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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 134-165.
CHAPTER XX. — THE CASTLE OF CONVALLE IS STORMED BY THE FRENCH. — SOME OTHER FORTRESSES TURN TO THE FRENCH INTEREST.
SIR Walter de Passac, with his army, came before Convalle, and surrounded it on all sides. Having called to him the séneschal of Toulouse, he said, — “Was this one of sir Reginald de Montauban’s castles?” He answered, that it was one. “Then it has a subterraneous passage like his others.” “Ay, in God’s name truly there is one; for by means of this passage did Espaignolet take the castle a second time and the lord within it.” “Order the knight to whom it belongs, and who is with us, to come hither; for it will be proper,” added sir Walter, “that we first get information from him.” On sir Raymond de Convalle appearing, he was asked concerning the strength of the place, and if there were a subterraneous passage like that of la Bassere. He replied, that it was by such means he had been captured; that he had long ago stopped it up as useless; “But these robbers who keep possession of my castle have repaired it, and entered the castle through it.” “And do you know its issue?” “Yes, my lord; it opens into a wood not far hence.” “It is well, by God,” said sir Walter, and was then silent. At the end of four days, sir Walter was conducted by sir Raymond to the opening of the mine in the wood, accompanied by two hundred of the country peasants well armed. When arrived at the entrance, he had all the earth and thorns cleared away from before it, and a number of torches lighted, and said to those with him, — “Enter this passage, which will lead you to the hall of the castle: when you come to the door, break it open, for you are sufficiently strong to do it, and to combat all you shall find in the castle.” They replied, they would cheerfully obey.
Having entered the passage, they came to the steps that lead to the door of the hall, and began to make use of their axes and hammers in battering the door. As it was about night-fall, the garrison kept a good watch, and heard them working in the mine to enter the castle. They instantly informed Espaignolet of it; he was going to bed, but he advised them to place benches, stones, and other things in the doorway, to embarrass it so much that they might not enter. This was instantly done, and no better defence could have been made; for although their opponents had cut the door into a thousand pieces, they found their difficulties so increased upon them, they gave it up, and returned about midnight to tell their lords, how the garrison having heard them, had blocked up the passage, making it impossible to gain entry by that way. Upon this the passavant was ordered from la Bassere, which being taken to pieces, was brought on carts to Convalle, and remounted on its wheels, fit for immediate service. When all was ready, sir Walter de Passac, impatient to win this castle, ordered his trumpets to sound, and the host to arm and advance in proper array. The séneschal of Toulouse was on one side, with all his séneschalship; on the opposite sir Roger d’Espaign, in like manner, with his men from Carcassonne; there were the lord de Barbazan, sir Benedict de Faignolles, the lord de Benoch, the son of the count d’Estarac, sir Raymond de l’Isle, and the knights and squires of the country, each with his company, drawn up in good array. The attack and defence now seriously commenced: the garrison defended themselves valiantly; indeed it behoved them so to do, for they found themselves hard pressed; and knowing that sir Walter would show them no mercy, if taken, were resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possible. The Genoese cross-bows behaved well, and shot so truly with their bolts, that the boldest was afraid of them; for whomsoever they struck on the head, it was over with him.
Sir Walter de Passac was in the front acting wonders in arms, and crying out, — “How, my lords! shall such a stinking crew keep us here all day? If they were good men at arms, I should not wonder; for in them is much more vigour than in such fellows as we are 135 attacking; it is my intention to dine in the castle, and it will depend on you that I accomplish my purpose.” Those who were desirous to obtain his favour advanced eagerly to the attack, and fixed several ladders to the walls, near where the large machine was placed, which they mounted under protection of the cross-bows, who prevented the garrison from showing themselves. The French thus entered the castle of Convalle sword in hand; they pursued their enemies, killing great numbers, and the remainder they made prisoners. Sir Walter, having entered by the gates, was asked what he would have done with the prisoners. “By St. George, I will they be all hanged.” His orders were instantly obeyed, and Espaignolet suffered the first. The lords dined in the castle, and the men at arms in the town, where they remained the whole day. Sir Walter gave to the lord de Convalle his town and castle, and then made preparations to continue his march.
After the conquest of Convalle, the army marched for a fort, called Mastulle, which with the others had done much mischief to the country. On their arrival, they began an attack, which was bravely resisted at first; but it lasted not long; for the place was taken by storm, and all within slain or hanged. When those of Roix, Rocheforte, and other castles in possession of these pillagers, heard that sir Walter de Passac was on his march, and that, whatever places he took, he had hanged the garrisons, they were doubtful whether they might not come to the same end, and in consequence, left their forts in the night time, by subterranean passages or otherwise; for Roix and Rochefort have mines, having formerly belonged to sir Reginald de Montauban, so that when the French arrived they found them both empty. Having taken possession, they re-garrisoned and re-victualled them, and then marched towards Toulouse to enter Bigorre, for there were in that country two castles on the borders of Tarbes, called Jullians and Nazareth*, held by these marauders, who much harassed Tarbes and its neighbourhood, as well as the territory of the lord d’Anchin.
Sir Walter de Passac and his army, having refreshed themselves in Toulouse, took the road towards Bigorre, and seated themselves before Jullians, saying they would never depart until they had delivered the country from its oppressors. Sir Walter was joined by the séneschal of Donnezan†, who represented the count de Foix, according to the summons of sir Walter to come to his aid in driving the pillagers out of the country; for they made, when opportunity offered, as free with the country of Donnezan as they did elsewhere. It was for this reason the séneschal had come, and with the approbation of the count, otherwise he would not have dared to have done it.
They were fifteen days before they could gain the castle of Jullians, for it was strong, and the captain a Gascon squire, called Bruyer de Brunemote, of great skill and valour. He had quitted la Bassere in the manner before mentioned; and at last, finding they could not take it by storm, they consented to a capitulation, agreeing to spare the lives of the garrison and to conduct them to Lourde. A squire, called Bertrand de Montdighen, escorted them thither. When the French had possession of the castle of Jullians, they debated whether to keep or to raze it: at last they determined to demolish it on account of its vicinity to Lourde, for that garrison, the men being traitors, might, after they had left it, regain possession by stratagem or open force. It was therefore razed; and the stones to this day remain in heaps, without the expectation of its being rebuilt.
