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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 565-595.
CHAPTER LX. — THE KING OF ENGLAND IS ADVISED TO MAKE A JOURNEY TO IRELAND, — AND TO SETTLE ON THE DUKE OF LANCASTER AND HIS HEIRS FOR EVER, THE DUCHY OF AQUITAINE WITH ALL ITS DEPENDENCIES.
THE truces that had been agreed to between the kings of France and England, and their allies, were well observed on sea and land. There were, however, some pillagers still in Languedoc, who came from foreign countries, such as Gascony, Béarn, and Germany. Sir John de Grailly, bastard-son to the late captal de Buch, a young and ardent knight, was governor of the strong castle of Bouteville. You may suppose that the captains of such forts as Lourde in Bigorre, on the borders of Arragon, Bouteville on the frontiers of Saintonge, near la Rochelle, and Mortaign, were sorely vexed they could no longer overrun the country and make their accustomed pillage from the neighbouring towns. They had 566 been particularly forbidden to infringe the articles of the truce, under pain of being severely punished.
At this period, an expedition against Ireland was proposed in the English council; for, in the truces king Richard had agreed to with France and her allies, young as he was, he had reserved Ireland from being included, as his predecessors had always claimed it as their right; and his grandfather, king Edward of happy memory, had signed himself king and lord of Ireland, and had continued his wars against the natives notwithstanding his pressure from other quarters. The young knights and squires of England, eager to signalize themselves in arms, were rejoiced to learn that king Richard intended leading a large power of men at arms and archers into Ireland, and that he had declared he would not return thence until he should have finally settled everything to his satisfaction. It was, at the same council, ordered, that the duke of Lancaster, who in his time had laboured hard, on sea and land, for the augmentation of the honour of England, should make a journey to Aquitaine, with five hundred men at arms and one thousand archers. He was to embark at Plymouth or Southampton, as he pleased, and sail for Guienne or Aquitaine. It was the intention of king Richard and his council, that the duke of Lancaster should hold in perpetuity, for himself and heirs, the whole territory of Aquitaine, with all its seneschalships and domains, in such manner as king Edward of England, his father, and the former dukes of Aquitaine had held them, and which king Richard held at this moment, with the reserve of homage to the kings of England. The duke of Lancaster was to enjoy all other rights, lordships, and rents, which stipulation was confirmed by the king, wholly and fully, under his seal.
The duke of Lancaster was very thankful for this magnificent gift, as he had reason to be; for in truth the duchy of Aquitaine has wherewithal to enable its lord to keep a grand state. The deed which was to establish this gift, having been properly engrossed, was carefully examined, and passed with great deliberation of council, in the presence of the king, his uncles the dukes of York and Gloucester, the earls of Salisbury, Arundel, and derby (son to the duke of Lancaster), the earl marshal, the earl of Rostellant*, the earls of Northumberland and Nottingham, sir Thomas Percy the lords Despencer and Beaumont, sir William Arundel, the archbishops of Canterbury and York, the bishop of London, and of all those who are entitled to be present, whether prelates or barons. The duke of Lancaster thanked, in the first place, the king his nephew, then his brothers, and the barons and prelates of the council. After which he began to make most sumptuous preparations for crossing the sea, and taking possession of the duchy the king had invested him with. Purveyors were likewise busy in preparing, on a large scale, for the king’s expedition to Ireland; and those lords who were to accompany him were ordered to make preparations of whatever things they might think necessary.
* Rostellant. Q. Rutland.
CHAPTER LX. — THE DEATH OF THE LADY ANNE OF BOHEMIA, QUEEN OF ENGLAND. — THE DUKE OF LANCASTER LANDS IN AQUITAINE, AND THE KING OF ENGLAND IN IRELAND.
THE king of England and the duke of Lancaster were daily occupied in their preparations for leaving England, and had sent their men and purveyances to the different ports they were to embark from; the one to Ireland, and the other to Aquitaine; but their expedition was delayed for about two months by an event I will now relate. At this period, the lady Anne, queen of England, fell sick, to the great distress of the king and her household. Her disorder increased so rapidly that she departed this life on the feast of Whitsuntide, in the year of Grace, 1394. The king and all who loved her were greatly affected at her death. She was buried in the cathedral church of London*; but her obsequies were performed at leisure, for the king would have them magnificently done. Abundance of wax was sent for from Flanders to make flambeaux and torches, and the illumination 567 was so great on the day of the ceremony, that nothing was ever seen like to it before, not at the burial of the good queen Philippa nor of any other. The king would have it so, because she was daughter to the king of Bohemia, emperor of Rome and of Germany. He was inconsolable for her loss, as they mutually loved each other, having been married young. This queen left no issue, for she had never borne children.
Thus in the same year were the king, the duke of Lancaster, and the earl of Derby made widowers. There was no talk of the king’s marrying again, for he would not hear of it. Although the expedition to Ireland and Aquitaine were delayed by the queen’s death, those lords who were named to go to Ireland did not fail continuing their preparations; and, as their purveyances were ready, they sent them across the sea to Ireland from Brisco† and Lolighet‡ in Wales; and the conductors were ordered to carry them to a city on the coast of Ireland, called Dimelin§, which had always been steadily attached to England, and was an archbishopric: the archbishop of which place was with the king.
Soon after Saint John Baptist’s day, king Richard left London, and took the road for Wales, amusing himself by hunting on the way, to forget the loss of his queen. Those ordered to attend him began their journey, such as his two uncles of York and Gloucester, with grand array, as did the other lords: the earl of Kent, half-brother to the king, sir Thomas Holland, his son, the earl of Rutland, son to the duke of York, the earl marshal, the earls of Salisbury and Arundel, sir William Arundel, the earl of Northumberland, sir Thomas Percy his brother, high steward of England, the earls of Devonshire and Nottingham, with numbers of knights and squires. A considerable body remained at home to guard the borders of Scotland; for the Scots are a wicked race, and pay not any regard to truces or respites, but as it suits their own convenience.
At the time the king of England undertook this expedition, he had not the company of his other half-brother, sir John Holland earl of Huntingdon, for he was on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Saint Catherine of Mount Sinai, and was to return through Hungary. Having heard at Paris, as he passed through France, where he had been handsomely treated 568 by the king and his court, in respect to the king of England, that the king of Hungary and Amurat¶ were to have a battle, he declared he would not fail being present.
The duke of Lancaster and his army arrived at Plymouth, where transports waited to carry them across the sea. When his men and purveyances were all on board, they weighed anchor, and steered with a favourable wind for Bordeaux.
We will return to the king of England, who had with him full four thousand men at arms and thirty thousand archers. They were shipped at three different places, Bristol, Holyhead, and Herford¥, and passed over daily; for it was a month before the whole armament and their horses landed in Ireland. On the other hand, there was in Ireland a valiant English knight, called the earl of Ormond, who, like his predecessors, held lands in that country, but they were disputed, and he had made similar preparations to his ancestors.
The earl marshal had the command of the van, consisting of fifteen hundred lances and two thousand archers, who prudently and valiantly conducted themselves. King Richard and his uncles embarked at Haverford in Wales, many at Holyhead, and others at Bristol, and the whole landed without any loss. As they disembarked, by orders from the constable and marshals, they quartered themselves on the country, occupying a large uninhabited tract, of about thirty English miles, beside the city of Dublin. The army lodged themselves prudently, for fear of the Irish; had they done otherwise, they would have suffered for it. The king, his uncles, and prelates, were quartered in Dublin and near it; and I was told that, during the whole campaign, they were well supplied with all sorts of provision; for the English are expert in war, and know well how to forage and take proper care of themselves and horses. I will relate the history of this campaign of king Richard, and what befel him. According to the information I received.
*
“On the 7th of June, queen Anne died at Shene in Surrey, and was buried at Westminster. The king took her death so heavily that, besides cursing the place where she died, he did also, for anger, threw down the building, unto the which former kings, being weary of the city, were wont for pleasure to resort.”
Stowe’s Chronicle.
† “Brisco.” Q. Bristol.
‡ “Lelighet.” Q. Holyhead.
§ “Dimelin.” Q. Dublin.
¶ The person thus called was the sultan Bajazet I. who began his reign 1391.
¥ From what follows, I suppose this must mean Haverford-west, in Pembrokeshire, as it is pronounced Harford.
CHAPTER LXII. — SIR JOHN FROISSART ARRIVES IN ENGLAND, AND IS PRESENTED TO KING RICHARD BY THE DUKE OF YORK, UNCLE TO THE KING.
IN truth, I, sir John Froissart, treasure and canon of Chimay, in the county of Hainault, and diocese of Liege, had, during my stay at Abbeville, a great desire to go and see the kingdom of England: more especially since a truce had been concluded, for four years, at sea and land, between France, England, and their allies. Several reasons urged me to make this journey, but principally because in my youth I had been educated at the court of king Edward, of happy memory, and that good lady, Philippa, his queen, with their children, and others of the barons of those times, and was treated by them with all honour, courtesy, and liberality. I was anxious, therefore, to visit that country, for it ran in my imagination that if I once again saw it, I should live the longer; for twenty-seven years past I had intentions of going thither, and if I should not meet with the lords whom I had left there, I should at least see their heirs, who would likewise be of great service to me in the verification of the many histories I have related of them.
I mentioned my purpose to my very dear patrons, the lord duke Albert of Bavaria, cont of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, and lord of Frizeland; to the lord William his son, styled count d’Ostrevant; to my dear and much honoured lady Joan, duchess of Brabant and Luxembourg; and to my very much respected lord Enguerrand, lord of Coucy; as well as to that gallant knight, the lord de Gomegines. We had both, during our youth, arrived together at the English court, where I saw also the lord de Coucy, and all the nobles of France, who were hostages for the redemption of king John of France, which has been before related in this history. The three lords above mentioned, as well as the lord de Gomegines, and madame de Brabant, on my telling them my intentions, encouraged me to persevered, and they all gave me letters of introduction to the king and his uncles, with the reserve of the lord de Coucy, who, from being now so much attached to France, could only write to his daughter, the duchess of Ireland.
569I had taken care to — a collection of all the poetry on love and morality that I had composed during the last twenty-four years, which I had caused to be fairly written and illuminated. I was also incited to go to England and see king Richard, son to the noble and valiant prince of Wales and Aquitaine, whom I had not seen sine the time of his christening in the cathedral church of Bordeaux. I was then present, and had intentions of accompanying the prince of Wales in his expedition to Spain; but, when we came to the city of Dax, the prince sent me back to the queen his mother in England. I was desirous, therefore, to pay my respects to the king of England and his uncles, and had provided myself with my book of poesy finely ornamented, bound in velvet, and decorated with silver-gilt clasps and studs, as a present for the king. Having this intention, I spared no pains; and the cost and labour seem trifling to people, whenever they undertake anything willingly.
Having provided myself with horses, I crossed from Calais to Dover on the 12th day of July; but found no one there whom I had been acquainted with on my former journeys: the inns were all kept by new people, and the children of my former acquaintances were become men and women. I staid half a day and night to refresh myself and horses; and on Wednesday, by nine o’clock, arrived at Canterbury to visit the shrine of Saint Thomas and the tomb of the late prince of Wales, who had been buried there with great pomp. I heard the king was to come the following day in pilgrimage to St. Thomas of Becket. He was lately returned from Ireland, where he had remained for nine months, or thereabouts, and was anxious to pay his devotions in this church, on account of the holy body of the saint, and because his father was there buried. I thought, therefore, it would be well to wait his arrival, which I did; and, on the morrow, the king came in great state, accompanied by lords and ladies, with whom I mixed; but they were all new faces to me, for it did not remember one of them.
Times and persons had greatly changed since I was last in England, eight-and-twenty years past. The king had not either of his sisters with him: the duke of Lancaster was in Aquitaine, and the dukes of York and Gloucester in other parts. I was at first quite astonished, and should have been comforted could I have seen an ancient knight who had been of the bed-chamber to king Edward, and was in the same capacity to the present king, as well as of his privy council, and could I have made myself known to him. The name of this knight was sir Richard Sturry. I asked if he were alive; they said he was, but not then present, as he was at his residence in London. I then determined to address myself to sir Thomas Percy, high steward of England. I found him gracious and of agreeable manners, and he offered to present me and my letters to the king. I was rejoiced at this promise; for it is necessary to have friends to introduce one to so great a prince as the king o England. He went to the king’s apartments to see if it were a proper time, but found the king had retired to repose: he therefore bade me return to my inn. When I thought the king might be risen, I went again to the palace of the archbishop, where he lodged; but sir Thomas Percy and his people were preparing to set out for Ospringe, whence he had come that morning. I asked sir Thomas’s advice how to act: “For the present,” he said, “do not make further attempts to announce your arrival, but follow the king; and I will take care, when he comes to his palace in this country, which he will do in two days that you shall be well lodged as long as the court tarries there.”
The king was going to a beautiful palace in the county of Kent, called Leeds castle, and I followed sir Thomas Percy’s advice by taking the road to Ospringe. I lodged at an inn where I found a gallant knight of the king’s chamber, but he had that morning staid behind on account of a slight pain in his head that had seized him the preceding night. This knight, whose name was sir William de Lisle, seeing I was a foreigner and a Frenchman (for all who speak the language of Oil* are by the English considered as Frenchmen, whatever country they may come from), made acquaintance with me, and I with him, for the English 570 are courteous to strangers. He asked my situation and business in England, which I related to him at length, as well as what sir Thomas Percy had advised me to do. He replied, that I could not have had better advice, for that the king would on Friday be at Leeds castle, and would find there his uncle the duke of York. I was well pleased to hear this, for I had letters to the duke, and, when young, was known to him while in the household of the late king and queen.
