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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 228-249.
CHAPTER LX. — SIR JOHN HOLLAND AND SIR REGINALD DE ROYE PERFORM A TILT, IN THE TOWN OF ENTENÇa, BEFORE THE KING AND QUEEN OF PORTUGAL AND THE DUKE AND DUCHESS OF LANCASTER.
YOU have before heard how the town of Entença surrendered to the duke of Lancaster, for the king of Castille sent thither no assistance; and how the duchess of Lancaster and her daughter visited the king and queen of Portugal at Oporto, when the king and his court, as was right, received them honourably. During the stay of the duke of Lancaster in Entença, a herald arrived from Valladolid, who demanded where sir John Holland was lodged. On being shown thither, he found sir John within; and, bending his knee, presented him a letter, saying, “Sir, I am a herald at arms, whom sir Reginald de Roye sends hither: he salutes you by me, and you will be pleased to read this letter.” Sir John answered, he would willingly do so. Having opened it, he read that sir Reginald de Roye entreated him for the love of his mistress, that he would deliver him from his vow, by tilting with him three courses with the lance, three attacks with the sword, three with the battle-axe, and three with the dagger; and that, if he chose to come to Valladolid, he had provided him an escort of sixty spears; but, if it were more agreeable to him to remain in Entença, he desired he would obtain from the duke of Lancaster a passport for himself and thirty companions.
When sir John Holland had perused the letter, he smiled, and looking at the herald, said, — “Friend, thou art welcome; for thou hast brought me what pleases me much, and I accept the challenge. Thou wilt remain in my lodging with my people, and, in the course of to-morrow, thou shalt have my answer, whether the tilts are to be in Galicia or Castille.” The herald replied, “God grant it.” He remained in sir John’s lodgings, where he was made comfortable; and sir John went to the duke of Lancaster, whom he found in conversation with the marshal, and showed the letter the herald had brought. “Well,” said the duke, 229 “and have you accepted it?” “Yes, by my faith, have I; and why not? I love nothing better than fighting, and the knight entreats me to indulge him: consider, therefore, where you would choose it should take place.” The duke mused awhile, and then said; “It shall be performed in this town: have a passport made out in what terms you please, and I will seal it.” “It is well said,” replied sir John; “and I will, in God’s name, soon make out the passport.” The passport was fairly written and sealed, for thirty knights and squires to come and return; and sir John Holland, when he delivered it to the herald, presented him with a handsome mantle lined with minever, and twelve nobles. The herald took leave and returned to Valladolid, where he related what had passed, and shewed his presents.
News of this tournament was carried to Oporto, where the king of Portugal kept his court. “In the name of God,” said the king, “I will be present at it, and so shall my queen and the ladies.” “Many thinks,” replied the duchess; “for I shall be accompanied by the king and queen when I return.” It was not long after this conversation, that the king of Portugal, the queen, the duchess, with her daughter, and the ladies of the court, set out for Entença, in grand array. The duke of Lancaster, when they were near at hand, mounted his horse; and, attended by a numerous company, went to meet them. When the king and duke met, they embraced each other most kindly, and entered the town together, where their lodgings were as well prepared as they could be in such a place, though they were not so magnificent as if they had been at Paris. Three days after the arrival of the king of Portugal, came Reginald de Roye, handsomely accompanied by knights and squires, to the amount of six score horse. They were all properly lodged; for the duke had given his officers strict orders they should be well taken care of. On the morrow, sir John Holland and sir Reginald de Roye armed themselves, and rode into a spacious close in Entença, well sanded, where the tilts were to be performed. Scaffolds were erected for the ladies, the king, the duke, and the many English lords who had come to witness the combat; for none had stayed at home.
The two knights who were to perform this deed of arms, entered the lists so well armed and equipped that nothing was wanting. Their spears, battle-axes and swords, were brought them; and each, being mounted on the best of horses, placed himself about a bow-shot distant from the other, but, at times, they all pranced about on their horses most gallantly, for they knew every eye to be upon them. All being now arranged for their combat, which was to include everything, except pushing it to extremity, though no one could foresee what mischief might happen, nor how it would end; for they were to tilt with pointed lances, then with swords, which were so sharp that scarcely a helmet could resist their strokes; and there were to be succeeded by battle-axes and daggers, each so well tempered that nothing could withstand them. Now, consider the perils those run who engage in such combats to exalt their honour; for one unlucky stroke puts an end to the business.
Having braced their targets and examined each other through the visors of their helmets, they spurred on their horses, spear in hand. Though they allowed their horses to gallop as they pleased, they advanced on as straight a line as if it had been drawn with a cord, and hit each other on the visors, with such force that sir Reginald’s lance was shivered into four pieces, which flew to a greater height than they could have been thrown. All present allowed this to be gallantly done. Sir John Holland struck sir Reginald likewise on the visor, but not with the same success, and I will tell you why; sir Reginald had but slightly laced on his helmet, so that it was held by one thong only, which broke at the blow, and the helmet flew over his head, leaving sir Reginald bare-headed. Each passed the other, and sir John Holland bore his lance without halting. The spectators called out that it was a handsome course. The knights returned to their stations, when sir Reginald’s helmet was fitted on again, and another lance given to him: sir John grasped his own, which was not worsted. When ready, they set off full gallop, for they had excellent horses under them, which they well knew how to manage, and again struck each other on the helmets, so that sparks of fire came from them, but chiefly from sir John Holland’s. He received a very severe blow, for this time the lance did not break; neither did sir John’s, which hit the visor of his adversary without much effect, passing through and leaving it on the crupper of 230 the horse, and sir Reginald was once more bare-headed. “Ha,” cried the English to the French, “he does not fight fair; why is not his helmet as well buckled on as sir John Holland’s? We say he is playing tricks: tell him to put himself on an equal footing with his adversary.” “Hold your tongues,” said the duke, “and let them alone: in arms every one takes every advantage he can: if sir John think there is any advantage in thus fastening on the helmet, he may do the same. But, for my part, were I in their situations, I would lace my helmet as tight as possible; and if one hundred were asked their opinions, there would be fourscore of my way of thinking.” The English, on this, were silent, and never again interfered. The ladies declared they had nobly jousted; and they were much praised by the king of Portugal, who said to sir John Fernando, ૼ “In our country, they do not tilt so well; and formerly I saw as good jousts before your brother, when we were at Elvas to oppose the king of Castille, between this Frenchman and sir William Windsor; but I never heard that his helmet was tighter laced then than it is now.” The king on this turned from sir John to observe the knights, who were about to begin their third course. Sir John and sir Reginald eyed each other, to see if any advantage were to be gained, for their horses were so excellent that they could manage them as they pleased, and, sticking spurs into them, hit their helmets so sharply that their eyes struck fire, and the shafts of their lances were broken. Sir Reginald was again unhelmed, for he could never avoid this happening, and they passed each other without falling. All now declared, they had well jousted; though the English, excepting the duke of Lancaster, blamed greatly sir Reginald; but he said, “He considered that man as wise who in combat knows how to seize his vantage. Know,” added he, addressing himself to sir Thomas Percy and sir Thomas Moreaux, “that sir Reginald de Roye is not now to be taught how to tilt: he is better skilled than sir John Holland, though he has borne himself well.”
