the commons of the county and of the lawful knights of the country: on which, if he shall be charged in manner aforesaid, even though upon judgment by water he shall be acquitted, nevertheless, within forty days, he is to depart from the realm, and carry with him his chattels, saving always the right of his superior lord, and, being at the mercy of our lord the king, he is to abjure the realm. This assize shall hold good from the time that the assize was made at Clarendon up to the present time, and from henceforth, so long as it shall seem good to our lord the king, in cases of murder, treason, and arson, and in all the matters aforesaid, with the exception of trifling thefts and robberies, which took place in the time of the war, such as of horses, cattle, and things of less consequence.

“It shall be lawful for no one, either in a borough or vill, to entertain³ in his house for more than one night any stranger for whose forthcoming he shall be unwilling to give security, unless he who is so entertained shall have some reasonable essoign,⁴ which the landlord of the house is to shew to his neighbours, and when he departs he is to depart before the neighbours, and in the daytime.

“If any person shall be arrested for murder, or for larceny, or for robbery, or for coining, and shall make confession of the same before the chief⁵ of the hundred or borough, and before lawful men, or of any other felony which he has committed, he shall not be allowed afterwards before the justices to make denial of the same. And if, without arrest, he shall make confession before them of anything of this nature, of this also he shall not be allowed before the justices to make denial.

“If any freeholder shall die, his heirs are to remain in such seisin as their father had on the day on which he was living and dead, both as to his fee and his chattels; of which they
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1176.


THE
ASSIZES
OF
NORTHAMP-
TON.409 are to make division according to the devise of the deceased, and then to seek his lord and to pay him his relief⁶ and other things which they are bound to pay him out of their fee. And if the heir shall happen to be under age, the lord of the fee is to receive his homage and to keep him in his charge so long as he is entitled; and, if there are several lords, then let them receive his homage, and let him do unto them what he is bound to do. The wife also of the deceased is to have her dower and the part of his chattels which belongs to her. And if the lord of the fee shall refuse to give seisin of the fee to the heirs of the deceased at their demand, then the justices of our lord the king are to cause a jury of twelve lawful men to be impannelled, to enquire what seisin the deceased had in the same on the day on which he was living and dead. And, according as they shall find, so are they to make restitution to the heirs. And if any person shall do the contrary of this, and be attainted thereof, let him be amerced.

“The king’s justices are to cause view to be made, by a jury, of disseisins sur-assize that have been made since the period when our lord the king came to England, shortly after peace had been made between him and the king his son.

“The justices are to receive the oaths of fealty to our lord the king before the close of Easter,⁷ and at the latest before the close of Pentecost, from all earls, barons, knights, and freeholders, and from the serfs as well who shall wish to remain in the realm; and he who shall refuse to do fealty, is to be taken as an enemy to our lord the king. Also, the justices are to command all persons who have not yet done homage and allegiance to our lord the king, to come to them at a time which they shall appoint, and do homage to the king and allegiance to him as their liege lord.

“The justices are to exercise all rights and jurisdictions that belong to our lord the king and to his crown, by writ of our lord the king, or of those who shall be in his place, as to fees held by half-knights service⁸ and below it; unless the question be of such importance that it cannot be settled without the presence of our lord the king, or of such a nature that the
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1176.410 justices shall refer it to him, or to those who shall be in his place, in consequence of their doubts. Still, to the best of their ability, they are to exert themselves to consult the convenience of our lord the king.

“Throughout those counties through which they are to go, they are to hold assizes for the trial of wicked thieves and evil-doers to the land; the same being held by consent of the king, and of his son, and of his subjects.

“Also, the justices are to take precaution that the castles already dismantled are quite dismantled, and that those which are to be dismantled are utterly razed to the ground. And, if they do not, our lord the king will desire to have the judgment of his court on them as contemners of his commands.

The justices are to make enquiry as to escheats, and churches, and lands, and female wards,⁹ that are at the disposal of our lord the king.

