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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 186-210.
CHAPTER XL. — THE DUKE OF LANCASTER HAS AN INTERVIEW WITH THE KING OF PORTUGAL. — A MARRIAGE IS AGREED UPON BETWEEN THE KING AND THE LADY PHILIPPA, DAUGHTER OF THE DUKE.
THE king of Portugal was well pleased at the arrival of the English knights, and commanded that they should be comfortably lodged. When they were ready, don Martin d’Acunha and don Fernando Martin de Merlo, who were acquainted with the king’s habits, introduced them to him. He received them very graciously; and after some conversation, which they knew well how to keep up, they presented the falcons and greyhounds. The king cheerfully accepted the, as he was fond of the chase. They returned the king thanks, on the part of the duke and duchess of Lancaster, for the handsome mules he had given them. The king replied, these were trifles, merely tokens of affection, such as lords desirous of maintaining love and friendship ought to make each other; but he should soon offer more splendid presents. Wine and spices were now brought, of which the English knights having partaken, they took leave of the king and returned to their lodgings, where they supped. On the morrow, they dined at the palace, and the lord Poinings and sir John Bancel were seated at the king’s table. Sir John d’Ambreticourt and sir John Sounder were at another table with the great barons of the kingdom, among whom was Lawrence Fongasse, squire of honour to the king, who was well known to these knights, having been acquainted with them in England; on which account he made them the best cheer in his power, and this he knew well how to do.
The dinner the king of Portugal gave to these knights was very handsome and well served: when over, they adjourned to the council-chamber, and the knights, addressing themselves to the king, the count d’Acunha and the count de Novaire spoke as follows: “Sire, with all the compliments the duke of Lancaster has charged us to pay you, he 187 ordered us to say that he is very desirous of having a personal interview with you.” The king replied, he was equally anxious for it, and added, “I beg of you to hasten everything as much as possible, that we may have a conference together.” “That will be very proper,” said the barons of Portugal; “for until you meet you will never understand each other. You may then confer on the most effectual means of carrying on the war against the king of Castille.” “That is true,” answered the knights. “Be speedy about it, then,” said the king: “for, if the duke wishes to see me, I want also to see him.” They then entered on other conversation; for the council was to determine when and where this meeting should take place, and inform the English knights of it. This was done. It was agreed the king of Portugal should go to Oporto, and the duke of Lancaster advance along the borders of Galicia; and somewhere between them and Oporto the meeting was to be held. When the English knights had remained three days at Coimbra, they departed and followed the same road back to Sant Jago, where they related to the duke and duchess all that had passed. They were, with reason, well satisfied with it, for their affairs seemed now likely to be attended to.
When the day of meeting approached, the duke of Lancaster left his army, under the command of his marshal, at Sant Jago, and, attended by three hundred spears and six hundred archers, and sir John Holland, (who had married his eldest daughter,) with many knights, rode towards the frontiers of Portugal. The king of Portugal, hearing that the duke was set out from Sant Jago, left Oporto with six hundred spears, and went to a town called in that country Monçao, the last town of Portugal on that side. The duke came to a town on the frontiers called Melgaço. Between Monçao and Melgaço runs a small river through meadows and fields, over which is a bridge called Pont de More*.
On a Thursday morning, the king of Portugal and the duke of Lancaster had their first interview at this bridge, attended by their escorts, when they made acquaintance with each other. On the king of Portugal’s side had been built a bower, covered with leaves, in which the duke was entertained at dinner by the king. It was a handsome one; and the bishop of Coimbra, the bishop of Oporto, as also the archbishop of Braganza, were seated at the king’s table with the duke, and a little below him were sir John Holland and sir Henry Beaumont. There were many minstrels, and this entertainment lasted until night. The king of Portugal was that day clothed in white lined with crimson, with a red cross of St. George, being the dress of the order of Avis, of which he was grandmaster†. When the people had elected him their king, he declared he would always wear that dress in honour of God and St. George, and his attendants were all dressed in white and crimson. When it became late, they took leave of each other, with the engagement of meeting again on the morrow. The king went to Monçao, and the duke to Melgaço, which places were only separated by the river and meadows. On the Friday, after hearing mass, they mounted their horses, and rode over the Pont de More, to the spot where they had met the preceding day. The house which had been erected for this occasion was the fairest and greatest that had been ever seen there. The king and duke had each their apartments hung with cloth and covered with carpets, as convenient as if the king had been at Lisbon or the duke in London.
Before dinner, they had a conference on the state of their affairs, how they should carry on the war, and when they should commence it. They resolved to order their marshals to continue their attacks during the winter, which the king was to pass in Portugal, and the duke at Sant Jago; and it was settled that, early in March, they would unite their forces, and march to combat the king of Castille, wherever he might be, and whoever he might have with him; for the English and Portuguese, when united, would be full thirty thousand men. When this had been determined, the king’s council introduced the subject of a marriage with their king; for the country was very desirous he would marry, as it was now time; and by it they would be much strengthened; and they thought he could not make a better choice for himself, nor one more agreeable to them, than by intermarrying with the house of Lancaster. The duke, who saw the attachment the king and the 188 Portuguese had for him, and that he had need of their assistance, as he was come from England to Portugal to regain his kingdom of Castille, replied with a smile, addressing the king: “Sir King, I have at Sant Jago two girls, and I will give you the choice to take which of them shall please you best. Send thither your council, and I will return her with them.” “Many thanks,” said the king; “you offer me more than I ask. I will leave my cousin Catharine, of Castille; but I demand your daughter Philippa, in marriage, whom if will espouse and make my queen.” At these words the conference broke up, as it was dinner-time. They were seated as on the preceding day, and most sumptuously and plentifully served, according to the custom of that country. After dinner, the king and duke returned to their lodgings.
On the Saturday after mass, they again mounted their horses, and returned to Pont de More in grand array. The duke this day entertained at dinner the king and his attendants. His apartments were decorated with the richest tapestry, with his arms emblazoned on it, and as splendidly ornamented as if he had been at Hertford, Leicester, or at any of his mansions in England, which very much astonished the Portuguese. Three bishops and one archbishop wee seated at the upper table; the bishops of Lisbon, of Oporto, of Coimbra, and archbishop of Braganza. The king of Portugal was placed at the middle, and the duke somewhat below him: a little lower than the duke, the count d’Acunha and the count de Novaire. At the head of the second table was the deputy grandmaster of Avis: then the grandmaster of St. James, in Portugal‡, and the grandmaster of St John, Diego Lopez Pacheco, Joao Fernandez Pacheco his son, Lopo Vasquez d’Acunha, Vasco Martin d’Acunha, Lopo Diaz d’Azevedo, Vasco Martin de Merlo, Gonzalves de Merlo, all great barons. The abbot of Aljubarota, the abbot of Saint Mary, in Estremadoura, sir Alvarez Pereira, marshal of Portugal, Joao Rodriguez Pereira, Joao Gomez de Silva, Joao Rodriguez de Sa, and many other Portuguese knights, were there seated; for not one Englishman was at the table the day, but served their guests. There were numbers of minstrels, who played their parts well; and the duke gave them and the heralds a hundred nobles each.
When this festival was ended, they took a most friendly leave of each other, until they should meet again. The king returned to Oporto, and the duke to Melgaço, from whence he journeyed towards Sant Jago. The count de Novaire escorted him with one hundred Portuguese lances, until he was out of all danger, when he took leave and returned to Portugal. The duchess was very impatient for the duke’s return, to hear how the conferences had passed; of course, you may suppose, she received him with joy. She asked what he thought of the king of Portugal. “On my faith,” replied the duke, “he is an agreeable man, and had the appearance of being a valiant one, and I think he will reign powerfully; for he is much beloved by his subjects, who say they have not been so fortunate in a king for these hundred years. He is but twenty-six years old, an, like the Portuguese, strong, and well formed in his limbs and body to go through much labour and pain.” “Well, and what was done in regard to the marriage?” said the duchess. “I have given him one of my daughters.” “Which?” asked the duchess. “I offered him the choice of Catharine or Philippa; for which he thanked me much, and has fixed on Philippa.” “He is in the right,” said the duchess; “for my daughter Catharine is too young for him.”
The duke and duchess passed the time as well as they could: winter was approaching, though in Galicia the severity of that season is scarcely felt; for it is always there so warm, that some fruits are eatable even in March, and beans, peas, and grass, are high and flourishing in February. Their hay-harvest is over before Midsummer-day; and, by that time, their corn is, in several places, completely ripe.
* “Pont de More.” — Q.
† Froissart mistakes the colour of the cross: it was green, and borne on the left side.
‡ Rodriguez de Vasconcellos.
CHAPTER XLI. — THE DUKE OF LANCASTER’S MARSHAL GAINS FOR HIM SEVERAL PLACES IN GALICIA. — THE CONDUCT OF THE KING OF CASTILLE.
NOTWITHSTANDING the duke of Lancaster lived quietly at St. Jago with his duchess and children, it was not so with his army; for the commanders made frequent excursions over the country, conquering towns and castles, of which, for a time, they held possession. I will faithfully narrate the manner in which they did this, and the names of the towns they gained; for I was told all the particulars of the campaign by those English knights who had been actors in these conquests; but more particularly by that gallant knight of Portugal whom I have before mentioned, who, in the most friendly manner, entered into all the details at Middleburgh, in Zealand, where he was, on the way to Prussia. I have already told his name, but I will repeat it; he was called John Fernando Portelet, who informed me as follows: —’
“When the duke of Lancaster was returned to Sant Jago, from the frontiers of Portugal, Sir Thomas Moreaux, the marshal of his army, said to him, that he was unwilling to remain in idleness; and that, since they were in an enemy’s country, he would make some excursions to conquer towns or castles, and employ the army, who were very anxious for it. He gave his orders accordingly, and declared he would penetrate into Galicia farther than he had hitherto been, and would not leave town nor castle behind him, without their submitting to the duke. He began his march from Sant Jago, with six hundred lances and twelve hundred archers, and took the road to Pontevedra, a good town of Galicia, which held out for the king of Castille. The townsmen were well aware of the intended attack; for all the inhabitants of the flat countries fled before the English, to different towns, to save themselves and fortunes. When the marshal came before the place, the inhabitants were in deep consultation, whether to surrender or to defend themselves, but they were not unanimous. The lower sorts of inhabitants wanted to surrender instantly: the bailiff (who had been ordered thither by the king to guard and defend it), with those who were the richest, wished to hold out; for they said, that an instant surrender would not redounded to their honour nor profit. They were still in debate, when the watch sounded his horn, to announce the arrival of the English. This broke up the assembly; and every one ran to the battlements, armed with stones, darts, and javelins, with a full determination to defend the place, and not to surrender it until pushed to extremities.