After the courses of the lance, they fought three rounds with swords, battle-axes, and daggers, without either of them being wounded. The French carried off sir Reginald to his lodgings, and the English did the same to sir John Holland. The duke of Lancaster entertained this day at dinners all the French knights and squires: the duchess was seated beside him, and 231 sir Reginald de Roye next to her. After dinner, they entered the presence-chamber; and the duchess, taking sir Reginald by the hand, led him thither: they were followed by the other knights, who conversed on arms and on other subjects a long time, almost until wine was brought. The duchess then drew nearer to the French knights, and thus spoke: — “I wonder greatly how you knights of France can think of supporting the claims of a bastard; for it is well known to the whole world, that Henry, who called himself king of Castille, was a bastard, and how can you thus, with your arms and counsel, disinherit the right heir f Castille and deprive him of the crown? For this I know, that myself and sister are the legal daughters of the late king, don Pedro; and God, who is Truth itself, knows that our claim on Castille is just.” The lady, when speaking of her father, don Pedro, could not refrain from tears, as she doated on him. Sir Reginald de Roye bowed to her, and thus replied: — “Madam, we now that what you have said is true; but our lord, the king of France, holds a different opinion from yours; and, as we are his subjects, we must make war for him, and go whithersoever he may send us, for we cannot disobey him.” At these words, sir John Holland and sir Thomas Percy handed the lady to her chamber, and the wine and spices were brought. The duke and his company drank of them, and the French knights took their leave; the horses being ready at their lodgings, they mounted and left Entença. They rode that day to Noya, which was attached to the king of Castille, where they reposed themselves, and then continued their journey to Valladolid.
CHAPTER LXI. — THE KING OF PORTUGAL PROMISES TO ENTER CASTILLE WHILE THE DUKE OF LANCASTER FINISHES THE CONQUEST OF GALICIA, AND THEN TO UNITE THEIR FORCES.
THE king of Portugal and the duke of Lancaster had a long conference together the day after this tournament, when, I believe, their plans of operation were settled. The king of Portugal having assembled his army ready to take the field, it was determined that he should enter Castille, while the duke remained in Galicia, to conquer such towns and castles as had not acknowledged him for king; and it was likewise resolved that if king John of Castille made any movements which showed an inclination for battle, they were to join their forces. It was judged, that if the two armies were always united, there would be difficulty in procuring forage for such numbers. Other evils might also arise respecting forage and quarters; for the English are hasty and proud, and the Portuguese hot and impetuous, easily angered, and not soon pacified. But, in the expectation of a battle, they would agree as well together as Gascons.
Having determined as above, the king of Portugal addressed the duke of Lancaster, — “Sir, when I shall learn that you have taken the field, I will do the like; for my men are ready and eager for battle.” The duke replied, — “I will not long continue idle; but as I have heard there are some towns in Galicia still in rebellion, and that the people will not acknowledge me, I must first conquer them, and will then march where I may the soonest meet my enemies. Upon this, the king and queen of Portugal took leave of the duke and duchess, as did the lady Catharine their daughter; for it had been settled, that during the war she should live with her sister in Portugal, as the place of greatest security for her, and the duchess was to return to Sant Jago. Thus were these matters arranged, and the king of Portugal and his court set out for Oporto, and the duchess for Sant Jago, each party well escorted by knights and squires; but the duke remained with his army at Entença, or in the neighbourhood. They were very eager to commence the campaign, for it was now the pleasant month of April, when the grass was ripe in the meads, the corn in ear, and the flowers in seed; for it is so hot in that country, that the harvest is over in June: they therefore wished to perform some exploits in arms while the weather was so fine, for it was a pleasure at such a season to be out in the fields.
We must now speak of the arrangements of the French, and of the king of Castille, as fully as we have done of the English.
CHAPTER LXII. — SIR WILLIAM DE LIGNAC AND SIR WALTER DE PASSAC TRAVERSE THE KINGDOM OF NAVARRE WITH THEIR ARMY, AND ARRIVE AT BURGOS, WHERE THEY MEET THE KING OF CASTILLE.