“The bailiffs of our lord the king are to be answerable in the exchequer both for the rents of assize, and their other levies which they make in their bailiwicks; with the exception of those which relate to the shrievalty.

“The justices are to make enquiry as to the keepers¹⁰ of the [royal] castles, both who they are, and how much they owe, and where; and, after that, they are to report thereon to our lord the king.

A robber, immediately he is taken, is to be given into the custody of the sheriff; and, if the sheriff is absent, then he is to be taken to the nearest castellan, and let him take charge of him until such time as he shall deliver him over to the sheriff.

“The justices are to cause, according to the custom of the country, enquiry to be made for those who have withdrawn from the kingdom; and, unless they are ready to return within a time named, and to take their trial in the court of our lord the king, they are to be outlawed; and the names of those outlawed are to be brought at Easter and at the feast of Saint Michael to the exchequer, and are to be sent immediately to our lord the king.”

To the aforesaid council held at Northampton, came William, king of the Scots, in obedience to the command of our lord the king, bringing with him Richard, bishop of Saint Andrews, Jocelyn, bishop of Glasgow, Richard, bishop of Dunkeld, Christian, bishop of Whitherne, Andrew, bishop of Caithness, and Simon de Touy, bishop of Moray, together with the other bishops, abbats, and priors of his kingdom. When they had come before our lord the king of England, our lord the king commanded, by the fealty which they owed him, and the oath of fealty which they had made to him, that they should show the same obedience to the Church of England which they were in duty bound, and used to show, in the times of the kings of England, his predecessors.

On this, they made answer to him that they never had paid obedience to the Church of England, nor was it their duty so to do; to which, Roger, archbishop of York, made reply, and alleged that the bishops of Glasgow and the bishops of Whitherne had been subject to the church of York in the time of the archbishops, his predecessors; and, relative thereto, he satisfactorily pointed out the privileges granted by the Roman Pontiffs. Jocelyn, bishop of Glasgow, made reply to these assertions to the following effect: “The church of Glasgow is in especial the daughter of the Church of Rome, and is exempt from all subjection to either archbishops or bishops; and, if the church of York has at any time had authority over the church of Glasgow, it is clear that, in future, she deserves to hold no dominion whatsoever over her.”

As Richard the archbishop of Canterbury was using his best endeavours that he Church of Scotland might be rendered subject to the church of Canterbury, he prevailed upon the king of England to allow the bishops of Scotland to return to their own country without yielding any subjection to the Church of England.

In the same year, at mid-Lent, the above-named Hugezun, cardinal, titular of Saint Michael de Petrâ Leonis, and legate of the Apostolic See, came to London to hold a council there. Here he was met by the archbishops of Canterbury and York, and all the bishops and abbats of England, with great numbers of the clergy. The said cardinal took his seat at Westminster, in the chapel of the Infirm Monks, and the bishops and abbats with him, each in his place, according to his rank
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1176.412 and dignity. But a dispute arose between the archbishops of Canterbury and York, which of them ought to sit on the right hand of the cardinal; and on the archbishop of York attempting to seat himself there,¹¹ the servants of the lord archbishop of Canterbury rushed upon him and threw him to the ground, kicked him with their feet, and tore his hood. Upon this, the people there assembled dispersed, and the cardinal took to flight and hid himself from before their faces, and thus was the council prevented from being held. But, after both sides had made appeal to the Supreme Pontiff, each of them complained to the king of the wrongs which he had suffered.

In this year, the king, the father, was at Winchester during the festival of Easter, and Richard, earl of Poitou, and Geoffrey, earl of Brittany, with the permission of the king, their father, crossed over from England to Normandy. Immediately Richard, earl of Poitou, arrived in Poitou, he assembled a large army, and fought a battle with the Brabanters, between Saint Megrin and Buteville, and routed them.