The army then came before Nazareth, a strong place, of which some adventurous companions had kept possession for more than a year. When they heard that those of Jullians had retreated, they also withdrew, having obtained a passport, and went to Lourde, where they knew they would not seek them, unless they wished to lose their labour, for Lourde is so strong it is impossible to be conquered. The French, finding Nazareth empty, razed it to the ground, to the great joy of the inhabitants of Tarbes, as they had received many injuries from it. They then marched to the castle of Auch, in Bigorre, situated among the mountains on the borders of Béarn. They remained there about fifteen days, but only conquered the lower court with all the horses within it, though very many attacks were made: the great tower being seated on a high rock, they could not win, for it is impregnable. 136 The lords seeing they were labouring in vain, and that William Morenton, the captain, would neither surrender nor listen to any treaty whatever, marched away, and returned to Tarbes. Sir Walter de Passac then disbanded his army, with liberty for them to return to their homes. Those who had served in this army received their pay in money or in promissory notes, at their option: he himself retired to recruit himself at Carcassonne, and in that neighbourhood.
During his residence at Carcassonne, he received orders from the king of France to go to Bouteville in Saintonge, on the borders of Poitou and the Bordelois, which was under the command of a Gascon called Sainte-Foy, as it had been reported that sir John Harpedane, séneschal of Bordeaux, was collecting a large force at Libourne on the Dordogne, to march thither and attach such forts as the Poitevins and Saintongers had raised before it. Sir Walter, as was natural, obeyed the king’s orders, and took with him sixty lances and one hundred Genoese cross-bows. On leaving Carcassonne, he marched through Rouergue and Agen, skirted Perigord, and arrived at Bouteville, where he found the séneschals of la Rochelle, Poitou, Perigord, and Agen, with numbers of men at arms.
* “Nazareth,” — a small town in the Condomis, diocese of Condom.
† “Donnezan,” — a small country in the government of Foix, contiguous to Catalonia, about three miles squire. Querigut is the chief place.
CHAPTER XXI. — A SHORT DIGRESSION ON THE MANNERS OF THE ENGLISH AND GASCONS IN THE TIME OF FROISSART.
FOREIGN countries may well wonder at the noble realm of France, how finely it is situated, and what numbers of cities, towns, and castles it possesses, as well in the distant parts as in the heart of the country. There are in travelling from Toulouse to Bordeaux, the underneath rich towns, situated on the Garonne, called Gironde at Bordeaux: Grenade, Verdun, St. Nicholas, Auvillas, Valence, Leirac, Agen, Porte St. Marie, Aguillon, Tonneims, Marmande, St. Basile, le Réole, St. Macaire, Langon, Cadillac, Rons, Castres. Then ascending the Dordogne, which falls into the Garonne, are the following castles: St. André, Libourne, Castillon, St. Foy, Bergerac, la Linde, Limeul, St, Cyprian, Dommes, Soulliac. Some of these being English and others French, carried on a war against each other: they would have it so, for the Gascons were never, for thirty years running, steadily attached to any one lord. True it is, that the whole of Gascony submitted to king Edward and to his son the prince of Wales, but the country afterwards, as has been clearly shown in this history, revolted from those English masters. King Charles, son to king John of France, gained by is wisdom, prudence, kind treatment, and great gifts, the affections of the principal barons, such as the count d’Armagnac, the lord d’Albreth, and others, whom the prince of Wales lost through his pride.
I, the author of this history, was at Bordeaux, when the prince of Wales marched to Spain, and witnessed the great haughtiness of the English, who are affable to no other nation than their own; nor could any of the gentlemen of Gascony or Aquitaine, though they had ruined themselves by their wars, obtain office or appointment in their own country; for the English said they were neither on a level with them nor worthy of their society, which made the Gascons very indignant, as they showed on the first opportunity that presented itself. It was on account of the harshness of the prince’s manners that the count d’Armagnac and the lord d’Albreth, with other knights and squires turned to the French interest. King Philip of France, and the good John his son, had lost Gascony by their overbearing pride; and in like manner did the prince. But king Charles, of happy memory, regained them by good humour, liberality, and humility. In this manner the Gascons love to be governed. King Charles, the more firmly to strengthen the connection, married his sister, the lady Isabella de Bourbon, to the lord d’Albreth; by whom he had two fine children, which causes love to endure the longer.
True it is, that when I lived among these lords at Paris, I once heard the lord d’Albreth use an expression that I noted down. I believe it may have seen said in joke: however, it contained, in my opinion, much truth and good sense. A knight from Brittany, who had borne arms for him, inquired after his health, and how he managed to remain steady to the French: when he thus answered, — “Thank God, my health is very good; but I had more 137 money at command, as well as my people,, when I made war for the king of England, than I have now; for, whenever we took any excursions in search of adventures, we never failed meeting some rich merchants from Toulouse, Condom, la Réole, or Bergerac, whom we squeezed, which made us gay and debonair, but now all that is at an end.” The knight, on hearing this, burst into laughter and replied, “In truth, that is the life Gascons love: they willingly hurt their neighbour.” On hearing this, I concluded that the lord d’Albreth heartily repented his having turned to the French, in the same manner as the lord de Mucident, who, when made prisoner at Yurac, swore to the duke of Anjou, he would set out for Paris and become ever after a good Frenchmen. He did go to Paris, where the king handsomely received him; but he was not treated to his satisfaction, so that he slunk away from the king, and left Paris without taking leave, to return to his own country, where he again became an Englishman, and broke all his engagements with the duke of Anjou. The lords de Rosem, de Duras, de Langurant, did the same.
Such are the Gascons: they are very unsteady, but they love the English in preference to the French, for the war against France is the most profitable; and this is the cause of their preference.
CHAPTER XXII. — THE ARRIVAL OF LEON, KING OF ARMENIA, IN FRANCE; ON WHICH OCCASION FROISSART DESCRIBES THE STATE OF GENOA IN HIS TIME, AND RELATES THE DEATH OF THE KING OF CYPRUS.