“When the marshal and his companions arrived at Pontevedra, they dismounted and gave their horses to their servants. They drew up their men for instantly attacking it. The archers were ranged around the walls with bows bent for shooting; and men at arms, well armed and shielded, descended into the ditch. On the marshal’s trumpet sounding, the assault commenced; and those who were in the ditch scrambled up to the walls, with pick-axes and iron crows to undermine them. The townsmen showered down on them stones and flints, to their great annoyance: they would have done more, if the archers had not made such good use of their bows; few, after some time, dared to show themselves on the bulwarks, for they killed and wounded many. The bailiff of the town was so severely struck by an arrow, which pierced his helmet and head, that he was forced to be carried to his house. The ill-intentioned in the place were not sorry at this, because he would not consent to a surrender. This accident, however, did not cause the defence to be weakened; on the contrary, thee were the more active; and the attack continued until night, when the enemy sounded a retreat. Many were wounded on each side. The English returned to their quarters, fully determined to renew the attack on the morrow, and to gain the place by capitulation or storm.
“During the night, the inhabitants held a meeting, and said: ‘We are mad, thus to suffer ourselves to be killed and wounded for nothing. Why do not we act like the other towns which have surrendered? They have yielded themselves up to the duke of Lancaster and the lady Constance, daughter to king don Pedro, on condition that, if the rest of the towns in Spain acknowledge him for king, they will do the same: in which they have acted wisely, for they have remained unmolested.’ ‘In God’s name,’ said others, ‘we wanted to 190 do so, but our bailiff persuaded us to the contrary, for which he has paid severely; for there is a great chance if he will ever recover from the wound in his head.’ ‘Let us go,’ said some, ‘and speak with him, and ask how we had best act now; for the English will certainly return to-morrow, and conquer us by fair or foul means.’ This proposition was adopted, and twelve of the principal townsmen went to the bailiff’s house, whose name was, I believe, Diantale de Léon. They found him lying on ha couch, his wound having been just dressed; and, as it had so lately happened, he did not suffer much from it, and made good cheer to those among them whom he knew, and had come to see him. He inquired how the attack had been carried on, and if they had well defended themselves. They said, — ‘Tolerably well; and, thanks to God, no one, excepting himself, of any consequence, had been hurt; but to-morrow will be the day, for we are assured we shall be very hard pushed; and such ignorant and simple persons as ourselves will never be able to withstand their attacks. We therefore come to you for advice how to act. The English menace us greatly; and should they win the place by storm, they will put all to the sword, and plunder the town.’
“ ‘In the name of God,’ replied Diantale de Léon, ‘you can never be blamed for surrendering; but treat prudently, and manage by all means to avoid being taken by storm. Offer to put yourselves under the obedience of the duke and duchess of Lancaster on the same terms with those of Coruña, for no Englishman ever entered that town. They sent out to them provisions for money; and, if you will follow my advice, you will do the same. I believe they will be glad to accept your submission, for there are many other towns in Galicia to conquer, and they will not hold out for trifles.’ ‘You say well,’ replied the townsmen, ‘and we will do as you advise.’ They then left him, and passed the night as well as they could. By sun-rise, on the morrow, they had properly instructed seven of the principal inhabitants, whom they sent out of the town to treat with sir Thomas Moreaux: they met him on his march to renew the attack. They cast themselves on their knees, and having saluted him, said, — ‘My lord, we are sent hither by the inhabitants of Pontevedra, who offer to place themselves under the obedience of the duke and duchess of Lancaster, on 191 the same terms which those of Coruña have obtained. This they have ordered us to tell you, and also that you may have provision in plenty on paying a fair price. It is the wish of those who have sent us, that you push them no farther, and that neither yourself nor any from you enter the place armed and by force; but that if you or any others be desirous of courteously entering the town, they shall be welcome.’ The marshal had with him one who understood perfectly the Galician tongue, who repeated to him in English all that had been said. The marshal replied, — ‘Return quickly to your town, and let those who have sent you come to the barriers. I will grant them a respite until to-morrow at sun-rise, should we not make a satisfactory agreement.’ They promised to comply with his command, and departed. When arrived at the barriers, they found there the greater part of the townsmen waiting, to whom they told all that had passed between them and the marshal; adding, ‘The marshal will soon be here himself: therefore, if you do not think yourselves of sufficient consequence to parley with him hasten those hither whom you may wish for.’
“As the principal inhabitants were at the barriers, they saw sir Thomas Moreaux, with about forty lances, advancing, who on his arrival dismounted and his companions likewise. He addressed them as follows: ‘You, the inhabitants of Pontevedra, have sent to us seven of your brother townsmen, and persons in whom I am satisfied you have confidence: they have told us that you are willing to submit yourselves to the duke and duchess of Lancaster, on the same terms which those of Coruña have obtained, but that you wish to have no other governors but ourselves. Now tell me, I beg of you, what sovereignty my lord would have if he had not his own officers in the town? When you pleased you would acknowledge him for your king, and when you pleased disavow him. Know, that it is my intention, as well as that of those around me, to give you a wise, valiant and prudent governor, who will defend you and do ample justice to all alike, and I mean to thrust out the officers of the king of Castille: let me hear, therefore, if you consent to these terms, for such are our fixed resolutions.’ They requested leave to consult together, and having done so, replied; ’my lord, we have the fullest confidence in you, but we are afraid of pillagers; for we have formerly been so ill treated by persons of that description, when sir Bertrand du Guesclin and the Bretons first cam hither: they left us not a rag, and we are in dread of the like happening again.’ ’You need not,’ said sir Thomas, ’for no pillager shall ever enter your town. You shall lose nothing by us: all we want is your obedience.’ this speech settled the business, and sir Thomas and his company entered the town, his army taking up their quarters in tents and huts without the walls. The inhabitants sent them twenty-four horse-loads of wine, as much bread, and poultry in abundance for the principal officers.
“The marshal remained the whole day in Pontevedra, to arrange a government for the duke of Lancaster. He appointed an honest Galician governor, who had followed the duchess to England, with whom the inhabitants were satisfied. On the morrow, he returned to his army, and in a council determined to march against another town that was rebellious, called Vigo, six leagues distant from Pontevedra. They instantly began their march; and, when within two leagues of the place, hey sent forward to know if they would surrender, as Pontevedra and other towns had done, which, if they refused, they might rest assured they should be attacked in the morning. The inhabitants paid no attention to this menace, and said, that they had often had assaults, but had never been the worse for them. When this answer was carried to the marshal, he swore by St. George they should be attacked in earnest. ‘What! are the scoundrels so proud to send me such an answer?’ They passed the night comfortably with what they had brought with them, and on the morrow by sunrise were on their march to Vigo. It was near ten o’clock when they came before the town, and each party made preparations for the attack and defence. Vigo, though not a large town, is sufficiently strong; and had there been within it some knights and squires, who understood their profession, I do not believe the English would have gained it so easily as they did; for the moments the inhabitants felt the arrows of the English and saw many killed and wounded by them, for they were badly armed, they were panic-struck, and said, — ‘Why do we let ourselves be killed and wounded for the king of Castille? We may as well have the duke of Lancaster, who married the daughter of don Pedro, for our king, as the son of don Henry of Transtamare. We must know, that if we be taken by storm, our lives will be forfeited 192 and our town plundered, and there does not seem succour coming to us from any quarter. A month ago, we sent a remonstrance to the king of Castille at Burgos on our situation, and the peril we should be in, if the English marched hither, as we heard they intended doing. The king indeed spoke to the French knights who are with him on the matter, but no orders were given for any mean at arms to be sent hither as a garrison, any more than to other parts of Galicia, which plainly showed it was indifferent to the king whether we were won or not. He told our envoys to return and do as well as they could. This proves he does not wish us to be slain, nor the place taken by storm.’
“On saying this, some of the townsmen mounted over the gateway, and from a window made signs they wished for a parley, to treat of peace. They were observed; and the marshal, going thither, asked what they wanted. They said; ‘Marshal, order your men to retire; we will submit ourselves to the duke and duchess of Lancaster, on the same terms as those of Coruña and other towns have obtained; and if you want provisions, you shall courteously have them from us; but we will not suffer any one to enter the town by force of arms. This is our proposal, and by this we mean to abide.’ The marshal was advised to answer, — ‘I agree to your terms; but I must appoint an able governor, to counsel and defend you, should there be any need of it.’ They answered, they would also admit of this. Thus was the treaty concluded; and, on the assault ceasing, the army retreated from before it into the plain. The marshal, sir Evan Fitzwarren, sir John Abuurelle*, the lord de Pommiers, and sir John d’Ambreticourt, entered the town to refresh themselves, where they remained the whole day. Those without the walls received bread, wine, and other provision from the town in abundance.