After this, he waged war against Aimeric, viscount de Limoges, because he had broken the peace with him. He then laid siege to a castle which is called Aesse, and took it, together with forty knights who formed its garrison. After this, he laid siege to the city of Limoges, and took it, and then proceeded to Poitou to meet the king, his brother, who had come thither to aid him; after which they laid siege to Neufchatel,¹² and took it. After its capture, the king, his brother, was unwilling to prolong his stay with him, but, listening to bad advice, took his departure. Richard, earl of Poitou, however, now laid siege to Molineux, a castle of the viscount of Angoulême, and took it, and in it William Taillefer, count of Angoulême, Buger, his son, and Aimeric, viscount of Limoges, the viscount of Ventadour, and the viscount of Cambanais. The count of Angoulême also delivered up to the earl of Poitou the castle of Buteville, the castle of Archiac, the castle of Montimac, the castle of Lachese, and the castle of Melpis.

The king, the son, on his return, upon coming to Poitiers, took Adam de Chirchedowne, his vice-chancellor, who was a clerk of Geoffrey, the prior of Beverley, chancellor of the king, the son, and caused him to be beaten with sticks, charging him with having disclosed his secret counsels to the king, his father; and after being thus beaten, he had him led naked through the streets of Poitiers, while, being still whipped, proclamation was made by the voice of a herald, “Thus does he deserve to be disgraced who reveals the secrets of his master.”

In the same year, there came to England, from William, king of Sicily, the bishop of Troia, the archbishop elect of Capua, and count Florio, as envoys to Henry, king of England, the father, and asked of him his daughter Joanna in marriage for William, king of Sicily, their master. A council upon the matter being accordingly held in London, the king, the father, with the consent of all the bishops, earls, and barons of the kingdom, gave his daughter to the king of Sicily. And with this assent, the king first sent to the king of Sicily the bishop of Troia, John, bishop of Norwich, Paris, archdeacon of Rochester, Baldwin Bulot, and Richard de Camville; and in the meantime prepared for his daughter, Joanna, the things necessary for her equipment and journey. After these were all completed in a becoming manner, the king sent his daughter, Joanna, to be married to William, the king of Sicily. When she had arrived at Palermo, in Sicily, together with Gilles, bishop of Evreux, and the other envoys of our lord, the king, the whole city welcomed them, and lamps, so many and so large, were lighted up, that the city almost seemed to be on fire, and the rays of the stars could in no way bear comparison with the brilliancy of such a light: for it was by night that they entered the city of Palermo. The said daughter of the king of England was then escorted, mounted on one of the king’s horses, and resplendent with regal garments, to a certain palace, that there she might in becoming state await the day of her marriage and coronation.

After the expiration of a few days from this time, the before-named daughter of the king of England was married to William, king of Sicily, and solemnly crowned at Palermo, in the royal chapel there, in presence of Gilles, bishop of Evreux, and the envoys of the king of England, who had been
A. D.
1176.414 sent for that purpose. She was married and crowned on the Lord’s day before the beginning of Septuagesima, being the ides of February; and was with due honor endowed with the county of Saint Angelo, the city of Siponto, the city of Vesta, and many other castles and places. Whereupon, the king of Sicily executed in her favour his charter, as follows:

The Charter of William, king of Sicily, which he executed in favour of Joanna, daughter of Henry, king of England, as to her dowry.