ABOUT this period Léon, king of Armenia,*, arrived in France; not indeed with a king-like state, but as one driven from his throne and kingdom, which had all been conquered 138 from him by the Turks, except a castle, situated on the sea-shore, called Courth†. This castle is the key or entrance into Alexandria and the territories of the sultan. The Genoese carry their commerce everywhere, by means of the duties they pay, even to the farther India, and the realm of Prester John‡: they are universally well received on account of the gold, silver, and rich merchandize they bring from Alexandria, Cairo, Damascus, or from the Saracens. It is thus the world is supplied, for what is not in one country is in another: but all this is well known. The Genoese are the most adventurous navigators, and are much superior to the Venetians as lords of the sea, being more feared by the Saracens than any others, for they are excellent and determined seamen, and one Genoese galley would attack and probably conquer four galleys of the Saracens.
If the Turks and Tartars have frequently hurt Christendom, the Genoese felt it not; for, being masters of the sea, they could attack the infidels, and had always fifty galleys and large ships guarding the islands of Rhodes, Cyprus, and Candia, and the shores of Greece, as far as Turkey, where they possess the handsome town and castle of Pera, situated on the sea-shore opposite to Constantinople, which is garrisoned at their expense, and supplied with provision and stores three or four times a year. The Turks and Tartars have often attempted to win it, but have always failed, and have lost more than they gained; for Pera is seated on a rock, with only one entrance, and this the Genoese have well fortified. The Genoese have also Jaffa, which is a strong place, profitable to them and to all Christendom; for did they not possess Jaffa, and Rhodes, the infidels would invade Naples, and attack Gaietta and Rome: but the strong garrisons of men at arms in these two places and their galleys on the sea, hold them in check.
These reasons prevented the infidels making any excursions, except from Constantinople, towards Hungary; but if that noble king of Cyprus, Peter de Lusignan, had longer lived, he would have found the Sultans and Turks more employment than they had met with since the days of Godfrey of Boulogne. Having conquered the cities of Alexandria and Satalia, the infidels, knowing his prowess and enterprise, and fearful of further losses from him, bargained with his brother Jacquet to have him put to death; who himself slew the gallant king in his bed§. It was an infamous act thus to assassinate the valiant king of Cyprus, whose thoughts were solely occupied, day and night, on the means of conquering the holy land, and driving out of it the infidels.
Philip de Mesieres¶, being chancellor to this king of Cyprus, had engraven on a monument he erected to him¥, in the chapter-house of the Celestins at Paris, as follows: “Peter of Lusignan, fifteenth Latin king of Jerusalem, since Godfrey of Boulogne, and king of Cyprus, by his magnanimous prowess and enterprise, conquered in battle, with an army supported at his own cost, the cities of Alexandria in Egypt, Tripoli in Syria, Layas in Armenia, Satalia in Turkey, with several other cities and towns, from the enemies of the faith of JESUS CHRIST.
When the Genoese, who were much attached to him, and with reason, heard of his melancholy end, they armed seven galleys, and sent them to Famagousta, which they took by storm and Jacquet in it. They overran the greater part of the island, and would have destroyed the whole had they not feared the consequences; but, the towns being strong and on the frontiers of Turkey, they left them in the hands of the natives. They kept possession of Famagousta, where they amassed great wealth from its plunder, which they carried to 139 Genoa, and also Jacquet, who had murdered his brother, that the state might determine on his destiny. The late king of Cyprus had a son, whose marriage the Genoese procured, after which they crowned him king**, Jacquet, though suffered to live, was closely confined in prison. They did not yield up Famagousta; but I am ignorant if they have it at this day. This king of Cyprus died in his bed, and without heirs, to the great grief of the Genoese. I know not who now reigns there; but the year I was in Béarn, the lord de Valenchin, a knight of that country, told me the Genoese had a great share in its government, being masers of Famagousta, and that they had crowned Jacquet†† king, in default of heirs. I know not how the devil he escaped from prison, nor out of the hands of the Genoese.
* In tom. vii. P. 494, of the Fœdera, we find Richard II. had settled a pension of 1000l. yearly on Léon, the Christian king of Armenia, who had been driven from his kingdom by the Turks. In former reigns, there had been frequent collections made in England, as well as elsewhere, for supporting those Christian kings against the Turkish power, which, however, at length swallowed them up. —’ Anderson’s Hist. of Commerce, &c., vol. i. p. 213. The Grandes Chroniques de France place the arrival of the king of Armenia in 1385.
† “Whatever may be the name of this castle, and wherever situated, I have no doubt but those who are acquainted with the two Armenias, will think what our author hereafter says very strange. It is not for me to gainsay him: I am satisfied, if he be consistent with himself.” — Marginal note by D. Sauvage.
‡ The Dalai Lamas was formerly denominated Prester John; and Thibet was the country of Prester John.
§ He was assassinated by two lords of his country whom he had offended. Peter tarnished, by his debaucheries and cruelty, the last years of his life, and even the glory he had acquired by his former exploits. — Art de Vérifier les Dates.
¶ For further particulars respecting Philip de Mesiers, see a memoir on this subject by M. le Bœuf, in the 17th vol. of les Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, &c. and also the first vol. p. 460, 461, of les Antiquités de Paris, par M. Sauval.
¥ i. e. The king of Cyprus. In the original it stands, fist ecrite du dit Roy de Cipre sur sa tombe qui est au chapitre des Celestins, &c.
** Peter II. or Petrin, ascended the throne in 1372, when twelve years of age, under the regency of his uncles James and John, to the exclusion of his mother. The day of his coronation, there arose a dispute between the bailiffs of Venice and the consuls of Genoa for precedency; and, the court having declared in favour of the Venetians, the Genoese revenged themselves for this affront, in 1373, by conquering the whole island. Only two places made any resistance, Famagousta and Chèrines. The first surrendered the 10th October, and was pillaged during three days; the second submitted about the middle of March following. The king was made prisoner, but recovered his liberty by the cession of Famagousta, and the promise of one million of ducats to the Genoese.
In the year 1375, at the solicitation of his mother, he caused his uncle John to be assassinated in his presence, to revenge the death of his father, in which this prince had been the principal actor. Peter died on the 17th of October, 1382, aged twenty-six, without leaving any children by his queen, Valentine, daughter of Bernabo Visconti.