I courted the acquaintance of sir William de Lisle, as a means of gaining greater intimacy with the king’s household. On the Friday, we rode out together, and on the road I asked if he had accompanied the king on his expedition to Ireland. He said he had. I then asked if there were any foundation in truth for what was said of St. Patrick’s hole†. He replied there was; and that he and another knight, during the king’s stay at Dublin, had been there. They entered it at sunset, remained there the whole night, and came out at sun-rise the next morning. I requested he would tell me whether he saw all the marvellous things which are said to be seen there. He made me the following answer: — “When I and my companion had passed the entrance of the cave, called the Purgatory of Saint Patrick, we descended three or four steps (for you go down into it like a cellar), but found our heads so much affected by the heat, we seated ourselves on the steps, which are of stone, and such a drowsiness came on, that we slept there the whole knight.” I asked, if, when asleep, they knew where they were, and what visions they had. He said, they had many very strange dreams, and they seemed, as they imagined, to see more than they would have done if they had been in their beds. This they both were assured of. “When morning came, and we were awake, the door of the cave was opened, for so we had ordered it, and we came out, but instantly lost all recollection of everything we had seen, and looked on the whole as a phantom.” I did not push the conversation further, although I should have much liked to have heard what he would say of Ireland; but other knights overtook us, and conversed with him; and thus we rode to Leeds castle, where the king and his court arrived shortly after. The duke of York was already there; and I made myself known to him, by presenting him letters from his cousins, the count of Hainault and the count d’Ostrevant. The duke recollected me, and made me a hearty welcome, saying, — “Sir John, keep with us and our people; for we will show you every courtesy and attention; we are bounden so to do, from remembrance of past times, and affection to the memory of our lady-mother, to whom 571 you were attached. We have not forgotten these times.” I warmly thanked him, as was just, for his kind speech, and was well noticed by him, sir Thomas Percy, and sir William de lisle, who carried me to the king’s chamber, where I was introduced to him by his uncle, the duke of York.
The king received me graciously and kindly; he took all the letters I presented to him, and, having read them attentively, said I was welcome, and that since I had belonged to the household of the late king and queen, his grandfather and grandmother, I must consider myself still as of the royal household of England. This day I did not offer him the book I had brought; for sir Thomas Percy told me it was not a fit opportunity, as he was much occupied with serious business. The council was deeply engaged on two subjects; first, in respect to the negotiations with France, to treat of a marriage between the king and the lady Isabella, eldest daughter to the king of France, who at this time was about eight years old. The ambassadors appointed to make this proposal to France, were the earl of Rutland, cousin-german to the king, the earl marshal, the archbishop of Dublin, the bishop of Lye, the lord Clifford, lord Beaumont, lord Hugh Spencer, and several others‡,
Secondly, the lord de la Barde, the lord de la Taride, the lord de Pinterne, the lord de Châteauneuf, the lords de Levesque and de Copane, the chief magistrates of Bordeaux, Bayonne, and Dax, were come to England, and greatly persecuted the king, since his return from Ireland, for an answer to their petitions and remonstrances on the gift the king had made his uncle, the duke of Lancaster, of all Aquitaine, with its lordships, baronies, and dependencies, which had appertained to the king and crown of England. The above-mentioned lords, and principal cities and towns in Aquitaine, maintained that such a gift could not be made, that it was null; for that the whole of Aquitaine was a fief depending solely on the crown of England, and that they would never consent thus to be displaced from it. They had made several reasonable propositions for an accommodation, which I will relate in proper time and place. In order that these matters might be more fully considered, and indeed they required it, the king had summoned the principal barons and prelates of the realm to meet him on Magdalen-day, at his palace of Eltham, seven miles from London, and the same distance from Dartford. On the fourth day after the king’s arrival, when I learnt that he, his council, and the duke of York, were about to quit Leeds castle and go to Rochester, in their way to Eltham, I set out in their company.
* La Langue d’Oil, was the language spoken in the north of France, in contra-distinction to the Langue d’Oc, the dialect of the south, whence the name of the province Languedoc. Oil and Oc, are now both superseded by the modern “Oui.”
† ’ “Nothing has rendered this county (Donegal) so famous as the cave discovered by the patron saint of Ireland, or his namesake, abbot of Nevers, about four hundred years after, in which the holy monk obtained a constant exhibition of the torments of the wicked, for the edification of the Irish. But that it could not be Saint Patrick who first invented it, is plain from his silence about it in his book ‘de tribus habitaculis,’ heaven, earth, and hell. Henry or Hugh, monk of Saltrey, in Huntingdonshire, was the first who wrote about it, and what one Owen or Tyndal, a soldier, had seen there. It was about sixteen feet and a half long, by two feet one inch wide, built of freestone, covered with broad flags, and green turf laid over them, and was so low and narrow, that a tall man could hardly sit, must less stand in it. In the side was a window just wide enough to admit a faint ray of light: in the floor a cavity capable of containing a man at his length; and, under a large stone at the end of the pavement, a deep pit, which had opened at the prayers of the saint. The bottom of the cave was originally much below the surface of the ground. It stood on the east side of the church, in the church-yard, encompassed with a wall, and surrounded by circles or cells, called the beds, scarcely three feet high, denominated from several saints. The penitents who visited this island, after fasting on bread and water for nine days, and making processions round these holy stations thrice a-day barefoot, for the first seven days, and six times on the eighth, washing their weary limbs each night in the adjoining lake, on the ninth enter the cave. Here they observe a twenty-four hours’ fast, tasting only a little water, and, upon quitting it, bathe in the lake, and so conclude the solemnity. The original preparatory fast, as we learn from Matthew Paris, was fifteen days, and as long after quitting the cave, out of which all who entered did not return.
“Leave being first obtained of the bishop of the diocese, the prior represented to the penitents all the horrors and difficulty of the undertaking, suggesting to them at the same time an easier penance. If they persevered in this resolution, they were conducted to the door with a procession from the convent, and, after twenty-four hours’ confinement, let out next morning with the like ceremony. In this recess, enlightened only by a kind of twilight, which discovered a field and hall, Owen was first visited by fifteen persons clothed in white, like religious, newly shorn, who encouraged him against the horrid scenes that were next to present themselves in his view. They were succeeded by troops of demons, who began with lying him on a burning pile, which he soon extinguished, by pronouncing the name of Christ. They then dragged him through the several scenes of torment, where the wicked suffered all the variety of tortures of ancient Tartarus; and, standing proof against all these horrors, he was favoured with a full view and description of paradise, by two venerable prelates, who refused to let him stay there. He met with the same demons and monks as he went out of the cave, after which he visited the holy sepulchre, and, at his return, taking upon him the habit assisted in founding Besmagovcisth Abbey.” — Gough’s Addition to Camden, p. 641, vol. 3.
‡ See the Fœdera for full particulars. The ambassadors were the archbishop of Dublin, the bishop of Saint David’s, the earl of Rutland, the earl marshal and sir William Scrope. They were to propose also a marriage between the earl of Rutland and the youngest daughter of the king of France.
The instructions to these ambassadors are dated “Leeds Castle, 8th day of July, 1395.”
CHAPTER LXII. — THE INFORMATION FROISSART GAINS IN ENGLAND, TOUCHING THE OPPOSITION OF THE INHABITANTS OF AQUITAINE TO THE GIFT THE KING OF ENGLAND HAS MADE OF IT TO HIS UNCLE THE DUKE OF LANCASTER. — THE COMMISSIONERS SENT TO REMONSTRATED ON THE MATTER WITH THE KING, CANNOT OBTAIN A DECISIVE ANSWER RELATIVE THERETO.
ON the road to Rochester, I asked sir William de Lisle and sir John de Grailly, governor of Bouteville, the cause of the king’s journey to London, and why the parliament was to be assembled at Eltham. They both answered me satisfactorily; but sir John de Grailly particularly informed me why the lords of Gascony, and the deputies from the chief towns were come to England. He was so well acquainted with them, being as it were from the same country and fellow subjects to England, that they hid nothing from him. He said, “that when the duke of Lancaster came last to Aquitaine, he was provided with deeds sealed with the great seal of England, which had been regularly agreed to in parliament and signed by the dukes of York and Gloucester, to whom Aquitaine might possibly revert, by succession, to king Richard of England, who had no children, and these two dukes were brothers-german, by father and mother, to the duke of Lancaster. The 572 duke of Lancaster sent part of his council to Bordeaux, to inform the mayor and magistrates of his coming and the cause of it. They were greatly surprised on hearing it; but, notwithstanding, they well feasted the commissioners he had sent, in honour to the king, to whom they owed service and obedience. They desired time to consider of their answer, which being granted, they replied, that the duke of Lancaster, as son to king Edward of happy memory, who had been their lord, was welcome, but not in any other capacity, as they had not as yet sufficiently weighed the matter to determine on receiving him as their lord; for their sovereign, king Richard, to whom they had sworn fealty, had not acquitted them of their obedience. The duke’s commissioners replied, that as to this, the duke would take upon himself to satisfy them they should never have any trouble from his nephew the king of England. When those of Bordeaux saw themselves thus hardly pressed, they made another excuse by saying, — “Gentlemen, the grant we perceive includes not only us but the cities of Bayonne and Dax, and the prelates and barons of Germany who are under the obedience of the king of England. Go to them, and as they shall regulate we will do the same.” The commissioners, not being able to get any other answer, left Bordeaux, and returned to the duke of Lancaster at Libourne. When the duke heard the above answer, he became very thoughtful, and foresaw that the business he was come upon would not be so soon settled as he had at first imagined, or had been made to understand. He sent, however, his commissioners to Bayonne who were received by the Bayonnois in just the same manner as they had been received at Bordeaux, nor could they obtain a different answer.
At length, the prelates, barons, and deputies from all the towns of Gascony under the obedience of England, assembled, and, having debated the justice of the king of England’s grant to the duke of Lancaster, came to the following conclusion. They were very willing to receive in their castles, cities, and towns, the duke of Lancaster, as son to the noble kind Edward of happy memory, and as uncle to king Richard of England; but on condition he would solemnly swear, that himself and people would peaceably demand themselves during their stay, and that they would not take anything by force, but pay ready money for whatever they might want; nor should he, the duke of Lancaster, extend the powers of the crown to oppress any one, nor do so by other means. The duke replied, that he was not come to hurt or oppress the people, but, on the contrary, to guard and defend them as his own inheritance, and intreated that the will of the king of England should be complied with. But the country, with one voice declared they would not be disjoined from the crown of England, and that it was not in the power of the king of England thus to turn then over to another. This matter was disputed for a long time between the duke of Lancaster, and the Gascons; and when he saw he could not prevail on them to receive him as their lord, he requested they would send sufficiently-authorised persons to the king of England, as he would do on their part, and whatever the parliament of England should determine, whether in his favour or not, he would abide by. The Gascons thinking this a very reasonable proposal from the duke, agreed to it; and he then came with his attendants to reside among them, at his former lodgings in the abbey of saint Andrew. The prelates and barons of Gascony as well as the cities of Bayonne and Dax, selected proper commissioners to send to England.
When the king of France, his uncles, and ministers, heard for certain that the duke of Lancaster had been peaceably received in Bordeaux, and that he had there fixed his residence, they knew not what to think of it, nor whether he would adhere to the truces that had been made between France and England. This gave them so much uneasiness that they resolved to send ambassadors to the duke of Lancaster to learn his intentions. The lord de Boucicaut, marshal of France, sir John de Châteaumorant and sir John Barrois des Barres, were chosen for this purpose, and they were to have under their command one thousand well appointed men at arms. They left Paris, and continued their march to Agen, where they quartered themselves as well as in the surrounding country: they then sent heralds and messengers to the duke of Lancaster, in the city of Bordeaux, to notify their wishes to speak with him. The duke made the messengers good cheer, heard what they had to say, and wrote back to their lords, that since they were desirous to speak with him he was as anxious to meet them; 573 and, in order to give them less trouble, would go to Bergerac, where they would confer together. The messengers, on their return to Agen, gave their lords the letter from the duke of Lancaster, which satisfied them as to their safety, and they made preparations accordingly. As soon as they heard of the duke’s arrival at Bergerac, they left the city of Agen, and marched thither, where they found the gates open to receive them. The lords entered the town, and went to the hôtels which has been prepared for them; but their men lodged themselves in the suburbs and adjacent villages. The three lords waited on the duke of Lancaster, who kindly received them, as he knew well how to do; and in reply to what they urged, he said, “that he wished to be always a good neighbour, and on friendly terms with the king and realm of France, and to adhere to every article of the truces that had been lately made between France, England, and their allies. He had been very active in forming these truces, and of course would be unwilling any way to infringe them; and of this they might be perfectly assured.”