“In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen. Amid the other blessings of peace, the nuptial tie binds and fastens the most strongly the unison and the concord of human affairs; a rite, both venerable from the weightiness of its obligations, remarkable in the circumstances of its institution, and sanctioned by universal usage, from the beginning of the world and of time; of which the virtues and the comeliness, inasmuch as it has derived its origin from Divine institution, have neither contracted blemish from sin, nor have been sensible of any diminution by desuetude, through the lengthened ages of past time. Moreover, to this venerable and mysterious institution this honor is added, that the consent of the man and of the woman to enter matrimony, typifies the sacramental bond of Christ and His Church. Being therefore led by the nature of this great and mysterious institution, and by veneration for the same, we, William, by the favour of the Divine grace, king of Sicily, and of the dukedom of Apulia, and of the principality of Capua, do unite unto ourselves by the laws of matrimony and the bond of wedlock, with the Divine sanction and under happy auspices, the maiden Joanna, of royal blood, and the most illustrious daughter of Henry, the mighty king of the English; to the end, that her fidelity and chaste affection may produce the blessings of the married state, and that by her a royal offspring may, by the gift of God, hereafter succeed us in the kingdom, which, both by reason of its endowment with all virtues, and of its title by birth, by the Divine grace, both may and ought to be raised to the throne of this realm. But, inasmuch as it is befitting our exalted position that so noble and illustrious an alliance should be honored with a becoming dowry, by this present writing we do give, and as a dowry, do grant to the before-named queen, our most dearly
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1176.


MARRIAGE
CHARTER
OF
THE
PRINCESS
JOANNA.415 beloved wife, the county of Mont Saint Angelo, the city of Siponto, and the city of Vesta, with all the rightful tenements and appurtenances thereof. We do also grant for her service, out of the tenements of count Godfrey, Alesina, Peschiza,¹³ Bicum, Caprile, Barano, and Filizi, and all other places which the said count is known to possess as of the honor of the said county of Mont Saint Angelo. In like manner, we do also grant for her service, Candelari, Saint Clair,¹⁴ Castel Pagano, Bersenza, and Cagnano. We do also grant, that there shall be as of the honor of the said dowry, the monastery of Saint Mary de Pulsano, and the monastery of Saint John de Lama, with all the tenements which those monasteries hold of the honor of the aforesaid county of Saint Angelo — upon condition that the queen, our aforesaid wife, shall always recognize all the rights of our heirs, who by our ordinance shall succeed us in the kingdom, and shall do unto our said heirs, fully and unreservedly, all services for the tenements above-written, according as the tenure in fee thereof shall require, and shall always observe her fealty to them. Wherefore, in remembrance of the said gift and grant, and for the inviolable establishment thereof, we have commanded this present charter¹⁵ to be written by the hand of Alexander, our notary, and, the golden bulla, our seal, being impressed thereon, to be confirmed with our said seal, and graced therewith. Unto which, by our command, the personages of our household and others have subscribed their names in manner following:

I  Walter,   archbishop of Palermo.

I  Alfanus,   archbishop of Capua.

I  Richard,   bishop of Syracuse.

I  Bartholomew,   bishop of Agrigento.

I  Reginald,   archbishop of Bari.

I  Nicholas,   first archbishop of Messina.

I  Ruffus,   archbishop of Cosenza.

I  Theobald,   bishop and abbat of the royal monastery of Saint Mary Nuova.

I  Robert,   bishop of Catana.

I  Guido,   bishop of Cephalea.

I Ebias,   bishop elect of Troia.

I  Justus,   bishop of Massa.

I  Robert,   bishop of Tricarico.

I  Peter,   bishop of Caiazzo.

I  John,   bishop of Potenza.

I  Robert de Bizino.

I  Robert Malcuvenanz.

I  Alexander Gupillenzi.

I  Matthew,   vice-chancellor of our lord the king.

I  Robert,   count of Caserta.

I  Amphusus,   count of Scrulac.

I  Jocelyn,   count of Loret.

I  Hugh,   count of Cattazaro.

I  Richard,   count of Fundano, admiral.

I  Walter de Moac,   admiral of the king’s ship Fortunatus.

I  Aldewin de Candida,   seneschal of our lord the king.

I  Berardus Gentili,   constable of the private palace of Maisnede.

I  Richard Sacri,   keeper of the records in the royal palace.

I  Bamalis de Montefort,   chief justiciary.

I  Persicus,   chief justiciary of the royal court.

I  Frederic,   justiciary of the royal court.