“After the conquest of Vigo, where the lords had availed themselves of the opportunity to refresh themselves at their ease, for it is situated in a rich country, and had nominated as governor an English squires called Thomas Albery, and prudent and valiant man, to whom they gave twelve archers for his defence, they marched from thence, skirting the mountains and borders of Castille, towards the large town of Bayona. When they had advanced within two leagues of the place, they halted and took up their quarters for the night. On the morrow, they dislodged and marched in battle-array to Bayona. When near, they formed themselves into two divisions, and sent forward a herald to learn the intentions of the inhabitants, whether they would surrender without being assaulted. The herald had not far to go; and, when arrived at the barriers, he found plenty of common people there, though badly armed, to whom he delivered his message; for he well understood their language, being a Portuguese. His name was Coimbra, and attached to the king of Portugal. ‘You men of the town,’ said he, ‘what are your intentions? Will you suffer yourselves to be attacked, or will you surrender quietly to your sovereigns, the duke and duchess of Lancaster? My lord marshal and his companions send me hither to know what you mean to do.’ Upon this they collected together and began to talk aloud, saying, — ‘What shall we do? Shall we defend ourselves, or surrender?’ And old man who had learnt experience, from having seen more than they had, addressed them, — ‘My good sirs, in our situation we must not hold long councils; and the English are very courteous in thus allowing us time to deliberate. You are aware that we nave not any hopes of succour; for the king of Castille, who knows our situation well, and has done so since the arrival of the duke and duchess at Coruña, has not provided any resources for us, nor does he seem inclined to so to do. If we, therefore, allow ourselves to be attacked, the town is so large and ill fortified, we cannot guard the whole; and the English are subtle in war: they will exert themselves to conquer us, in hopes of plunder; for they are, like all men at arms, eager to enrich themselves; and this town is supposed to be more rich than in fact it is. I therefore think it most advisable that we quietly submit to the duke and duchess of Lancaster, and, by not foolishly resisting, lose more, but obtain peace on advantageous terms. This is the advice I give you. They replied, they would follow it; and, as he as a man of consideration in Bayona, they requested him to answer the herald. ‘I will cheerfully do so; but we must give him some money, which will bind him to our interests, and induce him to make a favourable report to his lords.’ On this he advanced to the herald, and said: ‘You will return to your lords, and 193 assure them we are willing to put ourselves under the obedience of the duke and duchess of Lancaster, in the same manner other towns in Galicia have done, or may do. Now, go and do our business well, and we will give you twenty florins.’ The herald was delighted on hearing this speech, and the promise of twenty florins; and said, ‘Where are the florins?’ They were instantly paid down, and he set off gaily, to rejoin the English army.
“The marshal and his companions, on seeing him return, asked what news he had brought. ‘Do the townsmen mean to surrender, or wait the attack?’ ‘By my faith,’ my lords,’ replied the herald, ‘they have no such intentions. They desire me to inform you, they are willing to submit themselves to the duke and duchess, on similar terms to those which other towns have obtained; and if you will go thither, they will gladly receive you.’ ‘Well,’ said the marshal, ‘it is better we thus gain the place than by assault; for our men, at least, will neither be wounded nor slain.’ The marshal and his army marched at a foot’s-pace to the town, where he dismounted, and went to the barriers and gate. There were numbers of people assembled, but their whole armours were not worth ten francs, to see the English; and the person who had given the answer to the herald was there also, to conclude a treaty. The moment the herald perceived him, he said to the marshal, — ‘My lord, speak to that elderly man who is bowing to you, for he has the greatest weight in the place.’ The marshal advanced, and said, — ‘Now, what have you so say? Will you surrender yourselves to my lord, the duke of Lancaster, and his duchess, as to your legal sovereigns?’ ‘Yes, my lord,’ replied the old man; ‘we surrender ourselves to you, and acknowledge them for our lords, as other towns in Galicia have done; and, if you and your companions please to enter the town, you are welcome; but on condition that, should you want provision, you do not seize it, but loyally pay for whatever you may take.’ ‘I agree to this,’ said the marshal; ‘for we only desire the love and obedience of the country; but you must swear, that should the king of Castille come in person, or send hither any troops, you will defend yourselves boldly against him and all his allies.’ ‘We willingly swear this; and should he come himself, or send any troops, we will shut our gates against him or them, and inform you of it. Should you prove the strongest, we will remain steady to your interest; for you will never find any deceit in us.’ ‘I am satisfied,’ answered the marshal, ‘and do not require more. Before the expiration of the year, the dispute will be decided; and the crown of Castille, Cordova, Galicia, and Seville, will fall to the strongest; for, by the end of August, there will be such numbers of men at arms in Castille as have not been seen for theses hundred years.’ ‘Well, my lord,’ answered the elder, ‘let happen what may, and the right fall where it ought, we of Galicia venture to wait the event.’
“Upon this, the holy sacrament was brought, and those who governed the town swore upon it to behave loyally and faithfully, like good subjects, to the duke and duchess of Lancaster, and to acknowledge them as their sovereigns, in the same manner as other towns had done. The marshal, in the name of the duke of Lancaster, received them as his subjects, and swore to defend and govern them in peace and justice. When all this had been done, the barriers and gates were thrown open, when all entered who chose, and lodged themselves where they could. They remained there four days, to recruit themselves and horses, and also to wait for fair weather; for, during these four days, it rained incessantly, and the rivers were much swelled. There are, in Galicia, many rivers which are so greatly increased by the mountain-torrents, that they are very dangerous to pass. While waiting for a change n the weather, they held a council, whether they should march for Betancos or Ribadavia, which is a strong town, and inhabited by the most insolent and treacherous people in all Galicia. On the fifth day, the English dislodged from Bayona, and took the field. The weather was now temperate, and the rivers, to their great joy, reduced to their usual size. They rode towards Ribadavia without any opposition; and, as no one came out against them, they thought themselves lords of Galicia. They arrived near the town, with a large train of baggage, horses, and victuallers, and encamped in a grove of olive trees on a handsome plain, about half a league from the place. They resolved to send a herald to parley with the townsmen, before they made any preparations for the attack; for the marshal well knew they were the falsest and worst people in all Castille, 194 extensive as it is; and that they paid no regard to the king, nor to any one but themselves, depending on the strength of their town.
“The herald, before he set out, was charged to learn their intention; but, when he came to the barriers, he found them and the gate closed. He shouted and called, but received no answer whatever. He saw, indeed, several pass backwards and forwards on the battlements; but for all he could do, not one would come and speak with him, though he remained an hour thus bawling to them. Finding he could not obtain a hearing, he said to himself, — ‘I fancy these men of Ribadavia have had some communication with those of Bayona, who are vexed they should have given me twenty florins for so little trouble, and want to make me here pay for it. By holy Mary! I believe they wish to keep me until it b elate, and then seize and hang me.’ On saying this, remounted his horse, and returned to the marshal and his army. On his arrival, he was asked what news, and whether the inhabitants of Ribadavia would surrender as the other towns had done, or force them to the attack. ‘By my troth,’ replied the herald, ‘I know not what they mean to do; for they are so proud, that though I bawled to them for an hour, they never deigned to give me any answer.’ Sir John Burnel then said, ‘Hast thou seen no one? Perhaps they are fled, and have left their town for fear of us.’ ‘Fled!’ replied the herald: ‘begging your pardon, my lord, they disdain to do such a thing as fly; and before you conquer them, they will give you more plague than all the other towns in Galicia together. Know that there are plenty of men within it; for I saw them when I called out “Listen to me, listen to me! I am a herald, whom my lord marshal has sent higher to parley and treat with you;” but they gave me no answer, only staring at me, and bursting out in laughter.’ ‘Ah, the insolent scoundrels!’ said the marshal: ‘by St. George, they shall be well punished for this; and, unless my lord of Lancaster shall order otherwise, never will I quit this place until I have reduced it under his obedience. Let us now eat and drink to refresh ourselves, and then march to the assault; for I will see this town nearer, and what is its strength, that makes the scoundrels thus insolent, and induces them to hold us cheap.’
“When they had finished their repast, they mounted their horses, and, with trumpets sounding, rode gently on, for the weather was as sweet as in the month of May. On coming before the place, some knights and squires, to make a display, galloped up to the barriers, where they found a large body of cross-bowmen drawn up in front of the gate, who, by their shooting, killed and wounded many horses. The archers then advanced, and, posting themselves on the bank of the ditch, and at the barriers, attacked the cross-bowmen. The assault was severe, and lasted a considerable time; for the town was tolerably strong, and difficult to be conquered. One side is situated on a perpendicular rock, impossible to be mounted: the other, indeed, is on the plain, but surrounded by wide ditches, which, though not filled with water, cannot easily be crossed. The knights and squires, however, did cross them, and ascended the banks to the walls, with targets on their heads, to defend themselves from the arrows, or whatever might be thrown down from the battlements. The archers shot so well, that scarcely any dared show themselves; and this attack was long continued, many on each side being killed or wounded. Towards evening, it ceased, on the trumpets sounding the retreat; and the English returned to their camp, where they made themselves comfortable, and attended to their wounded. Thierry de Souman was so badly wounded in the arm, at the barriers, by a bolt from a cross-bow, that it was necessary to have it forced through the arm: he was upwards of a month unable to use it, and obliged to bear it in a scarf.
“While the marshal of the duke of Lancaster’s army was thus overrunning and turning Galicia to his interest, the duke and duchess, with their children, resided quietly at Sant Jago. They heard frequently from the king of Portugal, as a continual intercourse was kept up between them on their mutual affairs. King John of Castille held his court at Valladolid, attended by the French knights, whom he frequently consulted on the state of his kingdom; for he was perfectly acquainted with everything that was passing around him. He said to them, — ‘My fair sirs, I greatly marvel that no succour comes to us from France, to assist me in my distress; for my country will be lost, if no reinforcements arrived to prevent it. The English keep the field; and I know for truth, that the duke 195 of Lancaster and king of Portugal have had an interview, and that the last is to marry one of the duke’s daughters, for she has been betrothed to him; and, as soon as this marriage shall have taken place, you will see them unite together and enter my kingdom, and, when united, they will prove too much for me.’ The French knights, to comfort him, replied, ‘Do not be uneasy: if the English gain on one side they will lose on another. We have certain intelligence, that the king of France, with upwards of an hundred thousand armed men, has at this moment invaded England, to conquer and destroy that whole country. When that shall be accomplished, and England reduced to a state of subjection from whence it can never rise, the king of France and his army will embark on board their navy, which is so considerable, and disembark during the course of the summer at Coruña. He will re-conquer in one month more than you have lost during the year, and surround the duke of Lancaster in such manner that you will see him fly to Portugal. Thus will you be revenged of your enemies; for be assured, that if France were not at this moment occupied with the conquest of England, you would have had, some time since, three or four thousand lances from thence. The king of France, his uncles and council, have a great affection for you, and are very anxious to put an end to your war. Never mind if the English keep the field, and borrow from you a little of your kingdom: before St. John’s day shall come, they will be forced to restore the whole of it back to you.
“Such were the conversations that frequently passed at Valladolid between the king of Castille and his council, with the French knights. The king, having such an opinion of them, believed all they said, and took comfort. They indeed thought what they had said was truth; for they concluded the king of France had invaded England, according to the rumours spread throughout Castille. You must know that the duke of Lancaster did not hear from his people one quarter of what was told them by pilgrims and merchants from Flanders; and, though the king of Portugal wrote frequently to inquire after the duke’s health, these rumours prevented him from hastening his preparations, and from demanding the lady Philippa for his queen. His council said, that as all the intelligence from France and Flanders agreed England to be in a most perilous state of being destroyed, neither the alliance nor marriage with the duke of Lancaster or his daughter would be of any advantage to him, and that he should dissemble his thoughts, but still preserve an outward appearance of great affection to the duke and duchess, by letters and otherwise, until he should see what turn affairs would take.”