The answer of the duke was highly gratifying to the French lords, who remained with him on the most friendly terms. He entertained them grandly at dinner and supper in the castle of Bergerac, after which they separated in a very amicable manner. The duke returned to Bordeaux, and the French lords towards Paris; but in their way they met the duke of Berry in Poitiers, to whom they related all they had done, and the duke of Lancaster’s answer. The duke of Berry thought it satisfactory and reasonable, as did the king of France and the duke o Burgundy, when the three lords reported it to them, on their arrival at Paris. Things remained on this assurance quiet. “What after happened I have told you,” added sir John de Grailly; “for the duke of Lancaster sent hither some of the principal of his council, such as sir William de la Perrier, sir Peter Cliqueton, and two doctors of laws, master John Huche and master John Richards de Lincestre, to plead his cause before the king, his uncles and council*. It is for this reason the king is now going to Eltham; for as Thursday next is Magdalen-day, the parliament will meet there. What decision they will come to, I cannot say; but this I know, that the duke of Gloucester will be present, and be violent in his support of the duke of Lancaster’s claims; for I have heard from some of the English who ought to know, that he would cheerfully see his brother firmly established in Guyenne, and never to return to England, for he finds him his superior, and for this reason is desirous he should gain the duchy of Aquitaine. The duke of Gloucester has a good head, but is proud, and wonderfully overbearing in his manners. Let him say or act as he pleases, he is always popular with the commonalty, for they are mutually attached to each other. He was the cause of the execution of that valiant knight, sir Simon Burley. He it was, likewise, who caused the banishment of the duke of Ireland, the archbishop of York and other knights of the king’s council, who were either put to death on very slight grounds, or forced into foreign countries, during the time the duke of Lancaster, who is more feared than loved in this country, was in Castille.
“Let us for the present,” said sir John de Grailly, “quit this matter, and speak of the second object that occupies the council. It seems to me, from what I have seen and heard, that the king of England wishes to marry again, and has had researches made everywhere, but in vain, for a suitable lady. If the duke of Burgundy or count of Hainault had daughters of a proper age, he would not be averse to either; but they have none that are not already betrothed. He has been told that the king of Navarre has sisters and daughters, but he will not hear of them. The duke of Gloucester has likewise a grown up girl and marriageable, and he would be well pleased If his nephew would choose her; but the king says, she is too nearly related, being his cousin-german. King Richard’s thoughts are so bent on the eldest daughter of the king of France, he will not hear of any other: it causes great wonder in this country that he should be so eager to marry the daughter of his adversary, and he is not the better beloved for it. This he seems indifferent to, and plainly shows that henceforward he will prefer war with any country rather than with France. It is known from experience how anxious he was that a stable peace should be established between the two countries; for he said the wars had lasted too long between him and his predecessors with France, and 574 that too many valiant men had been slain on both sides, to the great weakening of the defenders of the Christian faith. To put this idea out of the king’s mind, for it is no way agreeable to the people of England that he should connect himself by marriage with France, they have told him the lady was by far too young, and that for five or six years to come she would not be of a proper age for a wife. He replied by saying, that every day she would increase in age. In addition to this, he gave pleasantly his reasons for his preferring her: that since she was so young, he should educated her, and bring her up to his own mind, and to the manners of the English; and that for himself he was young enough to wait until she should be of proper age for his wife. Nothing can make him change this resolution, and before you leave this country, you may perhaps witness many strange things. It is for this and the other business I mentioned that he is journeying towards London.”
With such conversation did sir John de Grailly entertain me while travelling between Rochester and Dartford. He was the bastard-son of that gallant knight the captal de Buch. I eagerly listened to all he said, and treasured his words in my memory; for I rode chiefly in his company, and with sir William de Lisle, the whole way from Leeds castle to Eltham.
The king arrived at Eltham on a Tuesday. On the Wednesday, the lords came from all parts. There were the duke of Gloucester, the earls of Derby, Arundel, Northumberland, Kent, Rutland, the earl marshal, the archbishops of Canterbury and of York, the bishops of London and of Winchester: in short, all who had been summoned arrived at Eltham on Thursday, by eight o’clock in the morning. The parliament was holden in the king’s apartment, in the presence of the king, his uncles, and council. The knights from Gascony and the deputies from the cities and towns, as well as those sent by the duke of Lancaster, were present.
I cannot say what passed at this parliament, for I was not admitted, nor were any but the members of it. It sat for upwards of four hours. When it was over, I renewed my acquaintance after dinner with an ancient knight whom in my youth I well knew, when he was of the chamber of king Edward. He was now one of the principal advisers of king Richard, and deserving of it: his name was sir Richard Sturry. He immediately recollected me, though it was twenty-four years since we had seen each other; the last time was at Colleberge†, at Brussels, in the hôtel of duke Winceslaus and the duchess Jane of Brabant. Sir Richard Sturry seemed very glad to see me, and made me a hearty welcome. He asked many questions, which I answered as fully and as well as I could. While we were walking near the king’s apartment at Eltham, I inquired if he could inform me what had been the determination of the parliament: having mused awhile, he said he would tell me, for it was not worth while to conceal what must shortly be made public.
“You know,” continued the knight, “or have heard, that the duke of Lancaster left England for Aquitaine, on receiving the magnificent gift the king our lord made him. The king loves all who pretend friendship for him, but particularly the duke of Lancaster; and out of gratitude, which he strongly feels, for the great services the duke has done the crown, as well on this as on the other side of the sea, the king has given him and to his heirs for ever the whole of the duchy of Aquitaine, with all its dependencies, excepting the homage, which is the sole thing he has reserved for the crown of England in times to come. This gift has gone through every legal form, with the approbation and consent of his other uncles and the English parliament. The king has specially commanded all his subjects within the boundaries of Aquitaine to obey punctually his well-beloved uncle the duke of Lancaster as their sovereign lord, and to pay him homage and service, in the usual manner as they have done to their lords in former times. Should any prove rebellious to these orders, the king gives the duke of Lancaster full powers to punish such within three days after their disobedience, without any expectation of support from him. It has happened, however, that notwithstanding these strict orders of the king, the barons, knights, gentlemen, cities and towns of Gascony, under the obedience of England, have united together in opposition 575 to the duke of Lancaster, and refuse to obey him, declaring and maintaining that the gift the king made his uncle of Lancaster is null and void. The duke, who is desirous of acting in this business by fair means, has listened to their reasonings on the subject, and advised, to prevent further mischief, that they should send hither properly-instructed persons to lay their complaints before the king, and declare their reasons for having opposed his orders.
“They have certainly this day very ably explained the cause of refusing their obedience to the duke of Lancaster, and have given the king and his council enough to think upon. They will probably succeed in their mission, and I will tell you my reasons for so thinking; but you will keep them secret, until the matter shall become more public.” I replied, that he might depend on my doing it. He then continued: “I believe it was the official of Bordeaux, who, for his learning was their spokesman; — he began by showing their procurations from the different towns, that greater faith might be given to what he should say. He then declared, that ‘the cities of Bordeaux, Bayonne, Dax, and all the lordships dependent on them, or within their limits and jurisdictions, are of such noble condition, that no king of England, by any act of his, can disjoin them from the domain of the crown of England, nor alienate or dispose of them to any child, uncle, or brother he may have, nor by any way of marriage-settlement nor otherwise. The above-named towns have received, from different kings of England, certain privileges, which their successors have sworn to maintain without any infringement; and the moment a king of England comes into possession of the crown of England and its dependencies, he swears, on the missal in his hand, to preserve inviolate all their privileges, which, you, dear sire, have also done, as these papers will prove.’ He then produced charters, fairly engrossed and sealed with the great seal of England, which king Richard, who was then present, had given them, and read the whole, clause by clause. The contents of the charters were well understood, for they were in Latin and French; and at the end he named several great barons and prelates, to the number of eleven, who had been nominated as sureties.
“When the papers were read, each lord looked at his neighbour and to the king, but not one said a word in reply. The official, having finished reading his deeds, thus spoke, addressing himself to the king: ‘Most beloved and renowned sovereign, and you, my dear lords, all what you have just heard, am I charged by the deputies of the principal towns and inhabitants of Gascony to lay before you, and to maintain their dependence solely on the crown of England, as the charters that you have been shown plainly declare. Should the country be inclined to receive the duke of Lancaster for its lord, and be freed from the service and homage it owes you, the loss would be very great to England; for if, at this moment, the duke is attached to the king, and attentive to preserve the privileges of the crown of England, that love and affection will, in course of time, be much weakened by his successive heirs, and by intermarriages that may take place: it is necessary that marriages should be concluded between great princes, for the more effectually preserving the love of their subjects. Now it may happen, in times to come, that the heirs of the duke of Lancaster shall unite themselves by marriage with the daughters of the kings of France, the dukes of Berry, Brittany, the counts of Foix or of Armagnac, the kings of Navarre, the dukes of Anjou or of Maine, and — alliances with their connexions on the other side of the sea, claiming the whole sovereignty of Guyenne, and ruining the country, by putting it in opposition to England. The king of England would probably, in such a case, have great difficulty in recovering the rights due to the crown. Condescend, therefore, most noble king, and you, my dear lords to consider well all the reasons I have laid before you; for the whole country is unanimous and determined to remain under the obedience of our much redoubted lord and king, and in dependence on the crown of England.” The official here ended his speech; and the prelates and lord, looking to each other, approached the king, conducted by his two uncles and the earls of Derby and Arundel.
“It was then suggested to those who had come from Aquitaine, to leave the chamber until called for, which they did, with the last two knights who had been sent by the duke of Lancaster. This being done, the king demanded from the prelates and barons what answer should be made. The prelates referred the answer to the two uncles of the king, because the matter more nearly affected them. At first, they excused themselves, saying, it was a 576 public concern, and should be deliberated on in common, and not treated as any matter of favour. The business thus remained for some time; but the duke of Gloucester being desired to give his opinion, he said, it would be a strong measure to take from the king a gift that he had made with the unanimous consent of his council, and that had been invested with every legal form, because his subjects were rebellious; that the king was not lord of his inheritance if he could not dispose of it as he pleased. Some commented on this speech, while others had the courage to say the answer was not reasonable, though they dared not contradict it; for the duke of Gloucester was much feared. The earl of Derby, son of the duke of Lancaster, added, ‘Good uncle, you have well spoken, and justly explained the matter, and I support what you have said.’ The council on this began to separate, and to murmur one to another; but they did not call in the envoys from Guyenne, nor those from the duke of Lancaster.”
Here the old knight ended the conversation; but I learnt — him afterwards, that when the king heard this, he dissembled his opinion, with the intention of again summoning his council after dinner, to know if any measures, more to the advantage of the crown, should be adopted, or if anything further should be done in respect to Aquitaine.
The king made the archbishop of Canterbury speak on the business of his marriage, as he had ordered him in the morning, and who should be sent to France, for he was very earnest that this matter should be accomplished. It had before been in debate, and was nearly agreed to, and those were named who were to cross the sea, although their instructions had not been given to them. In this council it was ordered, that the archbishop of Dublin, the earl of Rutland, the earl-marshal, the lord Beaumont, sir Hugh Spencer, sir Lewis Clifford, to the number of twenty knights and forty squires of honour, should wait on the king of France and propose a treaty of marriage between the king of England and the lady Isabella, his daughter, who might then be about eight years old. She had been betrothed before to the duke of Brittany’s son, as you have seen when the meeting took place, and peace was made between the king of France and the duke of Brittany, at Tours. To break this would be difficult, for the king of France and his uncles had put their seals to the treaty. Notwithstanding this obstacle, the English ambassadors, having received their instructions, left London, and crossing the sea at Dover, arrived in two or three days at Calais. They staid there five days to refresh themselves and their horses, and then departed, taking the road to Amiens, having sent before the Irish herald March, who had brought them reports from the king of France on his return to Calais. The lord de Monchourel‡ was also sent as a guide, and to have all cities and towns opened to them, as well as to provide for what they might want. We will leave them for a little, and return to the matters we were before speaking of.
As I have mentioned, the deputies from Gascony and from the chief towns in Aquitaine were earnest in their solicitations to the king and council that they might remain attached to the crown of England, according to their ancient rights and privileges, which it has been repeatedly sworn should be observed, in spite of every cause, obstacle, or condition to the contrary. Three parts of the council, and the unanimous voice of the people of England, were on their side; but Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, youngest son to the late king Edward, opposed them, and plainly showed he wished his brother of Lancaster to be detained in Aquitaine, for he felt he was too powerful when in England, and too nearly allied to the king. As for his brother of York, he held him cheap, for he interfered little in public affairs, and was without malice or guile, wishing only to live in quiet: he had beside just married a young and beautiful wife, daughter to the earl of Kent, with whom he spent most of his time which was not occupied with other amusements. The duke of Gloucester was cunning and malicious, and continually soliciting favours from sis nephew king Richard, pleading poverty, though he abounded in wealth; for he was constable of England, duke of Gloucester, earl of Buckingham, Essex, and Northampton. He had, beside, pensions on the king’s exchequer, to the amount of four thousand nobles a-year; and he would not exert himself in ay way to serve his king our country, if he were not well paid for it. He was violently adverse to those of Aquitaine in this business, and did everything in his 577 power that the duke of Lancaster might not return to England, for then he would have everything his own way.
To show that he governed the king and was the greatest in the council, as soon as he has delivered his opinion and saw that many were murmuring at it, and that the prelates and lords were discussing it in small parties he quitted the king’s chamber, followed by the earl of Derby, and entered the hall at Eltham, where he ordered a table to be spread, and they both sat down to dinner while the others were debating the business. When the duke of York heard they were at dinner, he joined them. After their dinner, which took so long time, the duke of Gloucester, dissembling his thoughts, took leave of the king as he was seated at table, mounted his horse, and returned to London. The earl of Derby remained that and the ensuing day with the king and the lords, but those from Aquitaine could not procure any answer to their petitions.