Given at the flourishing city of Palermo by the hands of Walter, the venerable archbishop of Palermo, Matthew, vice-chancellor of the king, and Richard, the venerable bishop of Syracuse, members of he household of our lord the king, in the year from the incarnation of our Lord one thousand one hundred and seventy-seven, in the month of February, being the tenth year of the indiction; and in the eleventh year of the happy reign of our lord William, by the grace of God, the mighty and most glorious king of Sicily, of the dukedom of Apulia, and of the principality of Capua, Amen.

[Sealed with the seal of William, king of Sicily.]

[Here follows in the original, the form of the bulla, or seal, which contains around the margin the words “Dextera Domini fecit virtutem. Dextera Domini exaltavit me. Dextera Domini fecit virtutem.” “The right hand of the Lord hath created my might. The right hand of the lord hath exalted me. The right hand of the Lord hath created my might.” In the central portion is a
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1176.


TRUCE
BETWEEN
THE
ARCH-
BISHOPS.417 cross surmounted by the words “Divinâ favente clementiâ Willielmus rex Sicilæ et ducatus Apuliæ et principatus Capuæ.” “By the favour of the Divine mercy, William, king of Sicily, of the dukedom of Apulia, and of the principality of Capua.” The cross is supported by the following words. “Hoc signum sibi præferri a vexillifero facit cum ad bellum aliquod procedit.” “This sign he causes to be borne before him by his standard-bearer when he goes forth to battle.”]

In the same year pope Alexander sent Vivianus, cardinal priest, as legate from the Apostolic See to Scotland and the adjoining islands, and Ireland and Norway, to hear causes ecclesiastical, and to determine the same according as God should assist him therein. When he arrived in England, our lord the king sent to him Richard, bishop of Winchester, and Geoffrey, bishop of Ely, to ask him by whose authority he had presumed to enter his kingdom without his permission. Upon this question being put to him, the above-named cardinal was greatly alarmed, and, to give satisfaction to the king, made oath that he would do nothing connected with his legateship against his wishes; upon which, liberty was given him to pass through the kingdom into Scotland, and our lord the king found his escort and expenses until he arrived in the dominions of the king of Scotland.

In the same year, Geoffrey, bishop of Ely, was charged before the king by Roger, archbishop of York, with having laid violent hands upon him at the before-mentioned synod, which Hugezun was to have held at London; however, he proved his innocence, by declaring on his word of truth that he had not laid violent hands on him, and the same was attested by the above-named archbishop of Canterbury, on the Word of our Lord; whereupon Roger, archbishop of York, and Geoffrey, bishop of Ely, were reconciled.

In addition to this, at the urgent request of our lord the king, the archbishops of Canterbury and York agreed to terms between them for the space of five years, both as to the dispute which existed between them relative to the blows inflicted on the archbishop of York, as well as the other questions which were the causes of contention between them and their churches, submitting themselves entirely to the arbitration and decision of the archbishop of Rouen and of the bishops of the kingdom of France; and they made oath that they would
A. D.
1176.418 abide by their decision, and that neither of them would in the meantime seek to do any harm or injury to the other.

In the same year, William, earl of Gloucester, son of earl Robert, brother of the empress, gave his daughter in marriage to John, the son of the king of England, together with the earldom of Gloucester, in case he should be able to marry the said damsel with the sanction of our lord the pope. In return for this grant, the king of England, the father, gave to the elder daughters of the said earl two hundred pounds of yearly revenues in England, namely, to the wife of Amaurus, earl of Evreux, one hundred pounds, and to the wife of Richard, earl of Clare, one hundred pounds.