†† James I. constable of Cyprus, was a hostage at Genoa when his nephew Peter II. died. He was sent home at the demand of his countrymen, who crowned him king. He died in 1398, aged sixty-four, leaving children by Agnes of Bavaria, his queen, John, his successor to the throne of Cyprus; Hugh, cardinal archbishop of Nicosia; Philip, constable of Cyprus; Henry, prince of Galilee; Mary, married to Ladislaus, king of Naples; Isabella, married to Peter of Cyprus; Civa died unmarried, 1393. — Art de Vérifier les Dates.
CHAPTER XXIII. — THE KING OF ARMENIA RELATES MANY STORIES OF THE TURKS AND TARTARS.
THE king of Armenia, on his first arrival in France, was well entertained by the king and his lords, as was proper, for he had come from a far country. They gained from him information respecting Greece and Constantinople; for he was well questioned concerning the power of the Turks and Tartars, who had driven him out of his kingdom. To their questions he answered that the cham of Tartary had always made war upon him, and had at last overpowered him. “And this cham of Tartary, is he so powerful?” “That he is indeed; for he has, with the assistance of the sultan, conquered the emperor of Constantinople.” The lords then asked if Constantinople were under the law of the Tartars. “Oh no,” replied the king: “the cham and sultan having continued the war on Constantinople for a long time, it was at length agreed, (for otherwise the emperor would not have had peace) that the emperor of Constantinople, who was the son of Hugh de Lusignan and Mary of Bourbon, should give his son in marriage to the cham; but notwithstanding this union, he was to enjoy his own laws and privileges*. He was then asked what the count Verd de Savoye had done with his gallant company of knights, squires, and men at arms. He replied, — “That when the count de Savoye had come to Hungary, he had carried his war as far as he could into Turkey, but had made no great progress into the country; but by his prowess he had conquered he large town of Gallipoli and Limonia†: in the last, he left a sufficiency of men to guard it, and, during the life of the king of Cyprus, he had always kept possession of it. The moment the sultan and cham of Tartary heard of the king’s death, they were no longer afraid of the emperor of Constantinople, but raised an army of one hundred thousand men, which they marched to Constantinople, and from thence laid siege to Gallipoli, took it by storm, and slew all the Christians within it. They made so deadly a war on the emperor, that he would have lost everything, if it had not been for the 140 attachment the son of the cham had for his daughter, whom he afterwards married. This is a melancholy prospect for the times to come, for the officers of the cham are already in Constantinople, and the Greeks only live there as it were by sufferance from them; if therefore, the princes of the west do not apply a speedy remedy, the Turks will conquer all Greece, and bend it to their faith and laws. They already boast they will do so; and only laugh at the two popes, one at Rome and the other at Avignon, saying, ‘The two gods of Christendom are waging war against each other, by which their government is weakened and easier to be destroyed;’ adding, ‘that those who ought to attend to this, act with such indifference as to leave it to its own ruin.”
The king of Armenia was next asked if the sultan of Babylon and the cham of Tartary were the most powerful princes among the infidels, known to the Greeks, on the other side of the mountains. “By no means,” he replied; “for the Turks have always been looked to as the most wise and potent in war, as long as they are under an able chief; and this they have had for these last hundred years: although the cham completely governs the emperor of Constantinople, the Turkish chief keeps him under subjection. The name of the present leader is Amurat, a prudent and able man both in arms and council, of whom, to say the truth, I have not any cause of complaint, for he has never injured me, having carried his war against the king of Hungary.” “This Amurat, of whom you speak, is he then of such consequence and power, and so much renowned and feared?” “Yes,” replied the king of Armenia; “and even more than I say; for, if the emperor of Constantinople and the king of Hungary are afraid of him, the caliph of Babylon and the cham of Tartary equally dread him. It was supposed, indeed I have hard it from the Tartars, that the cham would have been more hard on the emperor of Constantinople and that country, had he not been afraid of Amurat. He is well acquainted with his jealous temper; and that, the instant he finds any one more powerful than himself he never rests until he shall have lowered him, and brought him under his subjection. It was the knowledge of this that prevented the cham from doing all he could have done against the emperor of the east.”
“Does Amurat keep on foot a large army?” “Yes; he was not thirty years old before he had an army of one hundred thousand horse, which he always kept in the field, never quartering himself in any large town: besides, he had ten thousand Turks to serve and defend his person. Wherever he marches, he carries his father with him.” “How old is he?” “He is full sixty years old, and his father is ninety. Amurat loves the French language, and those who come from France: he says he would rather see the king of France and his state than all the other potentates of the earth. He is greatly pleased when any one talks to him on this subject, and in favour of the lords of that country.” “Why does Amurat remain on terms with the cham, since he is so great a conqueror?” “Because the cham is afraid of him, and dares not make war: there are, also, certain ports and towns in Tartary which pay Amurat heavy duties: they are both of the same faith, and will not destroy their law. It has been a great matter of wonder to him that Christians should make war on each other; and he has frequently had an inclination to enter Christendom and conquer all before him. It would have been to my advantage if he had conquered me, rather than the cham of Tartary.” They asked the king of Armenia, why it would have been to his advantage, who replied, — “Amurat is a man of noble birth; and, were he thirty years younger, is formed to make great conquest wherever he should please to march his army. When he conquers any country or town, he only insists on the payment of a tax, leaving every one to follow his own religion; and he has never taken any man’s inheritance from him, only requiring the supreme government of the country. It is for these reasons, I say, that if he had conquered Armenia, instead of the Tartars, he would have left me my kingdom and religion, and remained in peace, on my acknowledging him as lord paramount, like other great barons on his frontiers, Greeks and Thracians, who thus acknowledge him, to free themselves from all danger from the caliph of Babylon and the grand cham.” “What are the names of these barons?” “I will tell you,” answered the king: “First, there is the lord de Satalia, the lord de la Palice, and the lord de Haute-loge: these lords and their territories, by means of the tax they pay to Amurat, 141 remain in peace, and there is neither Turk nor Tartar that dares injure them ‡.” They then asked the king, if Armenia was so totally lost that there were no means of recovering it. “Yes, indeed,” he replied, “unless a force superior to the Turks and Tartars cross the mountains and conquer Greece; for excepting the town of Courth, which is the entrance to my kingdom, and as yet remains to Christendom, the infidels have possession of all the rest: and, where the churches used to be, they have placed their idols and their mahomets.” “And this town of Courth, is it strong?” “Ay, in God’s name is it,” said the king of Armenia: “it is not to be taken unless by treachery or a very long siege; for it is situated in a dry spot on the sea-shore, and between two rocks that cannot be approached. Should the Turks or Tartars gain it, and another good town not far distant, called Aldelphe§, all Greece must inevitably be lost, and Hungary besides in a short time afterwards.” The king of Armenias was asked if Hungary were on the frontiers of the Turks and Tartars. He said it was; but nearer to the Turks and the territories of Amurat than to any other potentate. “It is very extraordinary,” they replied, “that Amurat, who is so valorous, and such a conqueror, should leave so near a neighbour in peace.” “In God’s name,” answered the king, “he has not for some time even pretended to keep peace with Hungary, but made such exertions, to the injury of the kingdom, that if an unfortunate accident had not befallen him, he would at this moment have been far advanced in that country.” “And what was that accident?” “I will tell you,” replied the king.