* Hollingshed calls them sir William Perreer, — sir Peter Clifton, — master John Huich — and master John Richards, a canon of Leicester.
† “Colleberge.” I do not understand this passage, for the town of Colberg is in the duchy of Pomerania. It never could have been there they met. There is a full stop at the end of Colleberg in the printed and MS. Copies: the MSS. say fourteen years instead of twenty-four.
‡ “Monchourel.” In the MSS. Mont-caurel.
CHAPTER LXIV. — FROISSART PRESENTS HIS BOOK OF LOVE POEMS TO KING RICHARD OF ENGLAND. — HE RELATES WHAT HE HAD HEARD OF THE LAST EXPEDITION OF THE ENGLISH TO IRELAND.
I HAVE taken much pleasure in detailing everything relative to the dispute with Gascony and Aquitaine, that the truth of my history may be apparent; and because I, the author of it, could not be present in these councils, that ancient and valiant knight sir Richard Sturry told me everything, word for word, as I have transcribed. On the Sunday, the whole council were gone to London, excepting the duke of York, who remained with the king, and sir Richard Sturry: these two, in conjunction with sir Thomas Percy, mentioned me again to the king, who desired to see the book I had brought for him. I presented it to him in his chamber, for I had it with me, and laid it on his bed. He opened and looked into it with much pleasure. He ought to have been pleased, for it was handsomely written and illuminated, and bound in crimson velvet, with ten silver-gilt studs, and roses of the same in the middle, with two large clasps of silver-gilt, richly worked with roses in the centre. The king asked me what the book treated of: I replied, — “Of love!” He was pleased with the answer, and dipped into several places, reading parts aloud, for he read and spoke French perfectly well, and then gave it to one of his knights, called sir Richard Credon, to carry to his oratory, and made me many acknowledgments for it.
It happened this same Sunday, after the king had received my book so handsomely, an English squire, being in the king’s chamber, called Henry Castide*, a man of prudence and character, and who spoke French well, made acquaintance with me, because he saw the king and lords give me so hearty a reception, and had likewise noticed the book I had presented to the king: he also imagined, from his first conversation, that I was an historian; indeed, he had been told so by sir Richard Sturry. He thus addressed me: — “Sir John, have you as yet found any one to give you an account of the late expedition to Ireland, and how four kings of that country submitted themselves to the obedience of the king?” I replied, that I had not. “I will tell it you, then,” said the squire, who might be about fifty years old, “in order that, when you are returned home, you may at your leisure insert it in your history, to be had in perpetual remembrance.” I was delighted to hear this, and offered him my warmest thanks.
Henry Castide thus began: — “It is not in the memory of man that any king of England ever led so large an armament of men at arms and archers to make war on the Irish, as the present king. He remained, upwards of nine months in Ireland, at great expense, which, however, was cheerfully defrayed by his kingdom; for the principal cities and towns of England thought it was well laid out, when they saw their king return home with honour. Only gentlemen and archers had been employed on this expedition; and there were with the king four thousand knights and squires and thirty thousand archers, all regularly paid every 578 week, and so well they were satisfied. To tell you the truth, Ireland is one of the worst countries to make war in, or to conquer; for there are such impenetrable and extensive forests, lakes, and bogs, there is no knowing how to pass them, and carry on war advantageously: it is so thinly inhabited, that, whenever the Irish please, they desert the towns, and take refuge in these forests, and live in huts made of boughs, like wild beasts; and whenever they perceive any parties advancing with hostile dispositions, and about to enter their country, they fly to such narrow passes, it is impossible to follow them. When they find a favourable opportunity to attack their enemies to advantage, which frequently happens, from their knowledge of the country, they fail not to seize it; and no man at arms, be he ever so well mounted, can overtake them, so light are they of foot. Sometimes they leap from the ground behind a horseman, and embrace the rider (for they are very strong in their arms) so tight, that he can no way get rid of them. The Irish have pointed knives, with broad blades, sharp on both sides like a dart-head, with which they kill their enemies; but they never consider them as dead until they have cut their throats like sheep, opened their bellies and taken out their hearts, which they carry off with them, and some say, who are well acquainted with their manners, that they devour them as delicious morsels. They never accept of ransom for their prisoners; and when they find they have not the advantage in any skirmishes, they instantly separate, and hide themselves in hedges, bushes, or holes under ground, so that they seem to disappear, no one knows whither.
“Sir William Windsor, who has longer made war in Ireland than any other English knight, has never been able, during his residence among them, to learn correctly their manners, nor the condition of the Irish people. They are a very hardy race, of great subtlety, and of various tempers, paying no attention to cleanliness, nor to any gentlemen, although their country is governed by kings, of whom there are several, but seem desirous to remain in the savage state they have been brought up in. True it is, that four of the most potent kings in Ireland have submitted to the king of England, but more through love and good-humour, than by battle or force. The earl of Ormond, whose lands join their kingdoms, took great pains to induce them to go to Dublin, where the king our lord resided, and to submit themselves to him and to the crown of England. This was considered by 579 every one as a great acquisition, and the object of the armament accomplished: for, during the whole of king Edward’s reign, of happy memory, he had never such success as king Richard. The honour is great, but the advantage little, for with such savages nothing can be done. I will tell you an instance of their savageness, that it may serve as an example to other nations. You may depend on its truth; for I was an eye-witness of what I shall relate, as they were about a month under my care and governance at Dublin, to teach them the usages of England, by orders of the king and council, because I knew their language as well as I did French and English, for in my youth I was educated among them; and earl Thomas, father of the present earl of Ormond, kept me with him, out of affection, for my good horsemanship.
“It happened that the earl above-mentioned was sent with three hundred lances and one thousand archers to make war on the Irish; for the English had kept up a constant warfare against them, in hopes of bringing them under their subjection. The earl of Ormond, whose lands bordered on his opponent, had that day mounted me on one of his best horses, and I rode by his side. The Irish having formed an ambuscade to surprise the English, advanced from it; but were so sharply attacked by the archers, whose arrows they could not withstand, for they are not armed against them, that they soon retreated. The earl pressed them, and I, who was well mounted, kept close by him: it chanced that in this pursuit my horse took fright, and ran away with me, in spite of all my efforts, into the midst of the enemy. My friends could never overtake me; and, in passing through the Irish, one of them, by a great feat of agility, leaped on the back of my horse, and held me tight with both his arms, but did me no harm with lance or knife. He pressed my horse forward for more than two hours, and conducted him to a large bush, in a very retired spot, where he found his companions who had run thither to escape the English. He seemed much rejoiced to have made me his prisoner, and carried me to his house, which was strong, and in a town surrounded with wood, palisades, and stagnant water: the name of this town was Herpelin†. The gentleman who had taken me was called Brin Costeret‡, a very handsome man. I have frequently made inquiries after him, and hear that he is still alive, but very old. This Bryan Costeret kept me with him seven years, and gave me his daughter in marriage, by whom I have two girls. I will tell you how I obtained my liberty. It happened in the seventh year of my captivity, that one of their kings, Arthur Macquemaire, king of Leinster, raised an army against Lionel duke of Clarence, son to king Edward of England, and both armies met very near the city of Leinster. In the battle that followed, many were slain and taken on both sides; but, the English gaining the day, the Irish were forced to fly, and the king of Leinster escaped. The father of my wife was made prisoner, under the banner of the duke of Clarence; and as Bryan Costeret was mounted on my horse, which was remembered to have belonged to the earl of Ormond it was then first known that I was alive, that he had honourably entertained me at his house in Herpelin, and given me his daughter in marriage. The duke of Clarence, sir William Windsor, and all of our party, were well pleased to hear this news, and he was offered his liberty, on condition that that he gave me mine, and sent me to the English army, with my wife and children. He at first refused the terms, from his love to me, his daughter, and our children; but, when he found no other terms would be accepted, he agreed to them, provided my eldest daughter remained with him. I returned to England with my wife and youngest daughter, and fixed my residence at Bristol. M two children are married: the one established in Ireland has three boys and two girls, and her sister four sons and two daughters.
“Because the Irish language is as familiar to me as English, for I have always spoken it in my family, and introduce it among my grandchildren as much as I can, I have been chosen by our lord and king to teach and accustom the four Irish kings, who have sworn obedience for ever to England, to the manners of the English. I must say, that these kings who were under my management were of coarse manners and understandings; and, in spite of all I could do to soften their language and nature, very little progress has been made, for the would frequently return to their former coarse behaviour.
“I will more particularly relate the charge that was given me over them, and how I 580 managed it. The king of England intended these four kings should adopt the manners, appearance, and dress of the English, for he wanted to create them knights. He have them first a very handsome house in the city of Dublin for themselves and attendants, where I was ordered to resided with them, and never to leave the house without an absolute necessity. I lived with them for three or four days without any way interfering, that we might become accustomed to each other, and I allowed them to act just as they pleased. I observed, that as they sat at table, they made grimaces, that did not seem to me graceful nor becoming, and I resolved in my own mind to make them drop that custom. When these kings were seated at table, and the first dish was served, they would make their minstrels and principal servants sit beside them, and eat from their plates and drink from their cups. They told me, this was a praiseworthy custom of their country, where everything was in common but the bed. I permitted this to be done for three days; but on the fourth I ordered the tables to be laid out and covered properly, placing the four kings at an upper table, the minstrels at another below, and the servants lower still. They looked at each other, and refused to eat, saying I had deprived them of their old custom in which they had been brought up. I replied with a smile, to appease them, that their custom was not decent nor suitable to their rank, nor would it be honourable for them to continue it; for that now they should conform to the manners of the English, and to instruct them in these particulars was the motive of my residence with them, having been so ordered by the king of England and his council. When they heard this they made no further opposition to whatever I proposed, from having themselves under the obedience of England, and continued good-humouredly to persevere in it as long as I staid with them.
“They had another custom I knew to be common in the country, which was the not wearing breeches. I had, in consequence, plenty of breeches made of linen and cloth, which I gave to the kings and their attendants, and accustomed them to wear them. I took away many rude articles, as well in their dress as other things, and had great difficulty at the first to induce them to wear robes of silken cloth, trimmed with squirrel-skin or minever, for the kings only wrapped themselves up in an Irish cloak. In riding, they neither used saddles nor stirrups, and I had some trouble to make them conform in this respect to the English manners.
“I once made inquiry concerning their faith; but they seemed so much displeased, I was forced to silence: they said they believed in God and the Trinity, without any difference from our creed. I asked which pope they were inclined to: they replied, without hesitation, ‘To that at Rome.’ I enquired if they would like to receive the order of knighthood? For the king would willingly create them such, after the usual modes of France, England, and other countries. They said they were knights already, which ought to satisfy them. I asked when they were made; they answered, at seven years old; that In Ireland a king makes his son a knight, and should the child have lost his father, then the nearest relation; and the young knight begins to learn to tilt with a light lance against a shield fixed to a post in a field and the more lances he breaks the more honour he acquires. ‘By this method,’ added they, ‘are our young knights trained, more especially kings’ sons.’ Although I asked this, I was before well acquainted with the manner of educating their children to arms. I made no further reply than by saying, this kind of childish knighthood would not satisfy the king of England, and that he would create them in another mode. They asked, ‘In what manner?’ ‘In church, with most solemn ceremonies;’ and I believe they paid attention to what I said.
“About two days after, the king was desirous to create these kings knights; and the earl of Ormond, who understood and spoke Irish well, as his lands joined the territories of the kings, was sent to wait on them, that they might have more confidence in the message from the king and council. On his arrival, they showed him every respect, which he returned, as he knew well how to do, and they seemed happy at his coming. He began a most friendly conversation with them, and inquired if they were satisfied with my conduct and behaviour. They replied, ‘Perfectly well: he has prudently and wisely taught us the manners and usages of his country, for which we ought to be obliged, and do thank him.’ This answer was agreeable to the earl of Ormond, for it showed sense; and then, by degrees, 581 he began to talk of the order of knighthood they were to receive, explaining to them every article and ceremony of it, and how great a value should be set on it, and how those who were created knights behaved. The whole of the earl’s conversation was very pleasing to the four kings, whom, however, as I have not yet named, I will now do: first, Ansel the great, king of Meete§; secondly, Brun de Thomond, king of Thomond and of Aire¶; the third, Arthur Macquemaire, king of Leinster; and the fourth, Contruo, king of Chenour and Eerpe¥. They were made knights by the hand of the king of England, on the feast of our Lady in March, which that year fell on a Tuesday, in the cathedral of Dublin that was founded by Saint John the Baptist. The four kings watched all the Wednesday-night in the cathedral; and on the morrow, after mass they were created knights, with much solemnity. There were knighted at the same time sir Thomas Orpheum**, sir Joathas Pado, and his cousin sir John Pado. The four kings were very richly dressed, suitable to their rank, and that day dined at the table of king Richard, where they were much stared at by the lords and those present: not indeed without reason; for they were strange figures, and differently countenanced to the English or other nations. We are naturally inclined to gaze at anything strange, and it was certainly, sir John, at that time, a great novelty to see four Irish kings.”