In the same year died Philip, brother of Louis, king of the Franks, and archbishop of Rheims, and was succeeded by William, archbishop of Sens, he making this exchange of archbishoprics with the permission of Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff. In this year also, master John¹⁶ of Salisbury, formerly a clerk, and attached to the household of Saint Thomas of Canterbury, the martyr, was made bishop of Chartres. In this year also, our lord the king of England, the father, gave Ireland to his son John. In the same year died Richard, earl of Striguil, whom our lord the king had made justiciary of Ireland; upon which our lord the king appointed in his room William Fitz-Aldelm, who took possession for the king of all the fortified places which the aforesaid earl had possessed in Ireland.

In the same year, William, earl of Arundel, departed this life, and was succeeded by his son William. In this year also died William de Courcy, justiciary of Normandy, and was succeeded by William Fitz-Ralph. In this year also, Frederic, emperor of the Romans, assembled a large army of Germans and Alemannians, and fought a battle near Securo, between Cumæ and Milan, with the Lombards, which lasting from morning until the evening, the emperor, having lost the greater part of his army, was put to flight; and among the others whom he lost, his standard-bearer was taken prisoner, and, with many others, was placed by the Lombards in confinement.

In this year also the king, the father, caused the castle and fortifications of Leicester to be destroyed, as also the castle of Groby, the castle of Tresk,¹⁷ the castle of Malesart, the new
A. D.
1176.


LETTER
OF
THE
EMPEROR
OF
CONSTAN-
TINOPLE.419 castle of Alverton,¹⁸ the castle of Fremingham, the castle of Bungay, and nearly all the castles of England and Normandy which had taken part against him in the time of the war. But the castle of Pasci and the castle of Mountsorrel he retained in his own hands, the latter having been awarded to him on the oaths of a jury of lawful men of Ursuet. In the same year died Ralph de Dotis, in Berry, whose daughter and heir our lord the king of England, the father, gave in marriage to Baldwin de Rivers, together with the honor of the castle of the said Ralph. In the same year, on the sixteenth day before the calends of November, being the Lord’s day, the church of the canons regular at Cirencester, in honor of Mary, the blessed Mother of God, was dedicated by Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, in presence of our lord the king of England, the father, who, at its dedication, bestowed large revenues on the said church.

In the same year Manuel, emperor of Constantinople, having fought a pitched battle with the sultan of Iconium and defeated him, wrote to the king of England to the following effect: —

The Letter of Manuel, emperor of Constantinople, to the king of England, the father.

“Manuel Porphyrogenitus Comnenus, the emperor, ever faithful in Christ, crowned by the will of heaven, the sublime, potent, exalted, ever august, and ruler of the Romans, to Henry, the most noble king of England, his most dearly-beloved friend, health and every blessing. Inasmuch as our imperial office deems it necessary to notify to you, as being its beloved friend, all things which befall it, it has therefore considered it proper to inform you upon the events which have lately taken place. Now, from the very earliest period of our coronation, our imperial office nourished hatred in our heart against the Persians, the enemies of God, when it beheld them vaunting over the Christians, triumphing over the name of God, and holding sway over the lands of the Christians. Wherefore, on another occasion, without delay, it made an attack upon them, and, as God granted it to do, even so it did do. As to the exploits which were frequently performed by it, to their humiliation and loss, our imperial office entertains a belief that the same have not escaped the notice of your highness. However, we did more
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1176.420 recently determine also to lead a most numerous army against them, and to wage war against the whole of Persian, inasmuch as by circumstances we were compelled so to do. Still, much of our preparations were made not according as we should have wished, or as appeared best suited to our object. However, in such way as occasion allowed us, and the state of events, means were taken to ensure a powerful attack upon them. Accordingly, for this purpose our imperial office collected around it all its resources: but, inasmuch as it had to take with it waggons carrying vast weights of arms and implements, both mangonels¹⁹ and other engines applicable to the storming of cities, it was consequently far from able to proceed with expedition on the march. Still further, while the army was passing on through its own country, and before any of our barbarian foes had engaged us in war, a most intractable malady, namely, a flux of the bowels, attacked us; which, spreading among the troops of our empire, made its way among them all, and, a more dangerous antagonist than any warriors could be, slew and destroyed vast numbers. This malady, waxing more and more formidable, greatly weakened our forces. As soon as we had entered the territories of the Turks, that instant was heard the din of numerous battles, and the troops of the Turks engaged in combat with the armies of our empire on every side. However, through the grace of God, the barbarians were entirely put to flight by our men. But, after this, when we drew near to the narrow passes of an adjacent spot which the Persians call Cibrilcima, so many hordes of foot and horse, most of which had come from the interior of Persia, came up to the support of their fellow-countrymen, that, on meeting our army, they almost exceeded the numbers of our men. In consequence of the narrowness of the road and the difficulties of the passage, the army of our empire was extended in a line fully ten miles in length; and, inasmuch as who went first were unable to support those who came last, and again, on the other hand, those who came last were unable to aid those who went before, it was no common misfortune that this distance lay between them. Indeed, the troops that formed the van were divided by a very considerable interval from the main body of our
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1176.