* I imagine this must be intended for sir Hugh lord Burnel. See Dugdale.
CHAPTER XLII. — THE KING OF FRANCE GOES TO LILLE, WITH THE INTENT TO INVADE ENGLAND. — SIR SIMON BURLEY ADVISED THE REMOVAL OF THE SHRINE OF ST. THOMAS A BECKET FROM CANTERBURY TO DOVER CASTLE, FOR FEAR OF THE FRENCH.
AT this period, (1386,) the number of ships, galleys, and vessels of every description, which had been collected to carry over to England the king of France and his army, were so great, that the oldest man then living had never seen nor heard of the like. Knights and squires were arming on all sides, and, when they quitted their homes, they said, — “We will invade these cursed English, who have done such mischief to France, and now avenge ourselves for the losses they have caused us by the death of our fathers, brothers, or friends.” It was twelve weeks before all the purveyances of the different lords were ready and embarked, so grandly had they provided themselves. The report was kept up for some time in Flanders, that the king would be there on the morrow, to hasten them. Men were continually arriving from Gascony, Armagnac, the Toulousain, Bigorre, Comminges, Auvergne, Berry, Limousin, Poitou, Anjou, Maine, Brittany, Touraine, Blois, Orleans, Beauce, Normandy, Picardy, and from every province in France, who quartered themselves in Flanders and Artois.
When the middle of August came, which was the time fixed on for the invasion taking place, in order the more to hasten those from the distant parts of the realm; and, to show that the king was in earnest to embark, he took leave of queen Blanche, the duchess of 196 Orleans, and other princesses. He heard a solemn mass in the church of Nôtre Dame at Paris, and it was his intention, when he should quit Paris, never to re-enter it until he had landed in England; and of this all the principal cities and towns were persuaded. The king of France went to Senlis, whither he was accompanied by his queen: the duke of Berry was in Berry, though his purveyances were collecting in Flanders and at Sluys, like the others. The duke of Burgundy was also in his own country, but he bade adieu to his duchess and children, and set off for Flanders, meaning to take leave of his aunt, the duchess of Brabant, in his way thither. On his departure from Burgundy, he travelled in great pomp and magnificence, attended by the admiral of France and the lord Guy de la Trimouille, unto Brussels, where the duchess and her ladies received him and his company with great joy. He tarried there two days, and then went to Mons in Hainault, where he found his daughter madame d’Ostrevant, duke Albert, and his son the lord William of Hainault, count d’Ostrevant, who then retained them handsomely, and conducted the duke to Valenciennes, where he was lodged in the apartments of the count, and duke Albert at the hôtel of Vicongneras. The duke of Burgundy, on leaving Valenciennes, went to Douay and Arras, where the duchess was waiting for him. From Senlis the king of France came to Compiegne, Noyon, Peronne, Bapaume, and Arras; and there were such numbers of men at arms pouring into those countries from all quarters, that everything was destroyed or devoured without a farthing being paid for anything. The poor farmers, who had filled their barns with grain, had only the straw, and, if they complained, were beaten or killed. The fish-ponds were drained of fish, and the houses pulled down for firing, so that if the English had been there, they could not have committed greater waster than this French army did. They said, “We have not a present any money, but shall have enough on our return, when we will pay for all.” The farmers, not daring to speak out, cursed them inwardly, on seeing them seize what was intended for their families; and said, “Go, go to England, an many never a soul of you come back.”
The king of France arrived at Lille, with his two uncles of Burgundy and Bourbon; but the duke of Berry remained behind, in his own country, arranging his affairs. With the king were the duke of Bar, the duke of Lorraine, the count d’Armagnac, the count de Savoye, the count dauphin d’Auvergne, the count de Geneve, the count de St. Pol, the count d’Eu, the count de Longueville, the lord de Coucy, sir William de Namur, and so many of the great lords of France that I can never name them. It was said that twenty thousand knights and squires were to embark for England, which was indeed a goodly company, with about the same number or cross-bows, including the Genoese, and twenty thousand stout varlets.
Sir Oliver de Clisson was still in Brittany making his preparations and equipping his fleet at the port of Treguier, from whence he intended to embark his wooden town, that was to be put together, and erected on his landing in England, as you have before heard. The flower of Breton chivalry was to accompany the constable, such as the viscount de Rohan, the lords de Rays, de Beaumanoir, de Laval, de Rochefort, de Malestroit, the viscount de Combor, sir John de Malestroit, the lord de Dinant, the lord d’Ancenis, and five hundred spears, all picked men. The constable had always declared, that no one ought to be employed on this expedition if he were not a good man at arms and such as could be depended on. He had said to the admiral, — “Be careful not to suffer any boys or servants to embark on board the fleet, for they will do us more harm than good.” And the knights, unless they were of high rank, or had hired vessels for themselves, were not allowed to take with them more than one horse and one servant. To say the truth, their arrangements were very well made: and it was the opinion of many, that if the army could have been landed together at the place they had fixed on in Orwell bay, the whole country would have been thrown into confusions. Indeed, I believe there was little doubt of it; for the great lords, such as prelates, abbots, and rich citizens, were panic-struck, but the commonalty and poorer sort held it very cheap. Such knights and squires as were not rich, but eager for renown, were delighted, and said to each other, — “:Lord, what fine times are coming, since the king of France intends to visit us! He is a valiant king and of great enterprise: there has not been such a one in France these three hundred years. He will make his people 197 good men at arms; and blessed may he be for thinking to invade us; for certainly we shall be all slain or made powerfully rich: one or other must happen.”
If the preparations for this invasion were great in France, those in England, for its defence, were not less so, as I have before mentioned, and will therefore slightly return to it. The taxes in England were equally heavy with those in France; but though they were very oppressive, the common people said they ought not to complain, for they were raised for the defence of the country, and paid to knights and squires to guard their lands, and they were their labourers, who provided them with food, and the sheep from whom they took the wool; but, if England should be conquered, they would be the greatest losers. No one was exempted from the payment of these taxes, so that two millions of florins were raised for the defence of the country, and paid into the hands of the archbishop of York, the earl of Oxford, sir Nicholas Bramber, sir Michael de la Pole, sir Simon Burley, sir Peter Gouloufre, sir Robert Tresilian, sir John Beauchamp, sir John Salisbury, and others of the king’s privy council, who were appointed receivers and paymasters of the above sum, for the king’s uncles were not consulted in the business. They would not interfere, nor by so doing throw the kingdom into trouble, but exerted themselves to the utmost in putting all the coast in a good state of defence; for they most assuredly thought the king of France would attempt to land his army in England, during the course of the summer. The before-named receivers did in the king’s name as they thought proper in respect to this tax; but the earl of Oxford was the most active, and made the greatest advantage of it. Everything was done by him, and without his consent nothing; for which, when the alarm was over, the people were much dissatisfied, and wanted to know what had become of the large sums that had been raised; and the principal cities and towns, urged on by the king’s uncles, would have an account how they had been disbursed, as I will relate in proper time and place, for I wish not that anything should be forgotten in this history.
Sir Simon Burley was governor of Dover castle, and from his situation, received frequent intelligence from France by the fisherman of the town, who related to him what they heard from the French fishermen, as they were often obliged to adventures as far as Wissan or Boulogne to obtain good fish. When the fishermen from France met them at sea, they told them enough, and more than they knew; for, thought there were wars between France and England, they were never interrupted in their pursuits, nor attacked each other, but, on the contrary, gave mutual assistance, and bought or sold, according as either had more fish than they were in want of; for, if they were to meddle in the national quarrels, there would be no fishing, and none would attempt it unless supported by men at arms. Sir Simon learnt from the fishermen that the king of France was absolutely determined on the invasion; that he intended to land one division at or near Dover, and another at Sandwich, and that his forces were immense. He, as well as the rest of England, believed all this was true; and one day he set out for Canterbury to visit the abbey, which is very large and handsome; near it is Christ-church, which is also rich and powerful.
The abbot inquire, “What news?” and sir Simon told him all he knew, adding, “that the shrine of St. Thomas, so respectable and rich, was not safe in Canterbury, for the town was not strong*; and if the French should come, some of the pillagers, through avarice, would make for Canterbury, which they would plunder, as well as your abbey, and make particular inquiries after the shrine, and will take it away, to your great loss. I would therefore advise, that you have it carried to Dover castle, where it will be perfectly safe, though all England were lost.” The abbot and all the convent were so much angered at this speech, though meant well, that they replied, — “How! sir Simon, would you wish to despoil this church of its jewel? If you are afraid yourself, gain courage, and shut yourself up in your castle of Dover, for the French will not be bold enough, nor in sufficient force, to adventure themselves so far.” This was the only answer he had; but sir Simon persisted so long in his proposition, that the common people grew discontented, and held him for an ill-inclined person, which, as I shall relate, they afterwards showed more plainly. Sir Simon made but a short stay and returned to Dover.
* The walls of Canterbury were much out of repair; and there is an order now existing for their reparation, from the court of Chancery, in the 19th year of Richard II. — Hasted’s Kent.
CHAPTER XLIII. — THE KING OF FRANCE VISIT’S THE FLEET AT SLUYS. — THE KING OF ARMENIA CROSSES TO ENGLAND, TO ATTEMPT A RECONCILIATION BETWEEN THE TWO KINGS. — THE ANSWER HE RECEIVES.
THE king of France, to show his impatience for the invasion and his dislike of being at too great a distance, came to Sluys. The report was now daily current in Flanders and Artois, “The king will embark Saturday, Tuesday, or Thursday.” Every day of the week they said, “He will embark to-morrow, or the day after.” The duke of Touraine*, the king’s brother, the bishop of Beauvais, chancellor, and other great lords, had taken leave of the king at Lille, and returned to Paris. I believe, indeed it was assured me for fact, that the duke was appointed regent during the king’s absence, in conjunction with the count de Blois and other principal barons, who had not been ordered on the invasion. The duke of Berry was still behind, though he was advancing slowly, for he had no great desire to go to England. The king of France and duke of Burgundy were much vexed at his delay, and wished for his arrival: however, the embarkation of stores continued at a vast expense to the great lords; for what was worth only one franc they were made to pay four; and those who were hoping speedily to cross over valued not their money in making preparations, but seemed desirous to rival each other in expense.