YOU have heard how sir Walter de Passac obtained permission from the count de Foix for the French army, intended for Castille, to pass through Béarn. The count likewise gave, of his own free will, (for he was no way bounden to do so,) very rich presents to such knights and squires as waited on him at the castle of Orthès, to pay their respects, and tell him what was passing in the way of news. To some he gave two hundred, to others one hundred, fifty or forty, florins, according to their ranks; and, as the treasurer assured me, the passage of this first division cost the count de Foix one thousand francs, without including the presents he made of coursers and hackneys. Now show me the prince who does such things, or who has the inclination to do them. In good truth, so desirous am I of speaking to his advantage, it is a pity that such a one should ever grow old and die; for he is not surrounded by base minions, who tell him, “Take this, give that; take on all sides.” No; he never had, nor will have, any such about his person: he does all himself; for he has, by nature, abilities to know to whom he should give, and from whom he should take, when required. True it is, that the large presents he makes oppress his people; for his revenue is not equal to giving every year at least sixty thousand francs, and keeping up his establishments, which are unequalled by any one, and to the amassing a treasure to serve him in case of accidents. He has been, for these last thirty years, laying by large sums; and they say there is in the tower of Orthès one hundred thousand francs, thirty times told. His subjects only pray to God that he may have long life, and never complain of anything he does; and I have heard them say, that on the day he shall die, there will be ten thousand persons in Orthès who would wish to die also. Consider that this must be the effect of their affection; and, if they have such great love for him, they have reason for it, as he maintains strict justice, and his subjects enjoy their lands free and in peace, like to a terrestrial paradise. Let it not be thought that I thus speak through flattery, or my love to him, or for the presents he has made me; for I can readily prove all I have said of the gallant count de Foix, and still more, by a thousand knights and squires, if called upon. Let us return to sir William de Lignac and sir Walter de Passac, the commanders of the men at arms destined for Castille.
Having crossed Basques, and the pass of Roncesvalles, which took them three days, (for, though it was in the month of April, the snows and cold were so deep and severe, that they had much difficulty in the passage with their men and horses,) they arrived at Pampeluna, the kingdom of Navarre being open to them. The king of Navarre was unwilling to displease the king of Castille, as his son Charles de Navarre had married his sisters; and when the last treaties were concluded, during the reign of the late don Henry, they were so strong as bound the king of Navarre to peace. Indeed, he can never withstand the king of Castille, unless he have the kings of Arragon and England for his allies. The king of Navarre very amicably received, at Pampeluna, the leaders of this force*, and had them, with some other knights that accompanied them, to dine with him in his palace. After dinner, he led them into his council chamber, and began conversations on different subjects, (for he was a wondrous subtle and eloquent man,) and at last turned the discourse on France, and harangued on the wrongs the king of France and his council had unjustly done him, by depriving him of his lands in Normandy, which had descended to him from his predecessors the kings of France and Navarre. This injury he should never forget; for he had lost, by the seizure of lands in Normandy, Languedoc, and in the barony of Montpensier, about sixty thousand francs of yearly rent, and in respect of this grievance he knew not to whom, except to God, to apply for redress. “I do no say this, my lords,” added he, “that you should any way interfere in the business; for I know you have not the power, nor would anything you could say be listened to. You are not of the king’s council, but knights-errant and 233 soldiers, who are obliged to march wheresoever the king or his council may order you. This is fact; but I say it to you, because I know not to whom I can complain, except to all who shall come from France through this country.”
Sir Walter de Passac replied, — “Sir, what you say is true: nothing will be done by any recommendation of ours; for, in truth, we are not of the king’s council. We go whither we are sent; and my lord of Bourbon, uncle to the king, is our commander, and, as you know, is to follow us this road: you may lay your complaints before him, either when coming or on his return; for he has much influence, and your wrongs may be redressed. May God assist you, for the honour you have done us! When returned to France, we shall praise your attentions, to the king, as well as to the duke of Bourbon, our commander, whom we shall see first.” Wine was now brought, of which they partook, and then left the king, who parted from them kindly, and sent to each, at their lodgings, a handsome war-horse, to their great joy. The men at arms thus passed Navarre, and arrived at Logrogno, where they inquired after the king of Castille. They were told he had resided for some time at Valladolid, but that he was then at Burgos, making great preparations of stores and provision. They then followed the road towards Burgos, leaving that into Galicia, which country was not secure, for the English had marched far into it. News was brought to the king of Castille that great succours were on their march, to the amount of two thousand lances, from France. This delighted him greatly, and he set out from Valladolid, accompanied by ten thousand horse, for Burgos, where the French, on their coming, were quartered over the country. They were daily joined by others from France.
* This was in 1386. The French knights returned from this expedition before the expiration of the year. The king of Navarre died January 1, 1387. — ED.
CHAPTER LXIII. — MANY PLANS ARE OFFERED TO THE KING OF CASTILLE FOR CARRYING ON THE WAR: HE IS DETERMINED BY THE COMMANDERS OF THE FRENCH FORCE TO DELAY AN ENGAGEMENT UNTIL THE ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF BOURBON, AND TO MAKE EXCURSIONS FROM THE DIFFERENT GARRISONS.
SIR William de Lignac and sir Walter de Passac, on their arrival at Burgos, waited on the king, at his palace, who received them kindly, and thanked them for the trouble and pains they had taken, out of affection to him, and for coming to assist him. The knights bowed, and said, — “that if they could do anything essential for his service, their pains and trouble would soon be forgotten.” Many councils were holden, to consider whether to march against the enemy, or carry on the war by excursions from the garrisons, until the march against the enemy, or carry on the war by excursions from the garrisons, until the duke of Bourbon arrived. The two knights said, — “Send for sir Oliver du Guesclin, sir Peter de Villaines, sir Barrois des Barres, Châtelmorant, and the other companions, who are better acquainted with this country than ourselves, for they have come hither before us, and we will then confer together; and if it please God, your kingdom shall, from our counsels, acquire both profit and renown.” The king said, they had spoken openly and loyally, and he was willing their advice should be followed. Secretaries were instantly employed in writing pressing letters to the different knights and others whom they wished to see, which were sent off by messengers to the different parts where they resided. When it was known to them that sir William de Lignac and sir Walter de Passac were come, and had sent for them, they were much pleased. They left the towns and castles in which they were garrisoned, under the command of such as they could depend on, and hastened to Burgos, where, in a short time, good part of the chivalry of France were collected.