LETTER
OF
THE
EMPEROR
OF
CONSTAN-
TINOPLE.421 army, having at last forgotten it²⁰ altogether, and not waiting for its coming up. In consequence of this, as the troops of the Turks, from the battles that had already taken place, knew that it was not for their advantage to attack us in front, fining that the narrowness of the passage was likely to serve them in great stead, they determined upon attacking the rear, which they accordingly did. Now the passage all along consisting of a very narrow defile, the barbarians rushed upon us, attacking us on the right hand and on the left, and in all possible quarters, and their darts, falling upon us like a shower, slew a vast number of men and horses. Upon this, finding that disasters were there thickening apace, on taking due consideration, our imperial office thought proper to await those who were in the rear, for the purpose of supporting them, which it did accordingly, and, in so waiting, had to support itself against the infinite numbers of the Persians. What exploits it performed while thus hemmed in by them it is not necessary upon the present occasion to state; perhaps your highness will learn more on that subject from those who were present on the occasion. While our imperial office was doing its duty amid these dangers, and bearing the entire brunt of the conflict, the entire rear-guard, formed of Greeks, Latins, and all other varieties of nations, being wedged into a mass, and not being able to bear up against the darts thrown by the enemy, pushed onward²¹ with the most vigorous efforts, and was borne along with the greatest violence while making all haste to gain an adjoining hill, that might serve as a sort of fortress; those rushing on carrying on the others, whether they would or no. The consequence was, that, a vast cloud of dust being raised which quite overpowered the eyesight and allowed no one to see what lay at his feet, men and horses, thus rushing on without restraint, were borne over a precipice close at hand and overhanging a very deep valley. Thus, falling one upon another, they trod each other to death, and killed not only numbers of the common soldiers, but even some of the most illustrious and most nearly related of our kinsmen.
A. D.
1176.422 For, indeed, who could possibly make head against the insupportable onset of so vast a multitude? However, as to our imperial office, hedged in on every side by such vast bodies of the barbarians, inflicting wounds and receiving wounds in return, we still used efforts that excited in them no small alarm, in consequence of their surprise at our perseverance, and which we did not relax until by the benign aid of God we had reached the open country. Nor did it allow the enemy to scale the position which it took up, from which to carry on the battle with the barbarians, nor yet through fear of it did it spur on its horse, for the purpose of effecting a more speedy retreat. On the contrary, our imperial office, rallying all its body guard, and rescuing them from destruction, ranged them around itself; and thus it reached the vanguard, and then going on through the ranks in order, came to the main body of the army. Upon this, the sultan seeing that in spite of such great disasters as had befallen our army, our imperial office was, as became it, arranging matters for the purpose of again attacking him, sent word to us, and suppliantly begged our imperial office, and employed the language of entreaty, suing for peace, and promising to fulfil every wish of our imperial office, to give us his services against all men, to release all the prisoners who were detained in his kingdom, and in every way to conform to our desires. Wherefore, having then stayed there for two whole days with all our forces, we became sensible that nothing could be effected against the city of Iconium, having lost our besieging sheds²² and engines of war, in consequence of the oxen which drew them being slain by the darts that had been hurled upon us like a shower. Another reason was, the fact that all our animals were afflicted by this most intractable malady which had now attacked them. We therefore listened to the supplications of the sultan, and a treaty, confirmed by oath, having been made beneath our standards, peace was granted to him. Upon this, departing thence, our imperial office returned to its own country, entertaining no small sorrow for those kinsmen whom it had lost, but still returning especial thanks to God, who has, in His kindness, and still does, honor it. We have also felt it a pleasure that it so happened that some of the chief men of your nobility were with us, who will, at your desire, inform you on all the circumstances
A. D.
1176.423 in the order in which they happened. However, although we have been afflicted with deep regret for those who have fallen, we have still deemed it advisable to inform you upon all the events that have happened, as being our dearly-beloved friend, and as being closely united with our imperial office, by the ties of blood that exist between our children. Farewell. Given in the month of November, in the tenth year of the indiction.”