“Sir Henry, I readily believe you, and would have given a good deal if I could have been there. Last year I had made arrangements for coming to England, and should have done so, had I not heard of the death of queen Anne, which made me postpone my journey. But I wish to ask you one thing, which has much surprised me: I should like to know how these four Irish kings have so readily submitted to king Richard when his valiant grandfather, who was so much redoubted everywhere, could never reduce them to obedience, and was always at war with them. You have said it was brought about by a treaty and the grace of God: the grace of God is good, and of infinite value to those who can obtain it; but we see few lords now-a-days augment their territories otherwise than by force. When I shall be returned to my native country of Hainault, and speak of these matters, I shall be strictly examined concerning them; for our lord duke Albert of Bavaria, earl of Holland, Hainault, and Zealand, and his son William of Hainault, style themselves lords of Friesland, an extensive country, over which they claim the government, as their predecessors have done before them; but the Frieslanders refuse to acknowledge their right, and will not by any means submit themselves to their obedience.”
To this Henry Castide answered: “In truth, sir John, I cannot more fully explain how it was brought about; but it is generally believed by most of our party, that the Irish were exceedingly frightened at the great force the king landed in Ireland, where it remained for nine months. Their coasts were so surrounded, that neither provision nor merchandise could be landed; but the inland natives were indifferent to this, as they are unacquainted with commerce, nor do they wish to know anything of it, but simply to live like wild beasts. Those who reside on the coast opposite to England are better informed, and accustomed to traffic. King Edward, of happy memory, had in his reign so many wars to provide for, in France, Brittany, Gascony, and Scotland, that his forces were dispersed in different quarters, and he was unable to send any great armament to Ireland. When the Irish found so large a force was now come against them, they considered it most advisable to submit themselves to the king of England. Formerly, when Saint Edward, who had been canonised, and was worshipped with much solemnity by the English, was their king, he thrice defeated the Danes on sea and land. This Saint Edward, king of England, lord of Ireland and of Aquitaine††, the Irish loved and feared more than any other king of England before or since. It was for this reason, that when our king went thither last year, he laid aside the leopards and flowers de luce, and bore the arms of saint Edward emblazoned on all hits banners: these were a cross patencé or, on a field gules, with four doves argent on the shield or banner, as 582 you please. This we heard was very pleasing to the Irish, and inclined them more to submission, for in truth the ancestors of these four kings had done homage and service to saint Edward: they also considered king Richard as a prudent and conscientious man, and have therefore paid their homage in the like manner as was done to Saint Edward.
“Thus I have related to you how our king accomplished the object of his expedition to Ireland. Keep it in your memory, that when returned home you may insert it in your chronicle with other histories that are connected with it.” “Henry,” said I, “you have well spoken, and it shall be done.” Upon this we separated; and meeting soon after the herald March, I said — “March, tell me what are the arms of Henry Castide; for I have found him very agreeable, and he has kindly related to me the history of the king’s expedition to Ireland, and of the four Irish kings, who, as he says, were under his governance upwards of fifteen days.” “March replied, “He bears for arms a chevron gules on a field argent, with three besants gules, two above the chevron and one below.”
All these things I retained in my memory, and put on paper, for I wished not to forget them.
* “Castide.” The MSS. Cristeed. Stowe, Henry Cristall, — Sauvage afterwards calls him Cristelle.
† “Herpelin.” In MSS. Herpelepin.
‡ “Brin Costaret.” Q. Bryan Costeret.
§ “Ancel the great, king of Meete.” Q. O’Neale the great, king of Meath.
¶ “Thomond and Aire.” Q. Ulster.
¥ “Contruo, king of Chenour and Erpe.” Q. O’Connor, king of Connaught”
** “Sir Thomas Orphem.” MSS. Ourghem and Gourghem.
†† “This must be a mistake; for Aquitaine was brought to the crown of England by the marriage of Eleanora, the divorced queen of Louis le Jeune, king of France, with Henry II.
CHAPTER LXV. — THE DUKE OF LANCASTER IS ORDERED BACK FROM AQUITAINE. — KING RICHARD RECEIVES A FRIENDLY ANSWER TO THE PROPOSALS HIS AMBASSADORS HAD MADE TO THE KING OF FRANCE FOR A MARRIAGE BETWEEN HIM AND THE LADY ISABELLA, PRINCESS OF FRANCE.
I REMAINED in the household of the king of England as long as I pleased: but I was not always in the same place, for the king frequently changed his abode. He went to Eltham, Lees-castle, Kingston, Shene, Chertsey, and Windsor; none very far from London. I was told for truth, that the king and his council had written to the duke of Lancaster to return to England, for those from Aquitaine had boldly declared they would not submit to any other lord but the king of England. This had been determined on by so large a majority of the council that the duke of Gloucester, anxious as he was to keep his brother out of England, could not prevail that the gift the king had made him should be persevered in. The whole council were fearful of the consequences: they were perfectly aware of what the deputies from Gascony had meant by their speeches; for they declared, that should the duchy of Aquitaine be alienated from the crown of England, it would in times to come be very prejudicial to its interests.
I will now say something of the earl of Rutland, the earl marshal, and the other English ambassadors, that had been sent to France to treat of a marriage between king Richard and the young daughter of the king of France, who was not then more than eight years old, and tell how they prospered. These ambassadors continued their journey from Calais, through Amiens, Clermont in Beauvoisis, to Paris: wherever they passed, they were most honourably received, according to orders that had been given by the king of France and his council. They were lodged at Paris near the Croix du Tiroir, and their attendants and horses, to the amount of five hundred, in the adjacent streets. The king of France resided at the Louvre, the queen and her children at the hôtel de Saint Pol, the duke of Berry at the hôtel de Nesle, the duke of Burgundy at the hôtel d’Artois: the duke of Bourbon, the duke of Orleans, the count de Saint Pol, and the lord de Coucy, were at their own hôtels; for the king had summoned the whole of his council, that he might be the better advised what answer to make to the English lords. He had ordered that two hundred crowns of France should be paid during their stay in Paris, for the expenses of them and their horses.
The principal lords, such as the earl of Rutland and the earl marshal, were frequently with the king, and staid dinner: the king, his brother and uncles, showed them every attention, from respect to the king of England. The ambassadors demanded an answer to 583 their proposals, but were some time put off with excuses; for it was matter of great surprise to every one that the English should be so forward to offer such an alliance after the bitter war that had been carried on between the two nations, for such a length of time. Some in the council said, — “How will it be possible for the king, our lord, to give his daughter in marriage to his adversary the king of England? We think, that before such a measure can take place, there ought to be a solid peace established between France, England, and their allies.” This and many other points were agitated in the privy council of France.
There was at this period a very wise chancellor of France, called sir Arnaud de Corbie: for he saw far into events likely to happen, and knew well the different interests that swayed the kingdom. He said to the king and his uncles, — “My lords, we ought to go straight forward in this business; for king Richard of England shows plainly that he wishes nothing but affection to France, since he is desirous to ally himself with us by marriage. We have had two conferences for peace at Amiens and at Leulinghen, but neither were brought to any better conclusion than a prolongation of the truce. We know for certain, that the duke of Gloucester is in opposition to the king of England and his two brothers of Lancaster and of York, in everything relative to a peace wit France. Neither the king of England nor any others who wish for peace can make him change his sentiments, but in the end he will not be able to withstand the king. Let us therefore make the most of this overture, and give the ambassadors such an answer that they may return satisfied.” The king of France and his uncles agreed with the chancellor, more especially the duke of Burgundy, who was so tired of war that he was anxious for peace on almost any terms. He was principally induced to his — his territories of Flanders, which he held in right of his duchess, being opposite to the sores of England; and the hearts of the Flemings were more inclined to the English than the French, from the commerce that was carried on between the two countries. It was determined in the privy council, that the hearty welcome which had been made to the English should be continued: the king particularly willed it so: and it was advised (whether through dissimulation or not) that the ambassadors from England should receive kind answers, and have hopes given them before their departure that the king of England’s proposal would be complied with.
The queen of France resided at the hôtel of St. Pol on the banks of the Seine; and, the better to please the English lords, their request was granted, to visit the queen and children, and especially the princess whom they were soliciting for their queen, as they were impatient to see her. This had been at first refused, for the council excused themselves, by saying that she was but a child; and that, at her age of eight years, nothing could be judged of what she might turn out. She had, however, been well educated, as she showed the English lords when the waited upon her; for when the lord marshal had dropped on his knee, saying, “Madam, if it please God, you shall be our lady and queen,” she replied instantly, and without any one advising her, “Sir, if it please God, and my lord and father, that I be queen of England, I shall be well pleased thereat; for I have been told I shall then be a great lady.” She made the earl marshal rise, and, taking him by the hand, led him to the queen, who was much pleased at her answer, as were all who heard it. The appearance and manners of this young princess were very agreeable to the English ambassadors; and they thought among themselves that she would be a lady of high honour and great worth. When they had staid at Paris more than twenty days, having all their expenses defrayed by the king of France, they received favourable answers to their demands from the king and council, with great hopes that the object of their mission would be accomplished, but not immediately; for the princess was very young, and had likewise been betrothed to the son of the duke of Brittany. This obstacle they were told must be first got over, before any thing further could be done in the matter: it must therefore remain in this state the ensuing winter: during Lent the king of France would send information of what had been done to the king of England; and, when the days should be lengthened, the weather fine, and the sea calm, they might return, or any others whom the king of England should prefer to send, an they would be well received by the king and council of France.
This answer was satisfactory to the English ambassadors. They took leave of the queen, her daughter the lady Isabella, the brother and uncles of the king, and of all whom it was 584 necessary to take leave, and left Paris, following the same road they had come from Calais. The earl of Rutland and earl marshal, who were the principals in this embassy, hastened, before any of their attendants, to carry the news of what they had done to the king of England. They landed at Sandwich, and in less than a day and a half arrived at Windsor, where the king then was. He was much rejoiced at their arrival, and with the answers they had brought back. He did not neglect this business; for his mind was so much occupied with it, that his whole thoughts were employed on the means of obtaining the daughter of France for his queen. If the king of England was thus busily employed, the king and council of France were not less so, in turning their thoughts how they could make the most of this marriage to the honour and advantage of their country.
Many spoke of it, saying, — “if our advice were asked on the matter, and listened to, we would say, that the king of England should never have a princess of France until a firm peace were made between the two kingdoms and their allies. What good can be looked to from this connexion to either country? for the moment the truces expire, and they have but three years to run, the war will recommence with as much inveteracy as before. These things ought to be well considered.” The dukes of Berry and Orleans, with many of the great barons of France, were of this opinion, which was well known to the king, the duke of Burgundy, and to the chancellor, who were eager for any peace that should not be dishonourable to the crown of France.
CHAPTER LXVI. — A SQUIRE OF NORMANDY, CALLED ROBERT THE HERMIT, HAVING DECLARED HE HAD SEEN A VISION, WHILE AT SEA, ORDERING HIM TO INTERFERE IN MAKING A PEACE BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND, IS SENT TO KING RICHARD AND HIS UNCLES TO THIS EFFECT.
AT this period a valiant and prudent squire returned home to France: he had travelled much beyond sea, and his voyages and travels gained him great renown, both at home and abroad, wherever they were known. This squire was from the country of Caux in Normandy, and his name was Robert Menuot*, but he was Robert the Hermit. He was of a religious and holy life, of fair speech, and might be about fifty years old. He had attended the conferences at Leulinghen between the lords of France and England, when his discourses had been well listened to. When Robert left Syria to return home, he embarked at Baruth, but had when at sea a furious tempest, so that, for two days and a night, he and his companions were in such danger they thought they must be lost. Persons in such peril are generally very repentant and contrite, and have a greater fear of God. It happened, toward the end f the storm, when the weather and sea became somewhat calmer, that a figure as bright as crystal appeared to Robert, and said; “Robert, thou shalt escape from this peril, as well as thy companions for thy sake, for God has favourably heard thy prayers. He orders thee by me to return to France as speedily as thou canst, and instantly on thy arrival to wait on the king, and relate what has befallen thee. Thou wilt tell him to listen to peace wit his adversary the king of England, for their wars have lasted too long. Do thou interfere boldly when conferences shall be holden to treat of peace between king Charles and king Richard, for thou shalt be heard; and all those who shall any way oppose or prevent peace from taking effect, shall dearly pay for their wickedness in their lifetime.” Upon this, the voice ceased and the figure vanished, leaving Robert very pensive on what he had heard. He, however, believed that what he had seen came from heaven: and from the moment they had wind and weather to their wishes, which brought them to Genoa.
Robert, on landing, took leave of his fellow-passengers, and made the best of his way to Avignon, where the first thing he did was to pay his devotions in the church of St. peter. Finding there the grand penitentiary, he confessed himself duly and devoutly to him, relating the vision you have just read, and asked his advice how he should act on the occasion. The penitentiary strictly enjoined him not to mention the vision to any one before he had told it to the king of France, according to the orders given him, and that whatever the king 585 should command he must do. Robert followed this advice, and dressing himself in plain grey cloth, with very simple attendance, left Avignon, and continued his journey to Paris, where he heard that the king was at Abbeville, to be near the conference at Amiens between the French and English. He immediately went to the abbey of St. Peter, where the king was lodged at Abbeville, and was introduced to the presence by a Norman knight, his nearest relation, called sir William Martel, who was of the king’s chamber. Robert minutely related every thing that had happened to him, which the king listened to with great attention; but as the duke of Burgundy and sir Arnaud de Corbie, chancellor of France, the two most active commissioners for France, were absent at the conference, he said to Robert, — “Our council are at Leulinghen: you will remain here until they shall return, when I will talk with my uncle of Burgundy and the chancellor, and act according as they shall best advise me.” “God assist them!” answered Robert.