If the principal lords were well paid, those of inferior rank suffered for it, as there was a month’s pay due to them, for which the paymaster of the forces was unwilling to account; and he and the clerks of the treasury told them to wait another week, and they should be satisfied. Thus were they put off from week to week; and when they made them any payments, it was only for eight days, when eight weeks were due. Some, who were so treated, became melancholy, and said the expedition would never succeed; and foreseeing what would happen, whenever they could amass any money, like wise men, set out on their return home. The poor knights and squires, who were not retainers on the great lords, had expended their all; for everything was so dear in Flanders, they had difficulty in 199 procuring bread and wine. If they wished to pawn their wages or arms, they could not obtain a farthing for what, when new, had cost them large sums. There were such crowds at Bruges, Damme, Ardembourg, and particularly at Sluys, when the king arrived, that it was difficult to find any lodgings.
The lords de St. Pol, de Coucy, d’Antoing, and the dauphin of Auvergne, with other barons from France, remained at Bruges, to be more at their ease, and every now and then rode over to Sluys, to inquire from the king when they were to embark. They were told, within three or four days; or when the duke of Berry should arrive, or when the wind was favourable. There was always some delay; but the time passed, and the days became shorter and cold, with bad weather. Many of the lords were discontented they were so long in embarking, for their provision would be spoiled.
While they were waiting for the duke of Berry and the constable, the king of Armenia who resided in France, on a pension from the king of six thousand francs, desirous to make a journey to England, in hopes of bringing about a peace, or at least a truce between the two kings, left his hôtel of St. Ouen, near St. Denis, and, with few attendants, travelled to Boulogne, where he hired a vessel, and, having a favourable wind, landed at Dover. He found there the earls of Cambridge and Buckingham, with a hundred men at arms and two thousand archers to guard the place; for the rumour ran, that the French intended landing there, or at Sandwich. At this last place were the earls of Arundel and Northumberland. At Orwell, the earls of Oxford, Pembroke, and Nottingham, and sir Reginald Cobham, with three thousand infantry. The king and part of his council remained in London, where he had intelligence daily from the different parts. The king of Armenia, on his arrival at Dover, was very well received, and conducted by some knights to the uncles of the king, who entertained him very handsomely, as they knew well how to do. At a proper opportunity they asked him whither he came, and what were the reasons of his visiting England. To these questions he answered, that, in hopes of doing good, he had come to wait on the king of England and his council, to see if, by any means, he could negotiate a peace between him and the king of France. “For this war,” added the king of Armenia, “is not very becoming between them; the long continuance of it has greatly emboldened and raised the pride of the Turks and Saracens. No one now makes any opposition to them; and this has been the cause why I have lost my crown and kingdom; nor have I any chance of recovering them, until a firm peace be established in Christendom. I would willingly explain this matter, which so nearly touches every true Christian, to the king of England, as I have done to the king of France.”
The English lords asked him, “if the king of France had sent him?” He said, — “No one had sent him: that he had come of his own accord, and solely with a view to do good, to see the king of England and his council, and to try if they would listen to terms of peace.” They then asked, “where the king of France was.” “I believe he is now at Sluys; but I have not seen him since I took my leave of him at Senlis.” “How can you then think of forming a treaty, when you have not been so charged by him? Should you enter into any terms with the king, our nephew, and his council, and the king of France, in the mean time, sail from Sluys, and disembark his large army in England, you would be much blamed, and your person run great risks from the people.” the king of Armenia replied, — “I have the greatest confidence in the king of France, to whom I have sent messengers to entreat he would neither embark nor put to sea until I be returned to Sluys; and I am convinced he is so noble and considerate, that he will comply with my request. I therefore beg of you, through pity and love of goodness, to procure me an interview with the king of England, that I may speak to him, for I desire greatly to see him; or if you, who are his uncles, and the most powerful of his subjects, be authorised to give me answers to my demands, I hope that you will instantly do so.” Thomas, earl of Buckingham, said, — “King of Armenia, we are solely ordered here by the king and his council, to guard and defend the frontiers, and we do not any way concern ourselves with the government of the realm, unless we be specially commanded by him. Since motives of goodness, or the appearance of them, have brought you hither, you are welcome; but you must not expect to receive from us any definitive answers to such demands as you may make; and, though we are not now of the king’s council, we will have you conducted to London without danger 200 or expense.” The king of Armenia replied, “That he greatly thanked them, and wished for nothing more than to see and converse with the king of England.”
After having refreshed himself for one day at Dover, and held many conversations with the king’s uncles, he set off, well escorted, to protect him on the road. He continued his journey until he arrived at London, where he was much stared at by the Londoners: the better sort, however, showed him every honour and respect. Having fixed on his lodgings, at a proper time and hour he waited on the king, who resided in a private manner at the wardrobe; but his council were in London, each at his own house; for the Londoners were so panic-struck, they thought of nothing but how to fortify their own. When the arrival of the king of Armenia was publicly known, the king’s council assembled at the wardrobe to learn the news, and what could have brought that king, at this time of trouble and alarm, to England. The king of Armenia entered the presence-chamber, and the two kings having mutually saluted each other, the king of Armenia began his speech, by declaring, the causes for his coming were principally to see the king of England, which he had never before done; that he was much gratified to be in his presence, from which he flattered himself good would arise; and also to attempt to avert the great pestilence that was ready to befal England: not that either the king of France or his council had sent him thither, for he was come of his own free will, to endeavour to make a peace or a truce between the two crowns. He paid many compliments both to the king and his council. He as briefly answered as follows: “Sir king, you are welcome to this country, for our king and selves are glad to see you. We must inform you, that the king has not all his council at this moment with him, but they will shortly assemble, as he had summoned them, and you shall then have an answer.”
The king of Armenia was contented with this, took his leave, and returned to the house where he was lodged. Within four days, the king was advised what answer to make: I believe he consulted his uncles on the subject, but they were not present when it was given. The king went to Westminster, where his council was assembled, and thither the king of Armenia was invited. When in the presence, the king of England was seated, according to custom, then the king of Armenia and the prelates and lords of the council. The king of Armenia was desired to repeat what he had before told the king and a part of his council. He did so in an elegant harangue, showing how Christendom was too much weakened by the destructive wars of France and England, and that the knights and squires of the two countries thought of nothing but joining one party or other: by which the empire of Constantinople would be destroyed, where formerly the gentlemen of France and England used to take pleasure in seeking deeds of arms, and that his own kingdom was already lost. He therefore entreated, through the love of God, they would listen to some terms of peace between the two kings. The archbishop of Canterbury, who had beforehand been ordered by the king and council to deliver the answer, replied: “King of Armenia, it is not usual, nor has it ever been admitted, that in such weighty matters as are now in dispute between the king of England and his adversary of France, the king of England should have requests made him, with an army ready to invade his country. I will therefore declare our opinion, that you return to the French army, and prevail on them to retreat to France; and, when we shall be fully assured that every man has retired to his home, do you return hither, and we will then pay attention to any treaty you shall propose.”
This was the answer the king of Armenia received. He dined that day with the king who paid him every possible honour, and offered him handsome presents of gold and silver; but he refused them all, though he had need of them, and would only accept a single ring, worth one hundred francs. After the dinner, which was splendid and good, he returned to his lodging, for he had received his answer, and on the morrow set out for Dover, making two days’ journey of it. He there took leave of the English lords, and embarked on board a passage-boat to Calais, whence he went to Sluys. He related to the king of France and his uncles the journey he had made to England, and what answer he had received: but the king and his lords paid no attention to it, and sent him to France; for they were resolved to sail the first fair wind for England, after the arrival of the duke of Berry and the constable. Hitherto the wind had been unfavourable: it would never have served them to land in those parts they intended to attempt, but was very fair to carry them to Scotland.
* Louis, count of Valois, the king’s brother, did not enjoy the title of duke of Touraine till the return of this fruitless expedition. He was afterwards created duke of Orleans. — ED.
CHAPTER XLIV. — THE DUKE OF BERRY LEAVES PARIS FOR SLUYS. — THE CONSTABLE, AFTER SUFFERING MANY DELAYS FROM CONTRARY WINDS, AT LENGTH JOINS THE KING OF FRANCE.
THE due of Berry arrived at Paris, and, after hearing mass at the church of Nôtre Dame, took his leave, making it to be understood that he would never return until he had been in England, although his intentions were quite the contrary; for, as the season was so far advanced, he had no desire to undertake it. On his road, he daily received letters and messengers from the king and the duke of Burgundy, to hasten him, and to say there were only waiting for his coming to embark. The duke of Berry continued his march, though by short days’ journeys. The constable of France embarked at Treguier, a town on the sea-coast of Brittany, with a fine body of men at arms, and ample purveyances on board seventy-two large vessels. Some of them were freighted with the wooden town that was to be erected on their landing in England. The constable had a favourable wind when he left the harbour: but, when he approached the English coast, it became contrary, and the farther they advanced the more violent it blew. When opposite to Margate at the mouth of the Thames, the storm was so violent, it dispersed the fleet, whether the marines would or not, and there were not twenty sail together. Some were blown into the Thames, where they were captured by the English; and among them was one that had two or three parts of the wooden town on board, and the workmen who were to erect it. They and the town were sent to London, which much pleased the king and the citizens. Seven other vessels of the fleet, laden with stores and provision, were driven on the coast of Zealand, and seized; but the constable and his lords, with much difficulty, arrived at Sluys, where they were joyfully received by the king and his barons. The moment the king saw the constable, he said, — “Constable, what say you? when shall we sail? I have for certain a great desire to see England. I therefore pray you to hasten the business, and that we embark as speedily as possible. My uncle Berry will be here instantly, for he is now at Lille.” “Sire,” replied the constable, “we cannot sail until the wind be favourable. This south wind, which is completely against us, has blown so long, that the sailors say they have never seen it so constant in one point as it has been for these two months.”
“Constable,” said the king, “on my faith, I have been on board my ship. I like the sea much, and I believe I shall be a good sailor, for I was not in the least sick.” “In the name of God,” answered the constable, “it was not so with me, for we were in great danger in our voyage from Brittany hither.” The king would know how, and in what manner, which the constable related to him, adding, “By ill fortune, and the storm which blew from the English coast, we have lost our men and vessels, for which I am exceedingly sorry; and if I could make up their loss I would, but at this moment it is not possible.”