The king of Castille held a grand council with the barons and knights of France, on the manner of commencing the campaign, for they knew the enemy had taken the field. He was desirous of acting in a manner becoming the honour of a king, and for the benefit of his country. Many were the debates, and the account of the force in Castille was estimated. It was said, that the king could summon into the field thirty thousand horse, with their riders armed, according to the custom of the country, with darts and javelins, and thirty thousand infantry, if not more, with slings. The French knights considered all this, and said it was certainly a great number of people, but it was useless as an army; for they had formerly acted in so cowardly a manner that no confidence could be placed in them. Through 234 their cowardice, the prince of Wales had won the battle of Najarra {Susan note, check spelling}; and the Castillians had been completely defeated by the Portuguese at Aljubarota. The count de Lerma took up this speech, and supported the Castillians, By way of excuse, he said, — “With regard to the battle of Najarra, I must beg leave to speak to that. It is true that many noble knights from France were present with sir Bertrand du Guesclin, who fought valiantly, for they were all slain or captures; but you must also know that the flower of knighthood of the whole world was under the command of the prince of Wales, whose good sense, courage, and prudence, were unrivalled. Such is not now the case with the duke of Lancaster. The prince had, at the battle of Najarra, full then thousand spears, and six thousand archers: and among the chivalry were three thousand equal to the Rolands and Olivers; such as sir John Chandos, sir Thomas Felton, sir Oliver de Clisson, sir Hugh Calverley, sir Richard de Pontchardon, sir Garsis du Châtel, the lord de Raix, the lord de Rieux, sir Louis de Harcourt, sir Guiscard dangle, and hundreds more whom I could name, who were then present, but who are either dead, or have turned to our side. These are not now opposed to us, nor is the event so doubtful as it was in former times: so that whoever has confidence in me, will join my opinion for instant combat; and that we march to cross the river Duero, which will redound to our honour.”
This speech of the count de Lerma was attentively listened to by the council, and many were of his mind. Sir Oliver du Guesclin next spoke: — “Count de Lerma, we know that what you have uttered proceeds from the good sense and courage you posses; and, suppose we were to march and offer combat to the duke of Lancaster, had we no other enemy, we should do well; but you have forgotten the king of Portugal, whom we shall have on our rear, and whose forces consist, as we have been informed, of twenty-five hundred lances, and thirty-thousand other men. It was the dependence on the king of Portugal that made the duke land in Galicia; and we know that their alliance is very much strengthened by the marriage of the king with the duke’s daughter. Now, let us hear what you can say to that?” “In God’s name,” replied the count de Lerma, “the French being four thousand lances, are more than a match to combat the duke of Lancaster; and the king, with his Castillians to the amount of twenty thousand horse, and thirty thousand foot, as they say, may surely withstand the king of Portugal: it appears to me so clear, that I will risk the event with them.”
The knights from France, seeing themselves thus rebuffed by the count de Lerma, said, — “By God, you are in the right, and we in the wrong; for we ought first to have weighed what you have said: it shall be so, since you will it, and no one seems to oppose it.” “My lords,” said the king, “I beg of you to consider well the advice you give me, not through haste or pride, but with all attention, that the best plans may be adopted. I do not look on what has been said as decisive, nor approve of it: I will that we meet again in this same apartment to-morrow, and particularly that you, sir William de Lignac, and you, sir Walter de Passac, who have been sent hither by the king of France and duke of Bourbon, as the commanders in chief, do confer together, and examine carefully what will be the most honourable and profitable for my kingdom: for you shall determine whether we march to offer combat to our enemies or not.”
The bowed to the king, and said they would cheerfully attend to his orders. The conference then broke up, and each retired to his lodging. The French knights had this day after dinner, and in the evening, much conversation on the subject. Some said, &8212; “we cannot in honour offer battle until the arrival of the duke of Bourbon; for how do we know what will be his intentions, to fight or not? Should we engage and be victorious, the duke will be highly indignant against the captains of France: should we be defeated, we not only risk ourselves, but Castille also; for if we be slain, there can be no hopes of recover to the Castillians, and the king will lose his crown. We shall be blamed, should this happen, more than any others; for it will be said, that we proposed the battle, and were ignorant advises. Besides, we know not if the country be unanimous in their affection to the king, or whether they may not have sent underhand, for the duke of Lancaster and his lady, as the legal heiress of Castille, for she is the daughter of don Pedro, as is well known to all. Now, should the Castillians say, on seeing the duke and the English in the field, that his is the justest cause, for that king John is a bastard, they may turn about towards the latter end of the day, as 235 they did at Najarra, and leave us to be slain on the spot. Thus there is a double danger for the king and for us. They must be mad or foolish who advise a battle; and why have not those who ought to have spoken, such as sir William de Lignac and sir Walter de Passac, delivered their sentiments?” “Because,” replied others, “they wished to know our opinions first; for it is not possible but that, when they left the council of France and the duke of Bourbon, they were well instructed how to act. We shall all know to-morrow.” There was much disputing this evening between the knights from France, as well as among those of Castile. The well-wishers to the king would not advise him to offer battle, for the reason that, if they should be defeated, the kingdom was infallibly lost. The king himself was of this opinion: he dreaded the chances of war; for he was ignorant of the support he should have, and whether he was beloved by all his subjects or not. The matter thus remained until the morrow, when they were again assembled in the presence of the king.
In this conference there were many speakers, for all were desirous to offer the king advice to the best of their abilities. It was visible the king was against the plan of the preceding day; for he had not forgotten the unfortunate event of the battle of Aljubarota, where he was defeated by the king of Portugal which such loss, that another similar to it would lose him his realm. When all had delivered their opinions, sir William de Lignac and sir Walter de Passac were asked theirs: for, as they were the commanders in chief, everything should be ordered and executed by them. The two knights looking at each other, sir William said, — “Do you speak, sir Walter.” “Not I,” replied sir Walter: “do you, for you have been longer used to arms than myself.” Sir William, having paused awhile, thus spoke: — “Sir king, you ought, methinks, to return many thanks to this noble chivalry of France, who have come so far to serve you in your distress, and who have shown you such affection as to decline shutting themselves up in ay of your castles or towns, but are eager to take the field and combat your enemies wherever they may find them: which, however, saving your grace and the good will you show, cannot be done at present for many reason; the principal of which is, the absence of my lord the duke of Bourbon, who will soon arrive with a considerable reinforcement of men at arms. There are also many of our knights and squires who have never before been in this country, and are ignorant of the roads, to which they must attend; and things which are hastily concluded never end well. Instead, therefore, of attempting a general engagement, we shall carry on the war for two or three months, or as long as may be necessary, from different garrisons, and let the English and Portuguese overrun Galicia, or other parts, if they can. If they conquer a few towns, it will be no great loss: we will regain them before we quit the country, for they shall only borrow them for a time. To conclude: in warfare there are many unforeseen events, and the English during the hot season may, in their various excursions through Galicia, meet with such difficulties, and suffer such disorders, as may make them repent ever having undertaken the business; for they will not find the climate like that of France, nor the wines so good, nor the water so pure, as in our country; but the rivers muddy and cold from the melting of the snows on the mountains, which will chill them and their horses after the burning heat of the sun in the say-time, and be the destruction of both. They are not of iron or steel, and must n the end suffer from the heats of Castille, but like to ourselves, and we cannot any way more easily defeat them than by avoiding a combat, and allowing them to go whithersoever they please. They will find nothing to pillage in the low countries, nor anything to comfort themselves; for, I am informed, that has been all destroyed by our people, for which I praise them greatly; and, were it now undone, I would have given them such orders. Now, if any person can give better advice, let him do so; for sir Walter and myself will cheerfully listen to him.”