This same week the commissioners returned to Abbeville from the conference, bringing with them a project for peace. The English had inserted articles of such importance as a preliminary, that they had refused to admit them without knowing first the king’s will on the subject, and on their arrival they laid them before his majesty. The king took his uncle of Burgundy and the chancellor aside, to inform them of what Robert the hermit had told him, and to know if it ought to be believed and acted upon. They having looked at each other some time in silence, said they would examine this Robert themselves, and then would give him their opinion. Robert was sent for, and being not far from where these secret councils were held, soon arrived. On his admission, he paid the king and the duke of Burgundy much respect; and the king said, “Repeat once more, very minutely, all that you told me.” “Willingly, sire,” replied Robert. He then detailed all you have before heard of his adventures and vision, to which they attentively listened; and, when he had done, they desired him to leave the chamber, these three only remaining together. The king asked the duke of Burgundy what he thought of it: “My lord,” said he, “the chancellor and myself will consider of it, and give you are answer to-morrow.” “Very well,” answered the king.
The duke and the chancellor consulted a long time by themselves on this matter, and on their mode of acting; for they saw the king believed the whole, and was desirous that Robert should be added to them as a commissioner, for he was so eloquent he converted the hearts of all who heard him. They at last resolved, that if Robert should publicly declare the orders he had received in his vision, it would be advisable for him to come to Leulinghen and explain it to the lords of England, and all who wished to hear it; that it was lawful so to act; and this was the answer they made to the king on the ensuing day. When the duke of Burgundy and the chancellor returned to the conference, they carried Robert the hermit with them, who was ready enough to speak what you have heard. On the lords of France and England being assembled, Robert came in the midst of them, and eloquently told the vision he had had at sea, and maintained, by a long harangue, that what it said was by divine inspiration, and that God had sent it to him, because he willed it should be so. Some of the English lords, such as the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Salisbury, sir Thomas Percy, sir William Clanvow, the bishops of Saint David’s and London, were inclined to credit what Robert related; but the duke of Gloucester and the earl of Arundel paid not any regard to it, and, when at their lodgings, in the absence of the French lords, said it was only a cheat, and a story made up to laugh at and deceived them. They unanimously resolved to write to king Richard every particular of what Robert the hermit had said and seen. This was done, and the letters given to a knight of the king’s chamber, called sir Richard Credon, who found the king at a handsome place in Kent, called Leeds castle. He presented the king letters from his commissioners at Leulinghen, which gave him a full detail of every thing relative to Robert the hermit. The king too much delight in perusing these letters at his leisure, and, when he came to the part that related to Robert the hermit, he said he should be glad to see and hear this Robert; for he was inclined to believe that what he said had happened to him might be true. He wrote back to the duke of Lancaster and the earl of Salisbury, to press them to exert themselves, that a firm peace should be established between him, the king of France and his allies; for, as Robert the hermit had said, the wars had lasted too long, and it was full time to hit upon some means to procure peace.
586I have before related the whole of this matter; and that as nothing was concluded, in respect to a peace, a truce had been agreed on by the commissioners on each side, before they separated, between the two kingdoms and their allies, to last for four years, while, in the mean time, they would study to promote a lasting peace. Such were the intentions of the English commissioners, with the exception of the duke of Gloucester; for he was resolved, on is return to England, to oppose any peace with France; but he dissembled then his real sentiments, to please the king and his brother of Lancaster. Thus did I become acquainted with what passed relative to Robert the hermit.
Shortly after the return of the earl of Rutland, the earl marshal, the archbishop of Dublin, sir Hugh Despencer, sir Lewis Clifford, and those who had been attached to the embassy to France bringing with them friendly answers relative to the marriage, the parliament assembled at Westminster. These parliaments last usually four days, when all business relative to the country is settled.
At the meeting of this parliament the duke of Lancaster returned from Bordeaux, whither he had been sent as duke of Aquitaine, for the inhabitants had refused to receive him in that quality. But I have mentioned these things before, and shall therefore say no more on the subject. The duke of Lancaster, on his return to England, was well received by the king and lords, as was right, and they discoursed on various business together. As soon as it was known in France that the duke of Lancaster was in England, the king and his council resolved to send thither Robert the hermit, with credential letters to the king of England, who was desirous of seeing him; and that, when he should come back to France, the count de Saint Pol would go thither. Robert the hermit would be well received by the king and lords of England, who would cheerfully attend to all he should relate of the affairs of Syria, Tartary, of Bajazet and Turkey, where he had resided a long time; for of such matters the English lords are very curious. Robert was ordered to make his preparations for going to England, which much pleased him, saying he would willingly go thither, as it was a country he had never seen.
Credential letters were given him from the king of France to king Richard and his uncles. Robert left Paris with his array of only seven horses, (but all his expenses, as was just, were to be pain by the king of France,) and travelled to Boulogne, where he embarked and crossed to Dover. He then went to Eltham, a palace of the king of England, seven miles from London, and met there the king, the duke of Lancaster, the earls of Salisbury and Huntingdon, and sir Thomas Percy, who showed him much attention, in honour to the king of France, as did their sovereign, from his desire to see him. He gave his letters to the king and the other lords, who perused them, with pleasure; but the duke of Gloucester was, I believe, at this time at a castle of his called Pleshy, in Essex. When Robert had remained at Eltham with the king and his court five days, he took his leave, and departed to visit the duke of Gloucester. With this intention he rode to London, and, on the next day, continued his journey, and lay at a town, fifteen miles from London, called Brehonde†, an on the morrow arrived at Pleshy, where he was handsomely received by the duke and duchess and their children. Robert delivered his letters from the king of France to the duke, who, on finding that they were credential letters, took Robert aside and commanded the cause of his coming. Robert replied, that he would tell him at his leisure, for that he was not come to make a short visit. “Well,” said the duke, “you are very welcome.” Robert the hermit was well acquainted with the double character of the duke, and that he was violent against a peace with France, and in strong opposition to the king and his brother of Lancaster, who were well inclined to put an end to the war. He knew not well how to begin on this business, nor what means to urge to make him change his opinion; for he had witnessed his violence at Leulinghen, and knew that a war with France was uppermost in this thoughts. This, however, did not prevent Robert from talking to the duke of Gloucester, respecting a peace; but he found the duke cold and reserved in is answers. He said, “that he had two elder brothers, of Lancaster and York, and that it was to them such affairs ought to be addressed, in preference to him; besides, supposing he was willing to agree to a peace, perhaps the rest of the nation would not consent.”
587“My very dear lord,” replied Robert, “for the love of our LORD JESUS CHRIST do not oppose a peace: you can do great deal towards forming one; and you know how much your king and nephew is inclined to it, who, besides, is anxious to strengthen the love between the two kingdoms, by a marriage with the daughter of the king of France.” To this the duke answered, — “Robert, although you are at this moment in high favour, and well listened to by the kings and lords of both countries, the matter or peace is of so much consideration, that persons of greater weight than you must interfere in it. I repeat to you, what I have frequently said at different places and times, that I shall never be against a peace that is honourable to my country. All that in a former peace was agreed upon with the king my father, and my brother the prince of Wales, and confirmed by the oath of king John, for himself and successors, under penalty or excommunication by the pope, has not been kept, and their oaths are of no value. The French have fraudulently broken the articles of this peace, and have even taken possession, by treachery and force, of those lands, castles and towns, that were given up at the peace to our late king and father, and to his successors. Besides, of the three millions of francs, which were to be paid as the ransom of king John, six hundred thousand are yet unpaid. These matters, Robert, being so fresh in our memory, trouble us greatly, and make us cautious; and we wonder (I speak not only of myself but of others who have a right to interfere in the government) how our king should be so thoughtless that he does not compare past times with the present; and how he can think of uniting himself with his enemies, and thereby disinheriting the crown of England of all future advantage.”
“Dear lord,” replied Robert, “our LORD JESUS CHRIST suffered on the cross for us sinners; but he forgave, at his death, those who had crucified him. It is necessary, therefore, that we in like manner forgive our enemies, if we expect to be admitted to the glories of paradise. All hatred, malice and ill will were put an end to, and mutually pardoned, the day the peace was signed by your ancestor at Calais. War was afterwards renewed with bitterness between the two countries, through faults and deceptions on each side; for, when the prince of Wales returned from Castille to Aquitaine, a set of people called Companions, the greater part of whom were English, or Gascons dependent on the king of England or the prince, collected together and entered France, without the smallest title of reason, and carried thither a more disastrous war than the preceding one. They called the kingdom of France their manor, and were so determined on mischief there was no resisting them: for this reason, when the realm was so oppressed, and the evils daily multiplying, king Charles, son to king John, was advised by his vassals to provide a remedy, and oppose such conduct by open war or otherwise. Many great barons of Gascony at this time allied themselves with the king of France, whom the prince of Wales, who ought to have been their lord, wanted to oppress and bring more under his power, as they said and wanted to prove by various facts, but which they would not longer suffer. They made war on the prince, in conformity to their appeal to the king of France, who, by the advice of his council, joined them in order to get rid of these free companies that ravaged France. Many lords, towns, and castles turned to the king of France, from the oppressions they laboured under from the prince or those employed by him. Thus was the war renewed with more inveteracy than before, to the destruction of the people and country, as well as the weakening the faith of GOD. This last is so sensibly felt in Christendom that the enemies of our faith, much emboldened, have already conquered great part of Greece, and the empire of Constantinople, through fault of not resisting a Turk called Basant, surnamed Amorabaquin‡. He has conquered the whole kingdom of Armenia, with the exception of the single town of Courch, situated on the sea-shore, like Southampton or Bristol in this country. The Genoese and Venetians hold this against the Turks; but they cannot long withstand the power of Bajazet, emperor of Constantinople, who is of your blood, for he is the son of Hugh de Lusignan, by the Lady Mary de Bourbon, cousin-german to the queen your mother. But should there be peace (as there will, if it please GOD) between France and England, all knights and squires desirous of glory, and of exalting their names, will hasten thither, and assist the king of Armenia to drive out the Turks from his kingdom. The war has continued 588 too long between France and England, and all those who may any way oppose or delay the blessing of peace will severely be punished in this life for so doing.”
“How do you know that?” said the duke of Gloucester. “Dear lord,” answered Robert, “all I say comes from divine inspiration, and was given me in a vision as I was returning by sea from Baruth in Syria towards the island of Rhodes.” He then related fully all he had seen and heard in this vision, the more effectually to move the heart of the duke of Gloucester to listen to terms of peace. But the heart of the duke was hardened against peace, and he always returned to his former opinions, holding in contempt, by his words, the French in all things, notwithstanding what Robert had said to him: however, as he was a foreigner, and seemed eager to do good, and knowing besides that the king of England wanted to conclude a peace, he dissembled his real sentiments as much as he could, and turned the conversation to other subjects.
Robert the hermit staid two days and as many nights at Pleshy with the duke and duchess of Gloucester and their children, who, in outward appearance, made him very welcome. On the third day he took leave of them, and departed for London; and went thence to Windsor, where the king then resided. He was handsomely entertained at Windsor, as well in honour to the king of France, who had sent him, as on account of his eloquence and good manners. It may be supposed that the king of England inquired of him secretly how he had succeeded with his uncle of Gloucester, and Robert told him truly all that had passed. The king knew well that the duke of Gloucester would never willingly agree to a peace with France, from his preference to war: he therefore paid much greater court, and showed more affection to his other uncles of Lancaster and York, and to other prelates and barons of England, who he thought would serve him.
Robert the hermit having been a month or more in England, began to make preparations for his departure. When he took leave of the king and lords, the king made him very rich presents, out of love to the king of France, as did the duke of Lancaster and York, the earls of Huntingdon and Salisbury, and sir Thomas Percy. The king had him escorted as far as Dover, where he m barked, and landed at Calais: he then journeyed on to Paris, where he found the king and queen of France, and his uncles, to whom he faithfully related the detail of his journey, and the good cheer the king of England had made him. Messengers were almost daily passing from one king to the other, with the most friendly letters from each. The king of England was very impatient to succeed in his marriage with the daughter of the king of France, who, on his side, had an affection for it, as he did not see how he could more nobly marry her.
* “Robert Menuot.” MSS. Mennot.
‡ “Brehonde.” Q. Brentwood. Burntwood.
§ This Amorabaquin, so much disfigured, was the sultan Bajazet, who ascended the throne 1391. He was surnamed, like his father, l’Amurath Bacquin, according to the MSS. in the British Museum.
CHAPTER LXVII. — THE LORD DE LA RIVIERE AND SIR JOHN LE MERCIER ARE DELIVERED OUT OF PRISON.
THE lord de la Riviere and sir John le Mercier, after having been carried from prison to prison, and to different castles, were at last given up to the provost of the Châtelet, and in daily expectation of being put to death, through the hatred of the dukes of Berry and Burgundy and their advisers. They had been in this melancholy state for more than two years, without the king being able to assist them. He, however, would not consent to their execution; and the dukes of Berry and Burgundy perceived that the duke of Orleans strongly befriended them. The duchess of Berry was incessant in her entreaties with her lord in their favour, more particularly for the lord de la Riviere; but they could not condemn one without the other, for they were both implicated in the same accusation. The solicitations of many worthy persons, added to the justice of their cause, were of much weight; and several of the great barons of France thought they had now sufficiently suffered, and should be set at liberty; for that sir John le Mercier had wept so continually, when in prison, his sight was weakened so that he could scarcely see, and it was currently reported he was quite blind.