CHAPTER XLV. — THE LORD DE GUISTELLES APPEASES AN INSURRECTION OF THE MEN OF BRUGES AGAINST THE FRENCH. — THE INVASION OF ENGLAND IS GIVEN UP, ON ACCOUNT OF CONTRARY WINDS, THE NEAR APPROACH OF WINTER, AND IN CONFORMITY WITH THE ADVICE OF THE DUKE OF BERRY, WHICH CAUSES GREAT REJOICINGS IN ENGLAND.
WHILE the king of France and his constable were thus conversing and arranging different matters, winter was begun, and the lords and army lay exposed to the cold, and to some danger; for the Flemings wished them away, more especially the lower sorts. They said, when among themselves, “Why the devil does not the king free us from them, by passing over to England? Are we not sufficiently poor without these Frenchmen adding to it?” Others answered, “You will not see them cross over this year. They think they shall instantly conquer England; but it will not be so: it is not so easy a matter, for the English are made of other stuff than the French. What can they do to England? When the 202 English invaded France, they shut themselves up in their castles and strong towns, and fled before them like larks before a sparrow-hawk.”
It was more particularly in Bruges, where the greater resort of the French was, that the discontents were the highest; and the smallest trifle was sufficient to set them by the ears. At length it became serious, and was begun by a few French varlets, who had beaten and wounded some of the Flemings; the artificers then rose, and, having armed themselves, assembled in the market-place. Not one French knight or squire would have escaped death; for many of the Flemings had not forgotten the battle of Rosebecque, and were eager to revenge themselves for their fathers, brothers, or friends, who had been there slain; but God, providentially for the French, sent thither the lord de Guistelles. When he heard that the common people were arming themselves, and that others were running to their houses to do the same, he saw the town would be infallibly ruined: he therefore mounted his horse, attended by no more than four or five others, and rode up and down the streets; and, whenever he met any of the townsmen armed going towards the market-place, he said to them, &38212; “My good people, what are you about? Whither are you going? Would you ruin yourselves? have you not had enough of war? Are you not every day prevented from following your trades? You may so act as to cause the complete destruction of Bruges; for do you not know that the king of France is now in the neighbourhood with his whole army?” Thus did the lord de Guistelles by his kind speeches calm them, and make them return to their homes; but this would not have been so easily done, had he not fortunately been in Bruges. The barons and knights of France were so much alarmed, they had shut themselves up in their quarters to await the event.
On the arrival of the duke of Berry at Sluys, the king said to him, — “Ha, ha, fair uncle, though I was so anxious to see you, you have been long in coming; why have you made such delay, when we ought to have been at this moment in England, where we should have combated our enemies?” The duke laughed and made his excuses for the delay, but did not at first deliver his real sentiments: he wished to examine the state of the purveyances and the fleet, which made so beautiful a show in the road that it was delightful to see it. He had been at Sluys for more than seven days, and it was daily rumoured they were to sail on the morrow; but in truth the wind was quite contrary for sailing for England. As it was now St. Andrew’s tide, the weather was hazy; and you may judge if this were a fit season for so many noble persons to put to sea as were now waiting to embark at Sluys, whose stores and provision were on board. Some of the young princes of the blood-royal, with a desire to display their courage, had indeed made a few cruises near the harbour, saying, that they would be the first to land in England, should none others venture thither. In this number were sir Robert and sir Philip d’Artois, sir Henry de Bar, sir Peter de Navarre, sir Peter d’Albreth, sir Bernard d’Armagnac, with many more. These young lords, having once begun, were so impatient to sail in earnest, that a council was held, in the presence of the king, to determine how they should proceed. The duke of Berry broke up the whole; and gave such well-grounded reasons, that the greater part of those who were the most forward to embark were discouraged; and said it would be folly and madness to advise the king, who was then but a child, to put to sea in such weather, and to make war on a people and country, whose roads no one was acquainted with, a country which was likewise disadvantageous for warlike exploits. “Now, suppose,” said the duke of Berry, “we were all landed in England, we cannot fight the English unless they like it, and we dare not leave our purveyances behind, for whoever should do so would lose the whole. But if any one wished to make this voyage, though of no great length, we would do it in the middle of summer, and not in the heart of winter. Summon all the sailors who are here, and they will tell you what I say is true; and that, notwithstanding the very numerous fleet we have collected, should we put to sea, of the fifteen hundred sail, there would never be three hundred together, or within sight. Now, consider what risks we may run; but I do not say this out of any desire to be excused from bring of the party myself, but solely as I believe it sound sense, and that the council, and the majority of France, are of my way of thinking. I am willing, brother of Burgundy, that you and I undertake this expedition, but I will never advise the king to do so; for, should any accident happen to him, the 203 whole blame would be laid on us for having consented to it.” “In God’s name,” replied the king of France, “I am resolved to go, should no one follow me.” The lords laughed, and said the king has a strong inclination to embark.
It was determined in this council, that he invasion should be deferred to April or May; and that what stores could be preserved, such as biscuit, salted meat, and wine, should be put in warehouses: and regulations were made for the men at arms to return to Sluys in the month of March. All this was soon known; and thus was the grand expedition broken up, which had cost France one hundred thousand francs, thirty times told. The council had ordered that the king should return to France, and the different lords to their homes; that all things should remain on the same footing on which they then rested until the spring, when every one should be prepared to obey the king’s summons, and commence their voyage under more fortunate auspices than at this moment. It would have surprised any one to have seen the rage of the knights and squires on hearing these orders: more especially those who had come from distant parts, and had expended all their money, in the hope of amply repaying themselves in England. Among them were the count de Savoye, the count d’Armagnac, the count dauphin d’Auvergne, and a hundred great barons, who departed much discontented at not having seen England. The king was especially vexed, but he could not amend it. The army now separated, some pleased and others angry; but the servants of the principal lords staid behind, for the benefit of their masters, and to sell off their stores: in this, great losses accrued; for what had cost one hundred francs was disposed of for ten, and even under. The count dauphin d’Auvergne assured me on his faith, that for his stores, which had cost him ten thousand francs, he did not receive one thousand when resold: his servants, like those of others, suffered every thing to go to ruin.
When news of this reached England, those who were afraid of the French coming were greatly rejoiced; while others were sorry, for they expected to have made themselves rich from them. A grand feast was given in the city of London to all who had been appointed to guard the different harbours. The king kept his Christmas, in a solemn manner, at Westminster, and there created three dukes; first, the earl of Cambridge, duke of York; his brother, the earl of Buckingham, duke of Gloucester; the earl of Oxford, duke of Ireland*. These feasts were long and magnificently continued, and the people of England thought they had escaped from great danger; but others, who had not the same alarms, said, that the army and navy, which had been so pompously collected at Sluys, were only to frighten England, and force the duke of Lancaster to return from Galician, where he was conquering towns and castles at his pleasure.
* Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford, was created marquis of Dublin in 1385 and duke of Ireland in 1386. — ED.
CHAPTER XLVI. — TWO CHAMPIONS TILT AT PARIS, FOR LIFE OR DEATH.
ABOUT this period, there was much conversation in France respecting a duel which was to be fought, for life or death, at Paris. It had been thus ordered by the parliament of Paris, where the cause, which had lasted a year, had been tried, between a squire called James le Gris and John de Carogne, both of them of the household of Peter, count d’Alençon, and esteemed by him; but more particularly James le Gris, whom he loved above all others, and placed his whole confidence in him. As this duel made so great a noise, many from distant parts, on hearing of it, came to Paris to be spectators. I will relate the cause, as I was then informed.
It chanced that sir John de Carogne took it into his head he should gain glory if he undertook a voyage to the Holy Land, having long had an inclination to go thither. He took leave of his lord, the count d’Alençon, and of his wife, who was then a young and handsome lady, and left her in his castle, called Argenteil, on the borders of Perche, and began his journey towards the sea-side. The lady remained, with her household, in this castle, living in the most decent manner. Now it happened (this is the matter of quarrel) 204 that the devil, by divers and perverse temptations, entered the body of James le Gris, and induced him to commit a crime, for which he afterwards paid. He cast his thoughts on the lady of sir John de Carogne, whom he knew to be residing with her attendants, at the castle of Argenteil. One day, therefore, he set out, mounted on the finest horse of the count, and arrived, full gallop, at Argenteil, where he dismounted. The servants made a handsome entertainment for him, because they knew he was a particular friend, and attached to the same lord as their master; and the lady, thinking no ill, received him with pleasure, led him to her apartment, and shewed him many of her works. James, fully intent to accomplish his wickedness, begged of her to conduct him to the dungeon, for that his visit was partly to examine it. The lady instantly complied, and led him thither; for, as she had the utmost confidence in his honour, she was not accompanied by valet or chambermaid. As soon as they had entered the dungeon, James le Gris fastened the door unnoticed by the lady, who was before him, thinking it might have been the wind, as he gave her to understand.
When they were thus alone, James embraced her, and discovered what his intentions were: the lady was much astonished, and would willingly have escaped had she been able, but the door was fastened; and James, who was a strong man, held her tight in his arms, and flung her down on the floor, and had his will of her. Immediately afterward, he opened the door of the dungeon, and made himself ready to depart. The lady, exasperated with rage at what had passed, remained silent, in tears; but, on his departure, she said to him, — “James, James, you have not done well in thus deflowering me: the blame, however, shall not be mine, but the whole be laid on you, if it please God my husband ever return.” James mounted his horse, and, quitting the castle, hastened back to his lord, the count d’Alençon, in time to attend his rising at nine o’clock: he had been seen in the hôtel of the count at four o’clock that morning. I am thus particular, because all these circumstances were inquired into, and examined by the commissioners of the parliament, when the cause was before them.
The lady de Carogne, on the day this unfortunate event befel her, remained in her castle, and passed it off as well as she could, without mentioning one word of it to either chambermaid or valet, for she thought by making it public she would have more shame than honour; but she retained in her memory the day and hour James le Gris had come to the castle. The lord de Carogne returned from his voyage, and was joyfully received by his lady and household, who feasted him well. When night came, sir John went to bed, but his lady excused herself; and, on his kindly pressing her to come to him, she walked very pensively up and down the chamber. At last, when the household were in bed, she flung herself on her knees at his bedside, and bitterly bewailed the insult she had suffered. The knight would not believe it could have happened; but at length, she urged it so strongly, he did believe her, and said, — “certainly, lady, if the matter has passed as you say, I forgive you, but the squire shall die; and I shall consult your and my relations on the subject: should you have told me a falsehood, never more shall you live with me.” The lady again and again assured him, that what she had said was the pure truth.