The council unanimously replied, — “We approve of what sir William has offered, and cannot but think it the best advice for the king and kingdom of Castille.” It was then determined to wait for the duke of Bourbon and the stores before they made preparations for taking the field, but to garrison strongly the frontier, and suffer the English and Portuguese to overrun Castille at their pleasure; for, when they returned from their excursions, they could not carry away the land with them. The conference ended, all left the chamber; and this day the king entertained at dinner, in his palace at Burgos, the 235 barons and knights of France: it was magnificently grand, according to the custom in Spain. On the morrow, before noon, all the men at arms were sent off to their different garrisons, with instructions from their leaders how to act. Sir Oliver du Guesclin, count de Longueville, was ordered, with a thousand spears, to a tolerably strong town on the borders of Galicia, called Ville-saincte*; sir Reginald and sir Tristan de Roye to another town, ten leagues further, but on the frontier of Galicia, called Ville-d’Agillare-de-Champ†, with three hundred lances; sir peter de Belesme, with two hundred lances, to Beneventé; the count de Lerma to the town of Zamora; sir John des Barres, with three hundred, to the castle of Noya; sir John de Châtelmorant and sir Tristan de la Jaille, with others, to the city of Valencia; the viscount de Besliere to the town of Ribesda, with sir John and sir Robert de Braquemont. In such manner were the men at arms divided: sir Oliver du Guesclin was nominated constable, having the largest under his command; and sir William de Lignac and sir Walter de Passac remained near the king at Burgos, an attended him wherever he went.
Thus were affairs managed in Castille, waiting for the duke of Bourbon, who was still in France making his preparations. But we will leave the armies of Castille and of the duke of Lancaster, for a short time, and return to them again when necessary, to speak of such events as happened in France and England; many of which were strange enough, and dangerous to both kingdoms, but particularly displeasing to the king of England and his council.
* “Ville-saincte.” Q. Vilalpando.
† “Ville-d’Agillare-de-Champ.” Q. Avila.
CHAPTER LXIV. — THE CONSTABLE DE CLISSON MAKES GREAT PREPARATIONS TO INVADE ENGLAND. — MUCH MURMURING AND DISCONTENT IN ENGLAND AGAINST KING RICHARD AND HIS COUNCIL.
I HAVE before related at length, how the grand expedition, which was preparing at Sluys to invade England, was broken up; but to show how much the French were in earnest, and that it might not be said they had given it over through cowardice, but were still eager to 237 land in England, it was ordered that the constable, should sail thither in the month of May, when the weather was fine, and the sea calm. His force was to consist of four thousand men at arms and two thousand cross-bows, who were to assemble in a town of Brittany called Tréguier*, situated on the sea coast, and opposite to Cornwall. His preparations, which were very considerable, were all made there, and the horses were to embark at that port, the more easily to overrun England, for without horses, no war on land can be carried on with effect. In this harbour were numbers of vessels of all descriptions which were laden with wines, salted meats, biscuit, and other things, in such quantities, as might serve them four or five months, without requiring anything from the country; for the constable knew, that when the English should hear of his landing, they would destroy all the lowlands, to prevent him from having any support; and it was for this treason he had provided such immense stores. Another large fleet, to invade England, was likewise prepared at Harfleur, by the lord de Coucy, the lord de St. Pol, and the admiral of France, who were to embark on board of it with two thousand spears; but it was said that this was solely intended to force the duke of Lancaster to withdraw himself and his arm from Castille. The duke of Bourbon was still at Paris; for he knew the duke of Lancaster must return to England, and it would be unnecessary for him to take so long a journey to Castille. The army of the constable consisted of Bretons, Angevins, Manceaux, Saintongers, and knights and squires from the adjoining countries. That of the count de St. Pol and the lord de Coucy was composed from the Isle of France, Normandy, and Picardy. The duke of Bourbon had two thousand spears from Berry, Auvergne, Limousin, and lower Burgundy. Such was the distributions of the forces in France; and every man knew how he was to be employed, whether in England or Castille.
England was, at this period, in greater danger than when the peasants, under Jack Straw, rose in rebellion, and marched to London; and I will tell you the cause. The nobles and gentlemen were unanimous, at that time, in their support of the king, but now there were serious differences between them. The king quarrelled with his uncles of York and Gloucester, and they were equally displeased with him, caused, as it was said, by the intrigues of the duke of Ireland, the sole confidant of the king. The commonalty, in many towns and cities, had noticed these quarrels, and the wisest dreaded the consequences that might ensure; but the giddy laughed at them, and said, they were owing to the jealously of the king’s uncles, and because the crown was not on their heads. But others said, — “The king is young, and puts his confidence in youngsters: it would be to his advantage if he consulted his uncles more, who can only wish the prosperity of the country, than that puppy, the duke of Ireland, who is ignorant of all things, and who never saw a battle.” Thus were the English divided; and great disasters seemed to be at hand, which was perfectly known all over France, and caused them to hasten their preparations for invading the country, and adding to its miseries. The prelates of England were also quarrelling; the archbishop of Canterbury with that of York, who was of the house of Neville. They hated each other mortally, because the lord Neville had been appointed lieutenant of Northumberland, in preference to the sons of the earl of Northumberland, sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy, which the archbishop, who was one of the king’s council, had obtained for his brother, through the duke of Ireland.