* Froissart must have been misinformed; for I see by Anderson’s Royal Genealogies, that John Paleologus must have been emperor of Constantinople at this time. He was routed by Cantacuzenus, and restored by the Genoese, to whom he gave Lesbos. He afterwards made peace with Cantacuzenus, made him his colleague, and married his daughter. He died `386, having reigned forty-six years.
† Limonia is a small island in the Archipelago, near Rhodes, between that island and Stapalia.
‡ Sauvage, in a marginal note, says he would willingly tell where those territories are, but he has not been able to find them out, and thinks there must have been some mistakes in their names.
§ “Aldelphe.” Q. If not meant for Delphos.
CHAPTER XXIV. * — CONTINUATION OF THE INTELLIGENCE WHICH THE KING OF ARMENIA RELATES TO THE BARONS OF FRANCE.
“WHEN Amurat saw that all the adjoining princes feared him, and that the shores of the sea as far as Hungary bounded his dominion, he determined, as the king of Hungary had, by king Frederick’s death, devolved to the queen, to declare war and conquer it. He therefore issued a particular summons to his vassals throughout Turkey, which being obeyed, he began his march and encamped in the plains of Satalia, between la Palice and Haute-loge, to strike more fear into his enemies. It was his intention to enter the kingdom of Hungary, notwithstanding it is a country inclosed with high rocks and mountains which make it so much the stronger. He sent before him ambassadors and heralds, with a mule laded with a grain called millet, telling them ‘Go you into Hungary, to the count de lazaran†, whose territories lie among the mountains of Meleabre and Robée, through which we mean our army to pass, and tell him we order and command, if he wish for himself and his country to remain at peace, that he come and render us obedience, as he knows the lords de Satalia, de la Palice and de Haute-loge have done, and lay open his country for us to pass through. If he should refuse to obey and appear rebellious, tell him from us, that we will pour into his territories, to destroy them, as many heads as you will show you have grains of millet in your bags.” [Susan note a classical legend] The ambassadors instantly departed on receiving these instructions, and arrived in the territory of the count de Lazaran in Hungary: they found him at one of his castles called Archiforme. He received the ambassadors from Amurat kindly, and handsomely entertained them, but was much surprised when he saw the mule enter his court laden with he knew not what. He at first imagined it might be gold or precious stones, which Amurat had sent to 142 seduce him to his party, and to bribe him to allow a passage for his army through his country; but he had resolved, that he would never submit to be corrupted by any potentate whatever.
“When the ambassadors had their audience, they spoke as follows: — ‘Lord de Lazaran, we are sent hither by that high and mighty prince, our redoubted sovereign Amurat, lord of Turkey and of all its dependencies: and we tell you from him, that he orders you to place yourself under his obedience in the same form and manner as you know the lords de Satalia, de la Palice and de Haute-loge have done, and that you delay not coming to perform your homage to him, in like manner as your neighbours have done. You will open your country to his army if you wish to have peace, and by so doing you will greatly enjoy his good favour: but, should you refuse and prove rebellious, we are commanded to say, that our sovereign lord, Amurat, will pour more heads into your country, to destroy it, than there are grains of millet in this bag.’ Having said this, he opened the bag to show him its contents. The lord de Lazaran was advised to return a temperate answer, and not discover his thoughts at once. He replied, ’Tie up your bag; I see what is within it, and I have heard from you what Amurat’s intentions are: within three days you shall have an answer, for these demands require deliberation.’ They replied, ‘You say well;’ and, in confidence of having an answer, they tarried three days. I will now tell you what the count de Lazaran did during these three days: he got and collected and brought to his castle ten thousand head of poultry of all sorts, which he caused to be shut up without any food whatever. On the day appointed for the ambassadors to receive their answer, he conducted them to a gallery which overlooked a court, bidding them lean over the rail, and, before he gave them his answer, he would show them something new: they, not thinking what he was about, did as he ordered. Two doors were instantly opened, when all this poultry had been starving for two days rushed out; and the millet bag being opened, and its contents scattered about, the whole was devoured in less than half an hour, and more would have been eaten if they could have had it. The count de Lazaran then, turning towards the ambassadors, said, — ‘My fair sirs, you have seen how the millet you have brought hither, from your master, with many menaces, has been destroyed by this poultry, who would have destroyed more had they had it?’ ‘Yes,’ replied they, ‘but wherefore do you mention it?’ ‘Because you have your answer in what you have witnessed and in the fact you have seen. Amurat threatens that, unless I obey him, he will pour into my country men at arms without number, to destroy it: tell him from me, I wait for him, and that with whatever force he come, he shall be destroyed in the same manner as the fowls have devoured your millet.’ The ambassadors, on receiving this answer, became quite pensive. They took leave of the count, and travelled by short days’ journeys, until they came to where Amurat and his army lay. They related to him all that the count de Lazaran had cone and said, and that he seemed to hold his menaces very cheap, Amurat was very wroth on hearing this answer, and swore that thing should not remain as they were; but that he would enter the territories of the count whether he would or not, and lay waste all his lands, in revenge for his insolent answer.