In the same year, Henry, king of England, son of the empress Matilda, gave Eleanor, his daughter, in marriage to Alphonso, king of Castille. In this year also, Gilbert, the son of Fergus, chief of the men of Galloway, who had caused his brother Ucthred, a kinsman of Henry, king of England, to be slain, came into England, with the safe conduct of William, king of the Scots, and did homage to king Henry, the father, and swore fealty to him against all men; and, to obtain his favor, he gave him a thousand marks of silver and his son Dunecan as a hostage, by way of pledge that he would keep the peace. In the same year, Henry, king of England, the father, laid hands upon all the castles of England and Normandy, both of the bishops as well as of the earls and barons, and placed his custodians therein. In this year, also, Peter, the prior of Wenlock, was made bishop of Saint David’s, in Wales.

FOOTNOTES

 ¹  The crime of “falsoneria” seems to have been that of coining, or of using means to debase the currency.

 ²  “Judicium aquæ.” The party thus tried was thrown into cold water; if he swam, he was considered guilty; but if he sank, he was pronounced innocent.

 ³  “Hospitali” is clearly a misprint for “hospitare.”

 ⁴  A valid excuse by reason of sickness or infirmity.

 ⁵  Generally called the “burghreeve.”

 ⁶  This was due from the new tenant, when of full age, at the death of the ancestor, to the lord of the feud.

 ⁷  This took place on the Sunday after Easter.

 ⁸  Reference is perhaps made to lands held by the “milites parvi,” who did not hold by entire knight-service.

 ⁹  The female wards over whom he had the “jus maritagii,” or right of giving in marriage.

¹⁰  These seem to be the same officers that are called by Fleta “villici castrorum,” or “stewards of the king’s manors.”

¹¹  According to the account given by Gervaise he actually tried to seat himself in the lap of the archbishop of Canterbury. The translation given of it by Holinshed is highly amusing, but hardly suited to ears polite.

¹²  In Normandy, about twenty miles from Dieppe.

¹³  Hardly any of these places can now be traced under these names.

¹⁴  This is probably the name of the place, though in the text it is called “Sanctum clericum.”

¹⁵  Called by the singular name of “privilegium,” which was the usual name of charters confirming grants to churches.

¹⁶  The most learned scholar of his age, and author of the treatise “De nugis curialium, et de vestigiis Philosophorum,” and other works.

¹⁷  Thirsk.

¹⁸  North Allerton.

¹⁹  The various reading “manganorum” is certainly preferable to “paganorum” in his text.

²⁰  Probably this is the meaning of the passage, which appears to be incorrectly printed, “illas” standing for “illam.” Indeed the whole letter is a tissue of corruptions and omissions.

²¹  ”Impactione” seems to be the reading, and not “in pactione,” as in the text.

²²  “Testudinibus.”

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