As soon as the English learnt that the camps near Sluys were broken up, and the invasion given over, great murmurings were general throughout England. Those who wished mischief said, — “What is now become of our grand enterprises and our valiant captains? Would that our gallant king Edward, and his son, the prince of Wales, were now alive! We used to invade France and rebuff our enemies, so that they were afraid to show themselves, or venture to engage us; and, when they did so, they were defeated. What a glorious expedition did our king Edward, of happy memory, make, when he landed in Normandy, and marched through France! After many battles and other fine exploits, he defeated king Philip and the whole power of the French at Crecy, and took Calais before he returned home. Where are the knights and princes of England who can now do such tings? Did not likewise the prince of Wales, son of this gallant king, make prisoner the 238 king of France, and defeat his army at Poitiers, with the small force he had, compared with that of king John? In those days we were feared, and our renown was spread abroad, wherever chivalry was esteemed; but at this moment we must be silent, for they know not how to make war, except on our pockets: for this they are ready enough. Only a child reigns now in France, and yet he has given us more alarms than any of his predecessors, and shows good courage and inclination to invade us. It was not his fault, but that of his advisers, that he did not attempt it. We have seen the time when, if such a fleet had been known to have been collected at Sluys, the good king and his sons would have hastened to attack it; but now-a-days the nobles are delighted to have nothing to do, and remain in peace; but they will not suffer us to live in quiet, as long as we have anything in our purses. We have seen the time when conquests were made by us in France, and no taxes demanded, but every one was made rich from the great wealth which abounded in France. What is become of the immense sums which have been raised, as well by taxes as by the current revenue? They must have been wasted or purloined, we must know how the country is governed, and who are the advisers of the king: it is not right that such things be longer unattended to; for this country is not so rich, nor able to bear the burdens France does, which abounds in all things. It seems, also, that we are weakened in understanding and activity as well as courage; for we used to know what was intended by France, and what were its plans, some months before they could execute them, by which we were prepared to resist them. Now, we are not only ignorant of what is going forward in France; but they are well informed of all that passes, though under the seal of secrecy, in our councils, and we know not whom to blame. But a day must come when all this will be public; for there are secret traitors in the council, and the sooner this is inquired into the better: we may delay it so long that it will be too late to provide a remedy.” Such conversations were very common, not only with knights and squires, but among the inhabitants of many of the towns, which placed the realm in much danger.
The knights and squires who had been summoned to the defence of the kingdom, now demanded their pay; and other large sums were called for, to defray the great expenses the king and his council had been at in guarding the country against the invasion from France. A parliament was therefore assembled in London, of the nobles, prelates, and commonalty, to consider of laying a general tax throughout the country to answer all these demands. The parliament adjourned from London to Westminster, when those summoned attended, and indeed many others, who came to hear news. The king and his two uncles of York and Gloucester were present; and the parliament was harangued on the subject of the finances, and assured that there was not in the royal treasury more than sufficient to support, even with economy, the usual expenses of the king. The council said, there was no other means than laying a general tax on all the country, if they were desirous of paying the great sums the defence of the kingdom had cost. Those from the archbishopric of Canterbury, the bishoprics of Norwich and Warwick, the counties of Devonshire, Hampshire, and Wiltshire, readily assented; because they knew better what had been done, and were more alarmed than those at a greater distance, in Wales, Bristol, and Cornwall, who were rebellious, and said, — “We have never seen any enemies come into this country: why therefore should we be thus heavily taxed, and nothing done?” “Yes, yes,” replied others: “Let them call on the king’s council, the archbishop of York and the duke of Ireland, who received sixty thousand francs, for the ransom of John of Brittany, from the constable of France, which ought to have gone to the general profit of the kingdom. Let them call on sir Simon Burley, sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Band, sir Robert Tresilian, and sir John Beauchamp, who have governed the king. If they give a true account of the sums raised in England, or were forced to do so, there would be more than money enough to pay all expenses, and poor people might remain in quiet.”
The king’s uncles were much pleased when these speeches were told them; for those they had named were unfriendly to their interests, and opposed their obtaining any favours from the court. They encouraged such discourses; and, to gain popularity, said, — “The good people who hold such language are well advised in wishing to have an account of the management of the finances, and in refusing to pay their taxes; for, in good truth, there is cash enough 239 either in the purses of the king or of those who govern him.” By degrees this discontent was much increased among the people, who declared against any tax being laid on, and grew bolder in their language when they saw that the king’s uncles, the archbishop of Canterbury, and earls of Salisbury and Northumberland, with many other great barons, supported them. The ministers, therefore, withdrew the tax, and said that nothing should be done in the matter until Michaelmas, when the parliament would again meet.
Those knights and squires who were expecting their pay were much angered against the king and his council for their disappointment, and the ministers appeased them in the best manner they could. When the parliament broke up, and the members went different ways, the king did not take leave of his uncles, nor they of him. The king was advised to retired into Wales for a time until more favourable circumstances, which he agreed to, and left London without taking leave of nay one. He carried with him all his council, expect the archbishop of York, who returned into his diocese. IT was fortunate for him he did so, otherwise it would have happened to him as to the other counsellors of the king, as I shall presently narrate. But I must speak as much of France as of England, when the matter requires it.
* “Tréguier,” — ten leagues north-west of St. Brieux, and twenty-three north-east of Brest.
CHAPTER LXV. — THE CONSTABLE OF FRANCE WITH SEVERAL OTHERS MAKE PREPARATIONS TO INVADE ENGLAND. — THE DUKE OF BRITTANY PRACTISES TO PREVENT THIS EXPEDITION.