At length, there was an end put to their sufferings; for the king, although he had consented to their imprisonment, for reasons which had been given him, granted them his pardon, 589 deferring further inquiry into what had been laid to their charge until a future opportunity, and when he should be more fully informed. All his lands and castles were returned to the lord de la Riviere, and in the first instance, the beautiful castle of Anneau, near Chartres, on the borders of Beauce; but he was ordered thither, and never to recross the river Seine, unless recalled by the king’s own mouth. Sir John le Mercier returned to his fine house of Noviant, of which he bore the title as lord, in the Laonnais; and he had similar orders not to repass the rivers Seine, Marne and Oise, unless specially commanded by the king. They also bound themselves to go to whatever prison they might hereafter be ordered by the king or by his commissioners. The two lords thankfully accepted this grace, and were rejoiced to be delivered from the Châtelet. On gaining their liberty, thou thought they should be allowed to see the king, and thank him for his mercy, but it was not so: they were forced to quit Paris instantly, and set out for their different estates. They, however, obtained their liberty, to the great joy of all who were attached to them.
CHAPTER LXVIII. — THE DUKE OF BRITTANY AND SIR OLIVER DE CLISSON ARE RECONCILED. — THE DOWAGER QUEEN OF SICILY INSTITUTES A LAW-SUIT IN THE COURTS OF PARIS AGAINST SIR PETER DE CRAON.
YOU have often heard of the feuds between the duke of Brittany and sir Oliver de Clisson; and that, whenever the two parties met, a deadly engagement ensued, without either side showing mercy. In this warfare, however, sir Oliver had the advantage, for two-thirds of the country were in his favour. The barons of Brittany dissembled between both; and the citizens of the chief towns told the duke, that his was no way concerned them, and that they would not interfere in it, for that commerce was more essential to them than a war with the lord de Clisson. Sir Oliver held them excused in regard to him, as they would be mediates in a peace, which the viscount de Rohan, the lord de Léon, and the lord de Dignan, were pressing on the duke of Brittany, who had declared to these three lords, that if he could obtain a meeting with the lord de Clisson, he would comply with such terms as they should think honourable to propose.
These three barons went to the castle where sir Olive resided, and told him how far they had succeeded with the duke, who would at any time, grant him and his company passports for coming and going; and that they imagined, if once they could meet, all their quarrels would be put an end to. The lord de Clisson replied, — “You are all my friends and relations, and I put my whole confidence in you: I verily believe what you say from the duke that he would willingly have me in his presence; but, as God and my lord St. Yves may help me, I will never on such words or promise quit my castle. Tell him, since he has deputed you here, to send me his eldest son, who shall remain as my pledge; and, when he shall be arrived, I will wait on him when and where he pleases. As my end shall be, so will be that of his son; if I return, he shall return; but, if I be detained, so shall he. Such are my conditions.” The three barons, seeing they could gain no other answer, were satisfied with it, and, taking their leave in a friendly manner, departed for Vannes, where the duke was waiting for them, and related to him the proposal from sir Oliver de Clisson. The duke could not obtain other terms; and the lord de Clisson had greatly the advantage in this war: the duke conquered nothing from him, while sir Oliver won several places from the duke besides having twice captured all his gold and silver plate, with many precious jewels, all of which he turned to his own profit.
The end, however, of this quarrel was as follows: the duke of Brittany, as great a prince as he was, saw plainly he could no way bend the lord de Clisson to his will, for he had too many friends in Brittany. With the exception of the great barons in the duchy, all the knights, squires, and inhabitants of the principal towns, inclined to the lord de Clisson. The barons dissembled their sentiments, and told the duke, they would not interfere in the matter unless it should be to mediate a peace, if any means could be found out for so doing. The duke of Orleans, in particular, supported sir Oliver underhand in various ways, and he was well pleased whenever he received news of the good success of his enterprises. The 590 duke of Brittany, who was of a subtle imagination, and had laboured hard with many difficulties in his time, weighed all these circumstances; and also that he was not beloved by his subjects, who would show it, if they dared, without infringing their homage, as well as the children of sir Charles de Blois slain at the battle of Auray; namely, John of Brittany, count de Penthievre and Limoges, married to the daughter of the lord de Clisson; sir Henry of Brittany* his brother, and their sister the queen of Naples and Jerusalem. He felt likewise that he was growing old, that his children were young, and except the duke and duchess of Burgundy, he had not a friend in France who would take care of them, in case of his decease; for, by the mother’s side, they came from the branch of Navarre, which was not a family well beloved in France from the remembrance of the many wicked acts, in former times, of king Charles of Navarre, the duchess of Brittany’s father. He was therefore afraid, should he die during the subsisting hatred of sir Oliver de Clisson and the count de Penthievre, his children would have too many enemies. He perceived also that the English, who had certainly raised him to the honours he now possessed, were becoming indifferent to his welfare, and would probably increase in coolness, if the information he had received of the approaching connexion between the kings of France and England were true. He had learnt that the treaty of marriage was far advanced between the king of England and the daughter of the king of France, who had been promised to his eldest son.
All these things alarmed the duke, but especially what has been last mentioned troubled him more than all the rest. Having fully considered them, he resolved to throw aside all dissembling, and openly and honestly make peace with sir Oliver de Clisson and John of Brittany; leaving them to say what amends, if any, he should make for the damage done them during the war, and for what had happened in former times, reserving to himself the duchy of Brittany, which was to descend after him to his children, according to the treaty that had been signed, with the approbation of all parties, by the children of sir Charles de Blois. This treaty he was not desirous to have broken: on the contrary, he would that every article should be observed, and that it should again be sworn to and loyally maintained in its whole extent. Should John of Blois, count de Penthievre, not be satisfied with his inheritance in Brittany, he would fairly leave it to the viscount de Rohan, the lords de Dignan, de Laval, de Léon, de Beaumont, and sir john de Harpedane, to settle the matter between them. The duke of Brittany, having maturely arranged this in his own mind, without asking advice from any one of his council, called a secretary, to whom, on entering his chamber, he gave a large sheet of paper, and said, “write down as I shall dictate.” The secretary being ready, the duke repeated to him every word he was to write. The letter was indited in the most friendly terms to sir Oliver de Clisson, desiring him to devise some means for them to have an interview, when everything should be settled in the most agreeable manner.
When the letter was folded up, in the presence only of the duke and his secretary, he sealed it with his signet, and, calling his most trusty varlet into the chamber, said, — “hasten to castle Josselin, and say boldly that I have sent thee to speak with my cousin sir Oliver de Clisson. Thou wilt be introduced to him: salute him from me: if he return the salute, give him this letter, and bring me back his answer; but on thy life tell no man, woman, or child whither thou art going, nor who has sent thee.” The varlet, having promised obedience, set out, and on his arrival at château-Josselin, the guard was greatly surprised when they heard that the duke of Brittany had sent him to speak with their lord. Nevertheless, they informed sir Oliver of his coming, who ordered him into his presence: on his entrance, he delivered his message and the letter. The lord de Clisson examined the private signet of the duke, which he knew well, opened the letter, and read it two or three times over, and was much astonished, during the perusal, at the affectionate and friendly terms it was written in. After musing some time, he told the varlet he would consider his answer, and ordered him to be conducted to an apartment by himself.
591The attendants of the lord de Clisson were confounded at what they saw and heard; for never before had any one come from the duke of Brittany who had not been instantly put to death, or confined in the deepest dungeon. When sir Oliver had retired to his chamber, his thoughts were occupied with the contents of the letter, and his hatred to the duke was extinguished, from the submissive and affectionate manner in which he had written to him: he said to himself that he would prove him, and see if he were really in earnest; for he could not venture to go to him merely on the faith of this letter, and, if any accident happened to him, he would be pitied by none. He determined, therefore, that if the duke would send his son as an hostage, he would come to him when and where he pleased, but not otherwise. He wrote a very friendly answer, and the conclusion was, that if he wished to see him, he must send his son as his pledge, who would be taken the greatest care of until his return. This letter was sealed and given to the varlet, who hastened back to the duke at Vannes, where he was impatiently expecting him. On receiving the letter from sir Oliver, he instantly read it: having passed a moment, he said, “I will do it; for, since I mean to treat amicably with him, every cause of distrust must be removed.” He wrote to the viscount de Rohan, who resided at his castle of Caire, in the neighbourhood of Vannes, to come to him. The viscount, on the receipt of the duke’s letter, waited on him, and he then explained his intentions, by saying “Viscount, you and the lord de Monboucher shall carry my son to château-Josselin, and bring back with you the lord de Clisson, for I am determined to make up our quarrel.” The viscount replied, that with joy he would obey him.
It was not many days after, that the viscount de Rohan, the lord de Monboucher, and sir Yves de Tegre, carried the boy, who might be about seven years old, to château-Josselin, where they were handsomely and honourably received by sir Oliver de Clisson. When he saw the boy, and this proof of confidence from the duke, he was much affected. The three knights also said, “You see, sir, how well inclined the duke is to you: he now bears you nothing but the sincerest affection.” “I am at present convinced of it,” replied sir Oliver; “and, since he makes such advances, I will not be behindhand, but put myself under his obedience. I know not if to you, who are so nearly related to him, and in whom he has such trust as to confide his son and hear, to bring and leave here as an hostage until my return, he has told the contents of the letter he sent me under his private signet.” “Sir,” answered the knights, “he has assured us of the earnest and sincere desire he has to make peace with you; and you may believe us, for we are your relations.” “I firmly do believe you,” said sir Oliver, as he went out to fetch the duke’s letter. Having read it to them, they replied, “He certainly has spoken to us in the very same terms in which he has written to you, and in consequence has sent us thither.” “So much the better,” answered sir Oliver.
It was not long after the arrival of the three knights, with the heir of Brittany, before the lord de Clisson had made his preparations. They all set out together from château-Josselin, carrying the boy with them; for sir Oliver said he would give him back to his father, as henceforward he should never distrust the duke, after the trial he had made of him. Such generosity was shown on both sides, that it was no wonder a firm peace was the consequence.
They continued their journey to Vannes, where, according to the duke’s orders, sir Oliver dismounted at a convent of the Dominicans, which is situated without the town, where the duke had fixed the meeting to take place. When he heard that the lord de Clisson had brought back his son, he was highly delighted with his generosity and courtesy. The duke set out from his castle of la Motte, for the convent, where he and sir Oliver shut themselves up in a chamber: having conversed some time, they went privately into the garden, and thence to the banks of a river, and entered a small boat that conveyed them to a large vessel that lay at anchor at the mouth of the river, which they boarded, and, when at a distance from their people, continued for a long time in conference. I cannot pretend to say what passed between them, but I will relate the consequences. Their friends thought they were all the time in the convent, when they were on ship-board, arranging all things on the footing they wished them to remain. They were upwards of two hours together, if 592 not longer, according to what I heard, and made a firm peace, which they mutually swore to observe most religiously. When they were about to return, they called their boatman, who rowed them back to the place he had brought them from, and they entered the church by a private door, through the garden and cloisters of the convent, whence they soon departed for the castle of la Motte, the duke holding sir Oliver by the hand. All who thus saw them were pleased: indeed, the whole of Brittany was very happy when the news of this reconciliation was made public; but greatly were they surprised on hearing how it had been brought about.
John of Blois, count de Penthievre, was no loser by this peace: on the contrary, his revenue was augmented twenty thousand golden crowns of France, well and legally assigned to him and his heirs. To confirm and strengthen this peace, a marriage was concluded between the son of John of Blois and a daughter of the duke of Brittany; so that those who looked for a continuance of war were disappointed. When intelligence of these transactions reached France and England, it caused very great surprise†.
You have before had it related how sir Peter de Craon incurred the indignation of the king of France and the duke of Touraine, for his attempt to murder the constable of France, sir Oliver de Clisson, as he was returning to his hôtel in the night-time from the king’s palace; and that, from the duke of Brittany having supported and given him an asylum, the king of France had declared war against him, which he would have carried into effect had he not been suddenly taken ill between Mans and Angers, when on his march to Brittany: but this melancholy event caused the expedition to be put an end to, the army to be disbanded, and every man to return to his own home. You have also heard how the dukes of Berry and Burgundy took up this business, and showed great hatred to those who had advised the king to this expedition against Brittany, such as the lord de Clisson, the lord de la Riviere, sir John le Mercier, Montagu, and others, whom they made suffer severely for it; for these two dukes had the sovereign government of the kingdom during the illness of the king. You have likewise heard of the inveterate war that was carried on between the duke of Brittany and sir Oliver de Clisson, and of their reconciliations; as well as of the deliverance of the lord de la Riviere, sir John le Mercier, and Montagu, from their confinements. Montagu had not so many difficulties to encounter as the other two; for, the instant the king recovered his health, he would have Montagu near his person, and assisted to make his excuses for several charges that had been laid against him. You must know, however, that this disorder of the king, and many of the like kind tat followed, (for he had several relapses, to the great sorrow and alarm of France,) greatly weakened his power; and his will was so little attended to, that the three above-mentioned persons, or two of them at least, very narrowly escaped death.