On the morrow, the knight sent special messengers with letters to his friends and nearest relations of his wife, desiring them to come instantly to Argenteil, so that in a few days they were all at his castle. When they were assembled, he led them into an apartment, and told them the reasons of his sending for them, and made his lady relate most minutely everything that had passed during his absence. When they had recovered their astonishment, he asked their advice how to act: they said, he should wait on his lord, the count d’Alençon, and tell him the fact. This he did; but the count, who much loved James le Gris, disbelieved it, and appointed ad ay for the parties to come before him, and desired the lady might attend to give her evidence against the man whom she thus accused. She attended as desired, accompanied by a great number of her relations; and the examinations and pleadings were carried on before the count to a great length. James le Gris boldly denied the charge, declared it was false, and wondered much how he could have incurred such mortal hatred from the lady. He proved by the household of the count, that he had been 205 seen in the castle at four o’clock in the morning: the count said, that he was in his bedchamber at nine o’clock, and that it was quite impossible for any one to have ridden three-and-twenty leagues and back again, and do what he was charged with, in four hours and a half. The count told the lady he would support his squire, and that she must have dreamed it. He commanded, that henceforward all should be buried in oblivion, and, under pain of incurring his displeasure, nothing farther done in the business. The knight, being a man of courage, and believing what his wife had told him, would not submit to this, but went to Paris and appealed to the parliament. The parliament summoned James le Gris, who replied, and gave pledges to obey whatever judgment the parliament should give. The cause lasted upwards of a year, and they could not any way compromise it, for the knight was positive, from his wife’s information, of the fact, and declared, that since it was now so public, he would pursue it until death. The count d’Alençon, for this, conceived a great hatred against the knight, and would have had him put to death, had he not placed himself under the safeguard of the parliament. It was long pleaded, and the parliament at last, because they could not produce other evidence than herself against James le Gris, judged it should be decided in the tilt-yard, by a duel for life or death. The knight, the squire, and the lady, were instantly put under arrest until the day of this mortal combat, which, by order of parliament, was fixed for the ensuing Monday, in the year 1387; at which time the king of France and his barons were at Sluys, intending to invade England.
The king, on hearing of this duel, declared he would be present at it. The dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Bourbon, and the constable of France, being also desirous of seeing it, agreed it was proper he should be there. The king, in consequence, sent orders to Paris to prolong the day of the duel, for that he would be present. This order was punctually obeyed, and the king and his lords departed for France. The king kept the feast of the Calends at Arras, and the duke of Burgundy at Lille. In the mean time, the men at arms made for their different homes, as had been ordered by the marshals; but the principal chiefs went to Paris, to witness the combat. When the king of France was returned to Paris, lists were made for the champions in the place of St. Catherine, behind the Temple; and the lords had erected on one side scaffolds, the better to see the sight. The crowd of people was wonderful. The two champions entered the lists armed at all points, ands each was seated in a chair opposite the other; the count de St. Pol directed sir John de Carogne, and the retainers of the count d’Alençon James le Gris. On the knight entering the field, he went to his lady, who was covered with black and seated on a chair, and said, — “Lady, from your accusation, and in your quarrel, am I thus adventuring my life to combat James le Gris: you know whether my cause be loyal and true.” “My lord,” she replied, “it is so; and you may fight securely, for your cause is good.”
The lady remained seated, making fervent prayers to God and the Virgin, entreating humbly, that through her grace and intercession, she might gain the victory according to her right. Her affliction was great, for her life depended on the event; and, should her husband lose the victory, she would have been burnt, and he would have been hanged. I am ignorant, for I never had any conversation with her or the knight, whether she had not frequently repented of having pushed matters so far as to place herself and husband in such peril; but it was now too late, and she must abide the event. The two champions were then advanced, and placed opposite to each other; when they mounted their horses, and made a handsome appearance, for they were both expert men at arms. They ran their first course without hurt to either. After the tilting, they dismounted, and made ready to continue the fight. They behaved with courage; but sir John de Carogne was, at the first onset, wounded in the thigh, which alarmed all his friends: notwithstanding his, he fought so desperately that he struck down his adversary, and, thrusting his sword through his body, caused instant death; when he demanded of the spectators if he had done his duty: they replied that he had. The body of James le Gris was delivered to the hangman, who dragged it to Montfaucon, and there hanged it. Sir John de Carogne approached the king and fell on his knees: the king made him rise, and ordered one thousand francs to be paid him that very day: he also retained him of his household, with a pension of two hundred livres a-year, which he received as long as he lived. Sir John, after thanking the king and 206 his lords, went to his lady and kissed her; they went together to make their offering n the church of Nôtre Dame, and tehn returned to their home*.
Sir John de Carogne did not remain long after in France, but set off, in company with the lord Boucicaut, sir John des Bordes, and Sir Lewis Grat, to visit the holy sepulchre, and the sultan of the Turks, whose fame was much talked of in France. Sir Robinet de Boulogne was also with him: he was squire of honour to the king of France, and had travelled much over the world.
* This was the last judicial combat which took place in France under the award of parliament. The combat was claimed in England as late as 1819, by one Thornton. This man was tried for murder, and acquitted. The brother of the person murdered (a young girl) brought an appeal, and Thornton offered to justify himself by single combat. The appellant, however, withdrew his appeal, and an act was immediately passed to abolish the wager of battle. — ED.
CHAPTER XLVII. — THE DEATH OF PETER, KING OF ARRAGON. — HIS SUCCESSOR, KING JOHN, DETAINS PRISONER THE ARCHBISHOP OF BORDEAUX, WHO WAS NEGOTIATING, FOR THE DUKE OF LANCASTER, THE PAYMENT OF CERTAIN SUMS WHICH HE CLAIMED AS DUE TO HIM FROM ARRAGON.
ABOUT Candlemas of this year, (1387,) king Peter of Arragon lay on his death-bed. When he found there were no hopes of his recovery, he sent for his two sons, John and Martin*, to whom he said, — “My fair children, I leave you well established, and the affairs of my kingdom properly arranged. Live peaceably and lovingly and you will gain honour and renown. With regard to ecclesiastical matters, for my conscience’ sake and greater safety, I have always been neuter; do you do the same, until the knowledge, which pope is the true one, shall be more apparent.”
His two sons dutifully replied, that they would do so, and punctually obey whatever he should order. The king died soon after†. He was a valiant man in his time, and had considerably added to the crown of Arragon by the conquest of Majorca, which he kept. He was buried in the city of Barcelona, and there lies. When the death of the king of Arragon was known at Avignon, the pope and cardinals instantly sent off letters to the king of France, his uncles, and to the duke and duchess of Bar, who were his supporters and parents to the young queen of Arragon, the lady Jolante‡, and to the queen herself, and were so busy, that the whole court of Arragon acknowledged him as pope. The duke and duchess of Bar wrote pressing letters to their daughter, as did the king of France, the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, who sent a cardinal as ambassador, to instruct the new king, his brother, and subjects. The cardinal, with the assistance of the queen, who paid too much attention to what her relations had urged, gained over the king, who had before determined to follow the example of his father in preserving a neutrality, and the whole kingdom to the obedience of pope Clement.
At the time of the late king of Arragon’s death, the archbishop of Bordeaux was at Barcelona. He had been sent thither by the duke of Lancaster, and I will explain the cause of his journey. The late prince of Wales (who, though only duke of Aquitaine, was much feared by his neighbours, the kings of France, Arragon, Castille and Navarre, and even by the king of the Saracens, who had heard of his great prowess and renown) had entered into a treaty with the king of Arragon, which had been sworn to, and sealed by each party, as well as by the king of England, that neither the prince nor the king of England, nor their successors, would ever wage war against Arragon, so long as the king of Arragon and his heirs should serve the lord of Aquitaine with five hundred spears, against any enemy with whom he was at war; and that, if he chose not to send his men, he bound himself to pay a certain sum of money. Ten years of arrears were now due from Arragon; for the king had never paid anything, nor done any service to the king of England nor to 207 his deputies. When the duke of Lancaster left England, he brought with him the letters-patent, sealed with the great seal of the realm, in the presence of the king and his council, appointing him lieutenant, for the king. Over all the countries of Bordeaux, Bayonne, and Aquitaine, giving him regal power to demand whatever might be owing from Arragon, and from all other parts dependant or allied to England. They also gave the duke power to retain, for his own use, whatever sums might be due, and to give receipts, which would be acknowledged as legal.
While the duke was at Sant Jago, he bethought himself of the king of Arragon, and that he was indebted to him a very large sum of arrears, by virtue of his commission, and that it would come now, with other aids, very opportunely, to carry on his war against Castille. During his residence at Sant Jago, he sent some of his council to Bordeaux, to the archbishop, and sir John Harpedon, the séneschal, ordering one or both of them to set out for Arragon, and remonstrate strongly with the king, on the large sums he had long owed the king of England, as duke of Aquitaine. The archbishop and séneschal, having weight the orders from the duke, thought it best for the séneschal to remain at Bordeaux, and the archbishop to undertake the embassy. He therefore set out, but arrived in Arragon, unluckily, when the king was on his death-bed. When he was deceased, the archbishop followed the princes and council of Arragon to the interment at Barcelona, and then remonstrated so strongly, as it seemed to the council, that he was ordered to prison: though not closely confined, he was forbidden to leave the city of Barcelona.
* Martin was king of Sicily, and on the death of John, killed by a fall from his horse in pursuing an enormous wolf, succeeded to the crown of Arragon. John did not follow his father’s counsels with respect to the disputed tiara, but acknowledged Clement VII. — Art de Vérifier les Dates.
† The 5th January, 1387. — ED.
‡ The Lady Jolante was his second wife. He was first married to Jane, daughter of John, count d’Armagnac.
CHAPTER XLVIII. — THE DUKE OF LANCASTER MAKES WAR ON ARRAGON. — THE ARCHBISHOP OF BORDEAUX IS RELEASED. — THE VISCOUNTESS OF CASTELBON, SUSPECTED OF HAVING ADMITTED THE ENGLISH INTO HER CASTLE, APPEASES THE KING OF ARRAGON, THROUGH THE INTERFERENCE OF THE COUNT DE FOIX.