WHEN the sweet season of summer and the delightful month of May were come, in the year of our lord 1387, while the duke of Lancaster was making conquests in Galicia, and, in conjunction with the king of Portugal, overrunning Castille without opposition; there were, as I before said, great preparations making in France for the invasion of England, by the constable, at Tréguier in Brittany; and by the count de St. Pol, the lord de Coucy, and the admiral of France, at Harfleur. They had under their command six thousand men at arms, two thousand cross-bows, and six thousand lusty varlets, whom they intended to land at Dover and Orwell. It was ordered, that no one was to embark unless he were provided with suitable armour and provision for three months. They were the flower of chivalry, and had plenty of oats and hay for their horses. Their leaders had appointed a day for sailing, which was now almost arrived; and their servants were as busily employed as at Sluys in laying in all stores and other necessaries at the two ports of Tréguier and Harfleur. The men at arms, under the count de St. Pol and the admiral, were paid fifteen days in advance; but they were still on shore, and those in the more distant parts were daily arriving. All things were now in such forwardness, no one could have imagined it would not take place. It was not, however, broken up by the captains, but by a most extraordinary event which happened in Brittany. The king of France and his council were sorely vexed thereat; but, as they could not amend it, they were forced to endure it as well as they could, and act prudently, for this was not the moment of revenge. Other news was brought to the king from Germany, at the same time, which I will relate in proper time and place; but I will mention that of Brittany first, as it so occurred in point of time, and was the most unfortunate, though the events in Germany were cause of greater expense.
It I were merely to say, such and such things happened at such times, without entering fully into the matter, which was grandly horrible and disastrous, it would be a chronicle, but no history. I might, to be sure, pass it by, if I had chosen it: that I will not do; but relate fully the fact, if God grant me life, abilities, and leisure, to chronicle and historify the matter at length. You have before seen, in different parts of this history, how sir John de Montfort, called duke of Brittany (who indeed was so by conquest, though not by direct descent,) had always supported the English to the utmost of his power against France. He had reason to attach himself to them; for they had made war for him, and without their assistance he would never have conquered before Auray nor elsewhere. You know also, from this history, that the duke of Brittany had no power over the greater part of his nobles nor the principal towns; more especially sir Bertrand du Guesclin, as long as he lived, sir Oliver de Clisson constable of France, the lords de Beaumanoir, de Laval, de Raix, de 240 Dinaut, the viscount de Rohan, and the lord de Rochefort, refused him obedience; and whichever way these lords incline, the whole duchy follow their example. They were willing, indeed, to support him against any power but France, and truly I must say, that the Bretons have ever gallantly defended the honour of France, as will be apparent to any person who shall read this history. But let it not be said, that I have been corrupted by the favour of count Guy de Blois, (who has induced me to undertake, and has paid me for this history to my satisfaction,) because he was nephew to the rightful duke of Brittany; for count Lewis of Blois was cousin-german to St. Charles, who as long as he lived was the true duke. It is not so; for I will speak the truth, and go straight forward, without colouring one side more than another, and that gallant prince who patronized this history never wished me in any way to act otherwise.
To return to my subject. You have read how the duke of Brittany, when he found he could not manage his subjects, became suspicious of them, and fearful lest they should arrest him and confine him in one of the king of France’s prisons. He left Brittany for England, with his household and the lady Jane his duchess, daughter of that good knight sir Thomas Holland. After staying there some time, he went to Flanders, where he resided, with his cousin-german count Lewis, upwards of a year and a half, when his country being more favourable, sent for him back. Some of the towns, however, on his return, continued their rebellion, especially Nantes; but all the barons, knights, and prelates, submitted to him, except those whom I have before named. In order to put hem under his obedience, by means of some of the principal cities which assented to his plans, and for the purpose of giving alarm to the king of France and his council, who were desirous of laying taxes on Brittany similar to those of France and Picardy which he and the country would never suffer, he demanded aid from the king of England of men at arms and archers, assuring the council of England, that if the king or one of his uncles would come to Brittany, in sufficient force, the whole country would be open, and ready to receive them.
King Richard and his council were greatly pleased on receiving this intelligence, which seemed to them so good, that they could not do better than accept the offer, since Brittany was so well inclined to receive them. They ordered thither the earl of Buckingham, with four thousand spears and eight thousand archers, who, having landed at Calais, marched through the kingdom of France without meeting any opposition, although they frequently offered battle, as you have before read. When they came to Brittany, they expected to find all ready to receive them, as they had sustained a long march: but everything was contrary to what had been promised; for the duke’s advisers had managed with so much prudence, that they had made his peace with the young king of France: had Charles V. been alive, it could not have been done, for he hated him too much. The duke of Burgundy, who was, at that time, at the head of the government of France, was greatly instrumental in bringing this accommodation about through the entreaties of his duchess, who was very nearly related to the duke of Brittany. He was, in consequence, forced to break all the engagements he had made with the English, from the impossibility of his keeping them; for Bretons will ever firmly join the English in making war on France. They never had, nor ever will have, such inclinations. The English were obliged to lodge themselves in Vannes and its neighbourhood, and to suffer the greatest distress and poverty, which destroyed many of their men, and all their horses. When they left Brittany, they were greatly discontented with the duke, more particularly the earl of Buckingham, who, on his return to England, made such heavy complaints against him to the king, the duke of Lancaster and the council, that it was resolved by them to give John of Brittany his liberty, and carry him to Brittany, to wage war against the duke under his name. It was there said, “— “Sir John de Montfort knows well that he owes his duchy solely to us, for without our aid he never could have gained it; and a pretty return he has made us, by wearing our army down with fatigue and famine, and fruitlessly expending our treasure. We must make him feel for his ingratitude; and we cannot better revenge ourselves than by setting his rival at liberty, and landing him in that country, where the towns and castles will open their gates to him, and expel the other who has thus deceived us.”
This resolution was unanimously adopted. John of Brittany was brought before the 241 council, and told they would give him his liberty, regain for him the duchy of Brittany, and marry him to the lady Philippa of Lancaster, on condition that Brittany would be held as a fief from England, and that he would do the king homage for it. He refused compliance with these terms. He would, indeed, have accepted the lady, but peremptorily refused to enter into any engagements inimical to France, were he to remain prisoner all his days. The council, hearing this, grew cool in their offers of freedom, and replaced him under the guard of sir Thomas d’Ambreticourt. This I have already related, but I now return to it on account of the event which happened in Brittany, as being the consequence; for the duke, well aware he was in disgrace with all England, was greatly alarmed at the dangers that might ensue, from the treatment the earl of Buckingham and his army were forced to put up with, from the breach of all his engagements. Neither the king of England nor his uncles longer wrote him such friendly letters as they were used to do before the earl of Buckingham’s expedition. His alarms were much increased when he heard that John of Brittany was returned from England, and said, the English had given him his liberty in revenge for his late conduct.