“I will now tell you what the count de Lazaran did, since war had been denounced against him, which he knew would be speedily followed otherwise than by words. He instantly made preparations of stores and provision, and sent expresses to inform his knights and squires, and all those capable of bearing arms, that Amurat was about to invade Hungary, and to order them to guard valiantly all the passes into the country, and join him as speedily as may be, for there was no time do delay. Amurat remained with his army on the plains of Haute-loge. At is it was to defend Christendom, all the knights to whom the count had written obeyed his orders and came to him, as did many men to whom he had not sent, but who had heard it accidentally, to support the faith and destroy the infidels. The count had the forests cut down and thrown across the roads Amurat was to pass, which he expected would have a great effect in checking the Turks on their march. The count, accompanied by ten thousand Hungarians and as many cross-bows, entrenched himself and men on each side of a pass through which he knew Amurat must march. He had also with him two thousand peasants, armed with axes and wedges, to fell the timber and block up the road on a signal given. When everything was prepared, the count said, — 143 ‘Without doubt Amurat will come hither, for he has sent me word he would so do; be therefore steady and valiant in defending this pass, for, should it be won by the Turks, all Hungary is in danger of being conquered. We are strongly posted, and one man here is equal to four. It will be more for our honour to perish in the field, defending the faith of JESUS CHRIST, than to live in bondage under these dogs of infidels, notwithstanding the courage and ability of Amurat.’ ‘Sir,’ replied they unanimously, ‘we will with you abide the event: let the Turks come when they will, we are ready to receive them.’ The Turks were quite ignorant of all this; for the count, fearful lest his plans should be discovered by Amurat’s spies, and revealed to him, had posted some of his most confidential friends between him and the enemy, to prevent any communication whatever between the two armies.
“Amurat was not forgetful of his menace, but declared he would visit the territories of the count de Lazaran, in such a manner that he should remember it; for he was unwilling to be thought a liar in breaking his promise. Having selected sixty thousand men, for he had two hundred thousand in his camp, he gave the command of them to four captains attached to his household and faith: their names were, the duke Mansion of Mecca, the governor of Damietta, Alphalory de Samarie, and the prince de Corde, surnamed Brachin, to whom he said, on their leaving him, — ‘You will march these men whom I put under your command, a number sufficient to open a passage into Hungary, to the lands of the lord de Lazaran, which you will completely destroy by fire and sword. As soon as I shall be informed of your arrival there, I will follow with the remainder of my army; for I am resolved to have Hungary under my obedience, and afterwards the empire of Germany. The wizards of my country, and the diviners of Egypt, have pronounced that I am destined to be king of all the world; but the place I would most willingly visit is Rome; for, in ancient times, it formed part of our inheritance: and our predecessors have conquered and governed it several times. I will lead with me le Galifre de Baudas, the cham of Tartary, and the sultan of Babylon, who shall there crown me.’ The captains, who were on their knees, replied, they would cheerfully obey his commands, and then marched off with the sixty thousand men. Among them were twenty thousand of the most able and best armed of the Turkish army, who formed the van battalion. When they came to the mountains on the frontiers of Lazaran, the van, finding none to oppose them, entered them, under the command of the duke of Mecca and the governor of Damietta, and passed the ambuscade of the count de Lazaran. As soon as the count and the Hungarians saw they had entrapped their foe, they began to work, by cutting down the forest trees and laying them across the road, so that it was quite impossible for the Turks to retreat or to advance, for the passage was entirely blocked up.
“Thus were twenty thousand Turks inclosed, who were so vigorously attacked by the Hungarians from each side of the forest, and with such good effect, that all were slain. Not one escaped death, not even the two commanders. Some few attempted to fly, but were pursued through the forest and killed. The rear division, unable to advance through the fallen forest, returned to Amurat, and related the unfortunate event which had happened to his army. He was very pensive on hearing it, and summoned his council to consider what was to be done, as he had lost the flower of his army.” The king of Armenia, having thus finished his history of the defeat of the Turks, resumed the account of his own melancholy situation, to the king of France and his uncles. They took compassion on him, because he had come from such a distant part of the world as Greece to seek aid and comfort; and being a king driven out of his realm, without any means of keeping up his state, or even supporting himself, as his complaints evidently showed. The king of France, young as he was, said, — “We will that the king of Armenia, who has come to us in hopes of assistance, have allowed him wherewithal to maintain his dignity, suitable to his rank, as he is a king like ourself; and when we are able, he shall have men at arms to aid him in the recovery of his kingdom; for we have a very good inclination so to do, being bound to support the Christian faith.”
The speech of the king was applauded by all. His uncles and council were willing to fulfil these commands; and a proper allowance was ordered to be paid the king of Armenia monthly, from the chamber of accounts, to keep up his state. The sum allowed was six 144 thousand francs yearly; and he had five thousand presented to him, to provide himself with plate and other smaller necessaries. The palace of St. Ouen, near St. Denis, was likewise given to him for his residence. Such assistance did the king of Armenia receive on is first arrival in France, which was constantly increasing. He was at times much with the king, particularly at the grand festivals.‡
* Denys Sauvage complains that he cannot understand this chapter, nor the accounts from the Levant. There was not any king of Hungary at that period of the name of Frederick. Lewis the great reigned in 1342, and his daughter Mary succeeded him 1352. I find myself therefore obliged, like Sauvage, to leave it as I find it.
† Sauvage says in a note, “According to Paul Jovius and father Anthony Geoffrai, his proper name was Lazarus, despot or lord of Servia, formerly called by the Romans Missia Inferior.”
This probably is the person called by Froissart eh lord de Lazaran.
“Servia made formerly part of Mœsia, Illyria and Pannonia. At the fall of the Roman empire, it belonged to the Servians, who had come thither from Sarmatia in Asia. It had afterwards its own despots, some of whom depended on the kings of Hungary. The last had the misfortune to be captured in battle, and his army cut to pieces by Amurat I. in the 14th century.”
See Servie, in the Encyclopédie par Order des Matières.