WHEN news was brought to Bordeaux of the imprisonment of the archbishop, the séneschal said, “I am not surprised at it: the archbishop is too hot-headed. I believe it would have been better had I gone thither; I should have spoken more calmly; and there is a method of urging claims suited to different persons. The séneschal sent information of what had happened to the duke of Lancaster, who was very wroth with the king of Arragon and his council, for having imprisoned such a person as the archbishop of Bordeaux when negotiating his business. The duke wrote orders for the garrison of Lourde instantly to invade Arragon, and attack Barcelona, where the archbishop was confined. The governor, John de Béarn, who styled himself séneschal of Bigorre, Peter d’Anchin, Ernaulton de Resten, Ernaulton de Sante Colombe, and the whole garrison, were much delighted with these orders, and overran the kingdom of Arragon, as far as Barcelona, so that not merchants dared venture without its walls. In addition to this mischief, the principal towns of Arragon would not consent to the king’s wishes of being crowned, unless he would first promise and solemnly swear that no taxes, pay for soldiers, or other impositions, should be raised in the country; and unless he would engage for a compliance with other demands, which the king and his council thought very unreasonable and unjust. He threatened to make war upon the, more particularly on those of Barcelona, who he said were too rich and presumptuous.
There was, at this period, in Languedoc, on the borders of Rouergue and Auvergne, towards Pesenas and Usès, a band of armed men, who called themselves Routes, that were daily multiplying to do evil. Four men-at-arms were their leaders, who made war on every man they met on horseback, caring not whom. Their names were, Peter de Montfaucon, Geoffry Chastelier, Hainge de Sorge, and le Goulet. These had under them full four hundred combatants, who ruined all the country wherever they haunted. They were mightily rejoiced when they heard of the archbishop of Bordeaux’s imprisonment, of the duke of Lancaster’s making war on the Arragonians, and that the king of Arragon was dissatisfied with his subjects in the principal towns; for such people always love mischief in preference to good. They therefore resolved to march towards the frontiers of Arragon 208 surprise some fort, which the king or principal towns would negotiate with them to regain. They set out, and made for the castle of Duren*, which they had planned to surprise. This castle is in the archbishopric of Narbonne, between France and Arragon, and situated precisely on the limits of the two kingdoms. They arrived there by night-fall undiscovered, and, finding it weakly guarded, soon conquered it, to the great dismay of all the country, especially of Perpignan, which is but four leagues distant from this castle.
The garrison from Lourde, this same week, captured likewise a castle in Arragon, four leagues from Barcelona, called the old castle of Rolbais, belonging to the viscountess of Castelbon, cousin-german to the count de Foix. The lady was much surprised at this event, and went to her cousin, the count de Foix, to beg, for God’s sake, he would get her castle restored to her; for those who had won it were from his country of Béarn. The count, in his answer, desired her not to be alarmed; for that her castle had been taken solely to harass Barcelona from thence, as the archbishop of Bordeaux was in confinement there for a trifling cause, and that she should have it again undamaged. The lady was satisfied with this answer, but kept it secret, and went to reside at another castle, near Roquebertin. Those of Duren, Rolbais, and the garrison from Lourde, kept up a severe warfare on the borders of Arragon. The king, indeed, winked at this, that the towns might be punished, but their discontents increased; for those of Barcelona, Perpignan, and other towns, could not carry on their commerce without being made prisoners, ands ransomed. They determined to set the archbishop of Bordeaux at liberty, but, as was right, to consult the king on the subject. They, in consequence, negotiated privately with don Martin, the king’s brother, who was very popular in the country, that he would interfere between them and the king, and obtain peace with those of Lourde and Rolbais. In order to encourage their loyalty, he engaged to do what they desired, and prevailed on his brother to give the archbishop his liberty, and send him back to the Bordelois.
Shortly afterward, by the count de Foix’s exertions, the viscountess recovered her castle, and those who had captured it departed, in return for the service the count had done to the duke of Lancaster in the course of this year. The king of Arragon, seeing the viscountess so quickly regain her castle, sent for her, and, when in his presence, charged her with having admitted the English into her castle to make war on him, for which she had been very criminal. The lady clearly exculpated herself, saying, — “My lord, as God may help me and mine, and by the faith I owe you, when I heard of my castle being taken, I had never any connexion, nor entered into any treaty with the English. I instantly informed my cousin, the count de Foix of it, and begged of him, for God’s sake, to aid me to recover my castle, as it had been taken by the garrison of Lourde, who are his subjects, and from Béarn. The count sent me word not to alarm myself, for that those who had conquered it had only borrowed it, to make a more effectual warfare on Barcelona.” The king replied, “If you can prove this answer from the count de Foix, I will restore your castle.” “That I can easily do,” answered the lady. She informed the count, who at that time resided at Orthès, in Béarn, of this conversation, and entreated he would satisfy the king of Arragon. The count sent letters to the king of Arragon by one of his knights, called sir Cicart de Saurelin, to request he would hold his cousin excused, and allow her to possess her lands in peace, otherwise it would displease him. The king of Arragon acceded to this request, and having well entertained the knight, said to him, “The viscountess has acted prudently, in thus having her cousin the count de Foix make excuses for her.”
* “Duren.” Q. if not Durban.
CHAPTER XLIX. — THOSE COMPANIONS WHO HAD CONQUERED DUREN ARE DEFEATED AND SLAIN, BY A STRATAGEM OF RAYMOND DE BACHEZ, COUSIN TO THE KING OF ARRAGON.
THUS affairs remained; the viscountess de Castelbon had quiet possession of her castle; but the merchants were not the less harassed by the garrison who had come from Lourde. Those of Barcelona and its neighbourhood were frequently pillaged and made prisoners by 209 them, unless they had entered into a treaty and paid composition-money for their safety. These compositions extended over many parts of Catalonia and Arragon; and the garrison of Duren was desirous of adopting the same plan, which they would have executed, or perhaps worse, had they not been checked. They had done more mischief to the country than those of Lourde; for they were poorer, and made no distinction whom they attacked, whether officers of the king and queen, or merchants. The king at length assembled his council on this business; for the great towns murmured, and said, that the king, who ought to have destroyed such wretches, supported them. These, and such description of speeches, when told to the young king, gave him much uneasiness, and he was vexed that his subjects should thus talk of him respecting Duren, because the crown of his father, who had been so greatly beloved, was but just fallen to him. He called to him a great baron of Arragon and his cousin, named sir Raymond de Bachez, and said, “Sir Raymond, ride towards Duren, and learn from those who have surprised it what they want in my country, and make some treaty with them, that you may get them out of it, by fair or foul means.” The knight obeyed, and sent a herald to the garrison of Duren, to say he wished to negotiate a treaty with them. When Montfaucon and the other captains learnt that sir Raymond de Bachez wanted to treat with them, they thought they should obtain a large sum to deliver up the place, and said to the herald, “Friend, tell you master, Sir Raymond, from us, that he may safely come here, for we will not do him any injury.” The herald returned with this answer to sir Raymond, at Perpignan, who instantly left the place, and on his arrival at Duren held a parley with them. He asked why they remained so long on the borders of Arragon: they replied they were waiting to join the army from France that was coming to the support of the king of Castille. “Ha, my gentlemen,” said sir Raymond, “if you wait for that, you will stay here too long; for the king of Arragon will not allow you thus to plunder his country and its inhabitants.” They replied, “that since the king would not suffer them to support themselves, he must prevent it, for live they would. If he would ransom the country, they would march away, but not otherwise.” “And what do you ask?” said sir Raymond. “Sixty thousand francs: we are four of us, and each must have fifteen thousand for his share.” “In God’s name,” said sir Raymond, “that is money enough; but I will report it to the king: it is better for him to pay you this sum, for the good of the country, than to allow you further pillaging.” He added this to keep them in good humour, but thought the contrary to what he had said. On taking leave, sir Raymond told them they might expect the sum they had asked, and perhaps more. He then returned to Perpignan, where the king was, and related to him all that had passed. The king said, “You must at all events free the country from them, and pay the thieves; if I could get hold of them, I would hang them all, which is the only payment they deserve: but the place is so strong, it will be difficult to draw them out of it.”
“Sir,” replied sir Raymond, “I will manage it; only do not interfere.” “Well,” said the king, “do so: I will not meddle further in the business; but see that the country be delivered from them.” Sir Raymond collected a body of men at arms, to the amount of five hundred spears, which he placed in ambush, and gave the command of them to a squire of Gascony, called Naudon Seighin, who was valiant and expert in arms. The ambuscade was about a short league from Duren, and sir Raymond ordered, that as soon as the garrison should have passed by, they should fall on them, and, if possible, put all to death. Sir Raymond wrote to the garrison, to desire they would mount their horses and advance to Perpignan, making a show of attacking the place, to alarm the inhabitants, otherwise he should never be able to raise their quota of the money he was to pay them. They were much pleased to receive such intelligence, believing it true, and, mounting their horses the same day the ambush was posted, rode for Perpignan, galloping up to the barriers. When they had done this, they began their retreat, thinking to return quietly home; but they had scarcely gone half-way before they met Naudon Seighin and his troops, who instantly charged them. They now perceived they had been tricked, and prepared to defend themselves; they fought well during the time the combat lasted; but that was not long, for there were among them numbers of pillagers badly armed, who were soon defeated. Among the slain were Geoffry Chastelier, Hainge de Sorge, Guyot Moresque, John le Geulant{Susan note- check spelling before}, and 210 many more. Peter de Montfaucon, Amblardon de St. Just, and forty others, were made prisoners, and carried to Perpignan, where, as they passed the streets, the inhabitants came out of their houses, and hooted at them, as they would have done at a wolf. Le Geulant and Peter de Montfaucon were put in the pillory, and the rest thrown into a dungeon.
The duke of Berry, about this time, arrived at Carcassonne, from a visit to Pope Clement at Avignon. Having here heard that Duren was regained, and the garrison slain or made prisoners, he instantly wrote to the king of Arragon, and to his cousin Jolante de Bar, to beg they would give up to him Peter de Montfaucon and his companions. His request was immediately complied with, and they were sent to the duke of Berry. They were indebted to him, or they would infallibly have all been put to death.
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