The duke upon this determined, by one bold stroke, to recover the favour of England, and to do it so secretly and opportunely that the English should thank him. He knew there was not a man on earth whom they more hated and dreaded than sir Oliver de Clisson, constable of France; for, in truth, his thoughts were daily and nightly employed on the means to injure England. He was the proposer of the late great armament at Sluys, and the chief director of those carried on at Tréguier and Harfleur. The duke, therefore, to please the English, and to show he had not much dependence on nor love for the French, resolved to prevent the intended invasion of England taking effect: not, indeed, by forbidding his subjects to join in this attack on England, under pain of forfeiting their lands, for that would have too clearly discovered the side to which he leaned. He went to work more secretly, and thought he could not act more to his advantage than to arrest the constable. He was not afraid of his family, as it was not powerful enough to make war against him; for he had but two daughters, one married to John of Brittany, and the other to the viscount de Rohan. He could easily withstand them; and, as there would be but one baron slain, when dead, none would make war on him.
CHAPTER LXVI. — THE DUKE FO BRITTANY SUMMONS HIS BARONS AND KNIGHTS TO A COUNCIL AT VANNES. — SIR OLIVER DE CLISSON AND THE LORD DE BEAUMANOIR ARE MADE PRISONERS IN THE CASTILE OF ERMINE, AND IN GREAT DANGER OF THEIR LIVES.
THE duke of Brittany, to accomplish his plan, appointed a great parliament to be holden at Vannes, and sent very affectionate letters to his barons and knights to entreat they would be present; but he was particularly pressing with his constable of France, adding, that he was more anxious to see him than all the rest. The constable never thought of excusing himself, for the duke was now his acknowledged lord, and he wished to be in his favour: he came therefore to Vannes, as did great numbers of other barons. The assembly was numerous, and lasted some time; and many things were discussed which concerned the duke and the country, but the intended invasion of England was never touched on, for the duke pretended to know nothing about it, and kept a strict silence. The parliament was held in the castle de la Motte at Vannes, where the duke gave a grand dinner to the barons of Brittany, and kept them in enjoyment and affectionate conversation until night, when they returned to their lodgings in the suburbs without the town. At this dinner were the greater part of the barons of Brittany, towards the end of which the duke showed them the most friendly attention; but he had other thoughts in his heart, unknown to all excepting those to whom he had confidentially opened himself. The constable of France, to please the knights of Brittany, and because he thought his office required it, invited all who had dined with the duke to dine with him on the morrow. Some came, but others went home to take leave of their wives and families; for it was the intention of the constable, on leaving Vannes 242 to make for Tréguier and embark on board his fleet, which was ready for him. All this the duke knew, but never said one word; for he wished to have it believed that he was ignorant of it. When the duke entered the hôtel of the constable, and was announced, all rose up, as was right, and kindly received him in the manner in which their lord should be accosted. He behaved in the most friendly manner, and, seating himself among them, ate and drank, and showed them stronger marks of affection than he had ever before done. He said, — “My fair sirs, friends and companions, God send that you may ever come and go from me with equal pleasure, and that you may perform such deeds of arms as may satisfy you and gain you profit and renown.” “May God,” they replied, “render you the same, and we most humbly thank you that you are thus kindly come to see us before we depart.”
You must know, that in those days, the duke of Brittany was building a very handsome and strong castle near Vannes, called the castle of Ermine, which was almost completed. Being eager to catch the constable, he said to him, the lord de Beaumanoir, and other barons, — “My dear sirs, I entreat that before you quit this country, you will come and see my castle of Ermine, that you may view what I have done, and the plans I intend executing.” They all accepted his invitation, for his behaviour had been so kind and open, that they never thought he was imagining mischief. They accompanied the duke on horseback to this castle; and, when arrived, the duke, the constable, the lords de Laval and de Beaumanoir, dismounted and entered within its apartments. The duke led the constable by the hand from chamber to chamber, and to all parts, even to the cellars, where wine was offered. When he had carried them all over it, they came to the keep; and, stopping at the entrance, the duke said, — “Sir Oliver,, there is not a man on this side of the sea who understands masonry like you: enter, therefore, I beg of you, and examine the walls well; and if you say it is properly built, it shall remain, otherwise it shall be altered.” The constable, who thought nothing ill was intended, replied, he would cheerfully do so, and desired the duke to go first. “No,” said the duke; “go by yourself, while I talk a little here with the lord de Laval.” The constable, desirous to acquit himself, entered the tower and ascended the staircase. When he had passed the first floor, some armed men, who had been there posted in ambush, knowing how they were to act, shut the door below them, and advanced on the constable, whom they seized, and dragged into an apartment, and loaded him with three pairs of fetters. As they were putting them on, they said, — “My lord, forgive what we are doing, for we are obliged to it by the strict orders we have had from the duke of Brittany*.” If the constable was alarmed, it is no wonder; but he ought not to have been surprised, for, since the quarrel which he had had with the duke, he would never come near him, though many invitations and passports were sent. He was fearful of trusting himself with the duke, in which he was justified; for, when he did come, you see the consequences of the duke’s hatred, which now burst out.
When the lord de Laval, who was at the entrance of the tower, heard and aw the door shut with violence, he was afraid of some plot against his brother-in-law; and, turning to the duke, who looked as pale as death, was confirmed something was wrong. He said, — “Ah, my lord, for God’s sake what are they doing? Do not use any violence against the constable.” “Lord de Laval, mount your horse, and go hence, for you may depart, when you please; I know well what I am about.” “My lord,” replied the lord de Laval, “I will never depart without my brother-in-law, the constable.” At these words, the lord