‡ Sanval, in his Antiquities of Paris, copies Froissart in the account of the reception of the king of Armenia by the court of Charles VI.; but adds, from Juvenal des Ursins, that this prince was not so wretched in his fortune, having saved many jewels, and even some of his treasure, when he fled from the Tartars. He was a fruitless negociator of peace between England and France, and was sent to Boulogne, with others on this subject. He died in 1393, in the palace of the Tournelles, situated in the street of St. Anthony, opposite the royal hôtel of St. Pol, where the kings of France usually resided. He was buried in the church of the Celestins, after the manner of his own country, his friends clothed in white, carrying torches of white wax: his body, dressed in royal robes of the same colour, was laid upon a white bed of state, and his head encircled with a crown of gold. At this funeral ceremony many of the princes and great lords assisted, and crowds of common people. — Anquités de Paris, vol. ii. p. 251.
Holingshed says, Leo, king of Armenia, came to England and received a pension of 1000l. from Richard II.; the object of his visit was to make peace between the two countries of France and England.
CHAPTER XXV. — DURING THESE WARS OF THE TURKS, DISSENTIONS CONTINUE BETWEEN THE TWO POPES, URBAN VI. AND CLEMENT VII. — FRIAR JOHN DE LA ROCHE-TAILLARD DELIVERS A GOOD APOLOGUE, RESPECTING THE PAPACY, TO THE CARDINALS.
ABOUT this period, Otho of Brunswick came to pope Clement at Avignon, to receive his pay for the war he had carried on for the pope and church against the Romans and Bartholomew Prignano, who styled himself pope Urban VI. as you have before seen in this history. He remonstrated with the pope on cardinals on various topics, to which they attentively listened; but, as for his pay, he could not obtain one penny, the treasury being so empty that the cardinals were unable to get what was their due. Sir Otho, therefore, let them much discontented; but, before he set out from Avignon, they gave him one thousand francs, which he held cheap, and the war of the pope was greatly weakened, for sir Otho would not henceforward concern himself about it. Besides, Margaret de Duras, duchess of Anjou*, who resided at Gaietta, sent for his assistance against the Neapolitans. Sir Otho balanced for a time, not knowing which side to take; some of his council advising him to aid Margaret in the defence of her realm, and take her to wife, as she had not any king of the country: but others advised the contrary, lest it might have an unfavourable issue; for her children by the duke of Anjou, who had been crowned king in Bari, were young, and had many relations and friends, especially in the king of France their cousins-german, who would certainly support their claims, as well as the lady Jane, duchess dowager of Anjou, who would have great weight. Sir Otho was so long doubtful between the two parties that at length neither had him.
About this time, the forces subsidized by pope Clement, under the command of the lord de Moetroye, a right valiant knight from the country of Geneva and Savoy, sir Talebert, a knight of Rhodes, and sir Bernard de la Salle, had shut up pope Urban in the city of Perugia. He was much straitened, and on the point of being made captive. I was told 145 it depended only on the payment of twenty thousand crowns; for count Conrad, a leader of a large body of Germans, would have delivered him up to pope Clement for that sum. Sir Bernard de la Salle was sent to Avignon to inform the pope, and remonstrate with him and the cardinals on the subject, but in vain with regard to the money, for the court was so poor that he could not obtain anything, and returned, very discontented, to the siege of Perugia. The siege was slackened on both sides, and Urban escaped from this danger to Rome, where he remained.
I know that in times to come, these things will be wondered at, and it will be a matter of astonishment how the church could fall into such troubles, and those of so long a duration. It was a punishment sent by God to make the clergy feel and consider the great pomp and superfluities they possessed: but many paid no attention to it, being so swollen with pride and arrogance, that each would imitate his superiors, and thus was religion little regarded; and if the Holy Spirit, who enlightens the hearts of the devout, had not kept them steady, and in unison, it would have been severely shaken, if not lost. The great proprietors of land, who at the first were such noble benefactors to the church, now make a joke of it, even at the time I was writing and chronicling this history, in the year of grace 1390; at which the commonalty were much surprised, and wondered why such great lords as the kings of France and Germany, and the other princes of Christendom, did not provide a remedy for it. But, to satisfy the people and excuse the barons, I may say, that as there cannot be a yolk of an egg without its white, nor a white without the yolk, so neither the clergy nor the lords can exist independently of each other; for the lords, not being ruled by the clergy, would degenerate into beasts.
I will say, that in my time I have for certain seen much of mankind; whether for my own amusement, or in travelling to learn the history of what passes in the world relative to deeds and adventures in arms, which are described in this book; but I have never met with any lord, except the count de Foix, who had not his minions, pages, and jesters, most honourably entertained. The count de Foix had none such; for he was naturally grave, and of great good sense, which was of more value than anything they could have afforded him. I do not say, that those lords who are attended by minions† are mad; they are worse than mad, for they are blind having two eyes.
When information of this disputed choice was first brought to king Charles of France, of happy memory, he paused, and left it to his clergy; who, having considered the matter, resolved that pope Clement had been truly elected. To this opinion the kings of France, Castille, and Scotland assented; and, notwithstanding the schism which was caused in the church, these three kings, being allied together, remained steady to Clement, but the kings of England and Portugal were of a contrary way of thinking. The earl of Flanders had formed his creed as you have heard in this history; for he would never acknowledge pope Clement, because he had, at the first conclave, voted for the cardinal of Bari, and because, while cardinal of Geneva, he had written to the earl to say Urban had been legally elected pope, for which reason the earl of Flanders considered his as the true one as long as he lived. The emperor and all Germany, with the king of Hungary, acknowledged Urban.