Sir Peter de Craon hearing of the miserable state of the king and kingdom of France, far from being sorry, was much rejoiced, and made the strongest entreaties that he might be restored to the king’s favour, and allowed to return to the court of France. His negotiators were the duke of Burgundy and sir Guy de la Trémouille, who would too easily have succeeded had not the duke of Orleans strenuously opposed it. He prevented any treaty being made in favour of sir Peter de Craon as long as the war continued between the duke of Brittany and the lord de Clisson; but, when they were reconciled, his hatred against sir Peter was much softened. At this period, the queen of Naples and Jerusalem, widow of the late duke of Anjou, was prosecuting sir Peter de Craon in the courts of justice 593 at Paris, for the restitution of one hundred thousand francs, a sum she claimed as due to her late lord; and for that reason, and to attend the more to her affairs, she resided privately in Paris. Sir Peter found himself very disagreeably situated: he was fearful of the decision of the parliament, for the lady was of great personal weight, and had proved from whom, during the life of the duke of Anjou, he had received this sum, and for which, as she maintained, he had never accounted. He was ill at ease on this account, and besides knew he had incurred the disgrace of the king and the duke of Orleans. The duke and duchess of Burgundy comforted him as well as they could; and he was allowed to come to Paris privately, where he remained, during the greater part of his residence, at the hôtel d’Artois, under the protection of the duchess of Burgundy.
* Denis Sauvage says in a marginal note, that he never heard of this personage before, and supposes that at that period the count de Penthievre had not any brother.
In Anderson’s Royal Genealogies, the lord Charles de Blois had issue Guido count de Penthievre, died S. P., — John, married to Margaret de Clisson, — N. N. married to Charles of Spain, constable of France, murdered by the king of Navarre, — Mary, wife of Lewis duke of Anjou, son of John, king of France.
† When the duke of Brittany and the lord de Clisson were reconciled, they named commissioners to put their agreement into a legal form; and, according to the historian of Brittany often quoted, these lawyers met at Aucfer, near Redon, the 19th October, 1395. The principal articles of the treaty were, that the duke should assign over to the count de Penthievre the lordships of Château-neuf du Fose, Vhelgouet, Gourien, Duault, Châteaulin in Cornuaille, Lannion and Châteaulin sur Trieuc, for the yearly payment of eight thousand livres; that the duke might take back these lands when he pleased, on giving others of like value in Brittany or France; that the count should pay obedience to the duke, notwithstanding the demolition of the castle of Tonguedoc, the restoration of which he could never insist on; that the lord de Clisson would acknowledge the duke for his lord, but to have liberty, during four years, to agree personally or by proxy; that all lands that had been seized by each side during the war should be restored to their respective owners. This treaty was sealed and sworn to by the lord de Clisson at Rieux, the 29th October. The count de Penthievre swore to it five days after at Guingamp, in the presence of the viscount de Fou and Henri de Juck, chamberlain to the duke.
CHAPTER LXIX. — THE KING OF HUNGARY WRITES TO THE KING OF FRANCE HIS SITUATION IN RESPECT TO THE SULTAN BAJAZET. — JOHN OF BURGUNDY, ELDEST SON TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, MARCHES, AS COMMANDER IN CHIEF, AN ARMY TO THE SUCCOUR OF THE HUNGARIANS.
ABOUT this time, Sigismond king of Hungary wrote very affectionate letters to the king of France, which he sent by a bishop and two of his knights. The contents of these letters related to the threats of Bajazet, and his boastings to the king of Hungary, of carrying the war into the midst of his realm, and thence to Rome, where his horse should eat his oats on the altar of Saint Peter. He said he would establish that place for the seat of his imperial government, and be attended by the emperor of Constantinople and all the principal barons of Greece: each of whom should follow their own laws, for that he would only reserve to himself his authority as their lord paramount. The king of Hungary entreated the king of France to listen to his distress; and make it public throughout France and other countries, that all knights and squires might be moved to provide themselves with every necessary for a journey to Hungary, to oppose the sultan Bajazet, and prevent holy Christendom from being oppressed or violated by him, and that his vain boastings might be annihilated. Many affectionate expressions were contained in these letters, such as kings and cousins are accustomed to write to each other in cases of necessity. Those who brought them were men of rank and understanding, and acquitted themselves so well, that king Charles was much inclined to their request; and the propositions from king Richard for the marriage of his daughter prospered the more, and were sooner agreed to, than if this intelligence from Hungary had not arrived in France; for, as king of France and eldest son of the church, he was very desirous of providing a remedy for the evils that threatened it. The subject of theses letters was soon made public, both at home and abroad, to move the hearts of gentlemen, knights, and squires, who were desirous to travel in search of glory.
At the time this news came to Paris, there were with the king the duke and duchess of Burgundy, their eldest son, John of Burgundy count de Nevers, who was not then a knight, sir Guy, and sir William de la Trémouille, sir John de Vienne, admiral of France, with other great barons. It was proposed, therefore, at the hôtel of the duke of Burgundy, who was eager to send assistance to Hungary, that his son, the count de Nevers, should undertake an expedition thither, as commander in chief of the French and other chivalry. John of Burgundy was a courteous and amiable youth of twenty-two years old, greatly beloved by the knights and squires of Burgundy, and indeed by all who were acquainted with him. He had married a prudent and devout lady, the daughter of duke Albert of Bavaria, count of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, who had brought him two children, whom, in due season, he looked to ally nobly. It was hinted to him, to know what he would say, that perhaps the king of France might select him, to lead a body of men at arms to the assistance of the king of Hungary. He replied, “that if it were agreeable to his lord the king, and his lord and father, he would cheerfully accept of this command, which came very opportunely, as he had a great desire to gain renown.” “Sir,” answered those to whom he had addressed himself, “speak first to your father, and learn whether he be willing that you go, and if he will take to the king on the subject; for without their consent nothing could be done.”
594It was not long after this, that John of Burgundy spoke to the duke his father, requesting humbly his consent to go on the expedition to Hungary, as he had a strong wish for it. When he made this request, there were with the duke sir Guy and sir William de la Trémouille, sir James de Vergy, and other knights, who, taking part in the conversation, said, — “My lord, what John of Burgundy asks is very reasonable, for it is time he should receive the order of knighthood; and he cannot more honourably receive it, than when marching against the enemies of GOD and of our faith. In case the king intend to send assistance to Hungary, whom can he so properly appoint as a leader as his cousin-german, your son? And you will see that many knights will join his company to advance their name.” The duke replied, — “You speak to the purpose, and we have no inclination to check the ardour of our son; but we must first talk to the king, and hear what he shall say.” The subject then dropped; but it was not long before the duke mentioned it to the king, who instantly complied, saying, he would do well to go thither; and, if he was in earnest, he not only gave his consent, but would appoint him commander-in-chief of the expedition.
It was published in Paris and elsewhere, that John of Burgundy was to lead a large body of men at arms into Hungary, to oppose the force of Bajazet*; that, when this was done, he was to advance to Constantinople, cross the Hellespont, enter Syria, gain the Holy Land and deliver Jerusalem and the holy sepulchre from the hands of the infidels, and the bondage of the sultan. Knights and squires began now to collect together, with other gentlemen who were desirous of renown. The duke of Burgundy, on the appointment of his son to the chief command, paid greater attention than before to the Hungarian ambassadors, who, perceiving the good-will of the king of France and the nation, were well pleased, and took leave of the king, the dukes of Orleans, Berry, Burgundy, the lord Philip d’Artois, count d’Eu and constable of France, the count de la Marche, and the other barons, on their departure for their own country, where the king of Hungary was greatly delighted with the news they brought. In consequence of this, he gave orders for large stores of provision to be provided against the arrival of the French; and sent messengers to his brother, the king of Germany, and his cousin, the duke of Austria, for all the passes in their territories to be thrown open, as it would be necessary for them to march that way; he likewise ordered plenty of provision to be ready prepared, on the road they were to come. He sent also information of the expected assistance from France to the great master of the Teutonic order, and to the knights of Rhodes, that they might be ready to meet John of Burgundy, who, in the course of this summer, would lead a thousand knights and squires, all men of valour, into Hungary, on their way to Turkey, to opposed the menaces of the sultan Bajazet.
While the news of this expedition was the matter of conversation everywhere, the lord de Coucy returned from the frontiers of Genoa, where he had been upwards of a year negotiating with the Genoese. Some of the leading men in that city had informed the duke of Orleans that persons composing the government of Genoa were desirous of having for their duke one of the blood-royal of France, and, as he had married the daughter of duke of Milan, it would be very suitable for him. In consequence of this, the lord de Coucy had passed through Savoy and Piedmont, with the consent of the count de Savoye and the Savoyards, accompanied by three hundred lances and five hundred cross-bows. Having obtained leave from the duke of Milan, he continued his journey from Asti in Piedmont to a town called Alexandria, and thence to the frontiers of Genoa, to enter into negotiations with the Genoese, and learn more plainly their intentions. By force he could do nothing, unless he were very superior to the Genoese, which was not the case. When the lord de Coucy had entered the territories of Genoa, which are not easy to conquer, if the inhabitants have any disposition to defend them, some of those lords who had sent the information to the duke of Orleans, and had been the cause of his coming, waited on him, and with many friendly expressions welcomed him to their country and offered him their castles. But the lord de Coucy was as prudent as valiant, and being well acquainted with the character of the Lombards and Genoese, was unwilling to trust too much to their offers and promises. However, he received them kindly, and treated them fairly by words; for although there were many conferences between them, they were held in the open fields, and not in any house or castle; but the more he negotiated the less he gained. The Genoese showed him 595 every token of affection, and invited him repeatedly to come to Genoa, or to Porto Venere, but the lord de Coucy would never put himself in their power. The issue of his negotiation was unsuccessful; and when it was found he could not do any thing, having regularly written to the duke of Orleans respecting the state of affairs, he was remanded to Paris, at the time when the expedition to Hungary was in agitation.
The duke and duchess of Burgundy was happy at his return, and, sending for him to the hôtel d’Artois, addressed him in the most amicable manner as follows: “Lord de Coucy, we have the highest opinion of your understanding, valour, and prudence; and we have made John our son and heir undertake the command of an expedition, which we hope will turn out to the honour of GOD and Christendom, knowing that you of all the knights of France are the best informed of warlike affairs, we beg and entreat most earnestly that you would be the counsellor and companion of our son in this expedition; for which we shall be so greatly obliged, that we will return it by serving you or yours to the utmost of our power.” The lord de Coucy replied, — “My lord, and you Madam, what you request is to me an order. I will surely be of this expedition, if it please GOD, for two reason; first, from devotion, and to defend the faith of JESUS CHRIST; secondly, from the honour you do me, by giving me the charge of advising my lord John your son. I shall therefore obey, and acquit myself in all respects to the best of my abilities. But, my dear lord, and you my very dear lady, you may readily excuse me from this weight, an lay it on the lord Philip d’Artois, constable of France, and on the count de la Marche; for they are nearly related to him, and intend to — a part of the expedition.” The duke answered, — “Lord de Coucy, you have seen much more than either of them, and know more of war than our cousins of Eu and de la Marche; and we entreat you to comply with our request.” “My lord,” said the lord de Coucy, “your words are commands; and I will do as you require, since it is your pleasure, with the aid of sir Guy de la Trémouille, his brother sir William, and sir John de Vienne admiral of France.” The duke and duchess were well pleased with this answer.
The lords of France made vast preparations for their expedition to Hungary, and solicited the company and service of different barons, knights, and squires. Such as were not asked, and had a wish to go thither, made application to the count d’Eu, constable of France, the lord de la Marche or the lord de Coucy, that they would take them in their company. Some were accepted: but those who were not, considering the great distance Hungary and Turkey were from France, greatly cooled in their ardour; for, as they were not retained, they were not sufficiently wealthy to perform the journey with credit to themselves. Nothing was spared in the preparations for the young John of Burgundy with regard to horses, armour, emblazonments, dresses, silver and gold plate, and the duke’s officers were fully employed in the business. Large sums of florins were given to the servants of John of Burgundy, who paid them to the different workmen as they finished and brought home their works. The barons, knights, and squires, to do him honour, exerted themselves to make their equipments as handsome as possible.
The lord Philip d’Artois, count d’Eu, made magnificent preparations; for he was determined to march thither as constable of France; and the king, who much loved him, assisted him with money, and he acted in the same manner with respect to the lord Boucicaut, marshal of France. The duke of Burgundy, considering that this expedition would cost him very large sums, and that the state of his wife, himself, and his son Anthony, ought not to be any way diminished, bethought himself of a tax he had in reserve, in order to find a supply of money for these expenses. He had received from cities and towns in Burgundy, as the usual tax on his eldest son receiving the order of knighthood, six score thousand golden crowns; but his additional tax was aid on all knights who held fiefs from him, to attend his son into Hungary, or compound in money. Some were taxed at one thousand livres, others at two thousand; some at five hundred; each according to his wealth, or the value of the lands. Ladies and ancient knights, who were unfit or disabled to undertake such an expedition, paid compositions at the duke’s pleasure. The young knights and squires were exempted paying, for they were told, — “My lord does not want your money: you must accompany the lord John at your own costs and charges.” Of this last tax, the duke of Burgundy received from the gentlemen of his duchy sixty thousand crowns, for none were exempted.
* The Turks were already in possession of some parts of Greece.
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