While writing of these dissensions that happened in my time both in states and in the church (which was somewhat shaken thereby), and it is to be understood that he great landed proprietors were acting like hypocrites, it comes to my remembrance how in my young days, during the reign of pope Innocent, at Avignon, there was confined in prison a learned clerk, called Friar John de la Roche-taillade. This friar, as I have been told by several privately, for it was never talked of in public, foretold, while in prison, many of the great events which would happen shortly in the world, more especially those that related to France. He prophesied the capture of king John of France, and the misfortunes that were to befal the church from the pride and arrogance of those who governed it. It was said, that during his imprisonment, he was brought to the pope’s palace, when the cardinal of Ostia, commonly called cardinal of Arras, and the cardinal of Auxerre, disputed with him on these subjects. Friar John gave them for answer the following apologue: “In former days a bird was hatched without any feathers. When the other birds heard of this, they went to see him, for he was 146 fair and pleasant to look on. Having considered that without feathers he could not fly, nor without flying live — which, however, they were determined to assist him in, for he was a prodigiously handsome bird — they resolved that every bird should give him some of his feathers. The best feathered gave most, so that he was soon enabled to fly. The other birds took much pleasure in seeing him. When this bird saw himself thus in feather, and that all the birds paid him great honour, he grew proud, and not only held those cheap who had made him so, but pecked and drove them from him. The birds held an assembly to consider how they should act, in consequence of the treatment they received from this bird whom they had clothed, and who now despised them. The peacock said, ‘He is too finely dressed in my feathers: I will take them from him. ‘In god’s name,’ said the falcon, ‘so will I mine.’ The other birds said they would do the same, and immediately began to unfeather him. The bird, on seeing this, humbled himself greatly, and acknowledged the honours and wealth he had received; and that his fine feathers were not his own, for he had come into the world naked and featherless; and those who had feathered him might, if they chose, retake them. He cried out for mercy, and promised, henceforward, never to risk, by pride or presumption, the loss of his feathers. The gallant birds who had plucked him, seeing him thus humbled in his deportment, restored his feathers: but said, on giving them back, — ‘We will gladly see thee fly among us, as long as thou shalt bear thyself meekly, for so it becomes thee; but if ever thou shalt act arrogantly, we will pluck thee bare, and leave thee in the naked state we found thee.’ Thus, my fair sirs,” said friar John to the cardinals, “will happen to you. The emperors, kings, and princes of the hearth, have given you wealth, and power and possessions, that you may serve God; but you expend it in pomp, luxury and all extravagancies. Why do you not read the life of St. Silvester‡, the first pope who succeeded St. Peter, and weigh well the conditions on which the emperor Constantine gave the tithes to the church? St. Silvester did not travel with two or three hundred attendants on horseback, but lived simply and retired at Rome, solely with his churchmen, when the angel, through God’s grace, appeared to announce that the emperor Constantine, then an infidel and unbeliever, had sent for him. It had likewise been revealed to the emperor, by the angel of the lord, that Silvester would put him in the way of being cured of his leprosy, for he was so ill of the disorder, his limbs were rotting. On his arrival he pointed out to him his cure, by means of baptism. He was baptised and cured, which so strongly impressed his mind with the goodness of God, that he believed, and made his empire believe also. He gave to Silvester and to the church, all tithes, which he had before held himself, with many other rich gifts and territories, for the augmentation of our faith and church. It was his intention that these should be prudently and properly governed, and not with pomp and pride as is now done; for which the lord is wroth, and his anger will be much increased against you in times to come. Should the nobles excuse themselves from giving support to the church, and grow cold in their devotions, and perhaps retake what they have given, it must speedily be destroyed.”
Thus spoke friar John to the cardinals, who were much astonished thereat, and would willingly have put him to death, but they could not find any just cause for it. They suffered him to live, but confined him a close prisoner; for he proposed such deep questions, and examined so closely the Scriptures, that he might perhaps, had he been at liberty, have led the world astray. However, many things were seen to happen, which he had foretold in prison, and which he proved from the apocalypse. His proofs saved him sometimes from being burnt, and some of the cardinals took compassion on him and did not oppose him as they might have done.
We will now leave these narrations and return to the principal matters of this history, the affairs of Spain, Portugal, France, and England, and say what events were passing there worthy of being recorded.
* The text which Mr. Johnes here follows is essentially different from that of D. Sauvage and more recent French editions, and Lord Berners, and is moreover not consonant to the truth. Margaret of Duras was not duchess of Anjou, but widow of Charles of Duras, king of Naples, the competitor of Louis, duke of Anjou, for that kingdom. According to D. Sauvage, &c., the passage should run as follows: — “Besides Margaret of Duras, who resided at Gaietta, and was opposed to the queen of Naples, widow of king Louis, duke of Anjou, begged his assistance to make war on the Neapolitans. Sir Otho balanced for a time, not knowing which side to take. Some of his council advised him to take part with Margaret of Duras, who was heiress of Naples and Sicily, and assist her to defend and keep her heritage, and to take her to wife, as she was very willing to have him for a husband, he being of noble blood and high lineage; and he would thus become king and lord of the countries which she claimed. Other advised him to the contrary; for the children of king Louis, who had been crowned in the city of Bari, were young and had numerous friends and relations, especially the king of France, who were willing to assist them; and their lady mother, queen Joan, duchess of Anjou and Maine, was a woman of great intrigue. All these doubts were laid before him by his council. Sir Otho held back and hesitated so long that he lost both parties.” We should here observe that Margaret of Duras was not heiress to the kingdom of Naples, but regent during the minority of her son Ladislas. — ED.
† Marmousets.
‡ Silvester was the thirty-second pope, reckoning St. Peter as the first. — Art de vérifier les Dates.
CHAPTER XXVI. — THE REASONS WHY THE PORTUGUESE PREFER THE GRAND MASTER OF AVIS FOR THEIR KING TO DON JOHN, KING OF CASTILLE, WHO HAD MARRIED BEATRICE, DAUGHTER OF DON FERDINAND, LATE KING OF PORTUGAL.
YOU have before heard how don John, son of don Pedro, king of Portugal, and bastard brother to the late king, had gained possession of the crown, through the boldness of four of the principal towns in Portugal; for the nobles and knights ought not to be inculpated in the matter, as they had ever borne themselves loyally to don John of Castille, who had married Beatrice, the daughter and heiress of don Ferdinand. Many, however, were of opinion she was a bastard, being the daughter of a Portuguese lady, whose husband, a knight of Portugal, was still living*. The king of Portugal having seized his wife, married her; and the knight left the country and resided with the king of Castille: he never returned to Portugal, notwithstanding his noble birth, through fear of the king.
This opinion of her being a bastard was the more extraordinary, as don Ferdinand considered her as legitimate, having received dispensations from pope Urban VI. to that purpose. When peace was concluded between the kings of Castille and Portugal, don John Ferdinand Audère, who ruled the Portuguese council, proposed a marriage between the daughter of his king, and don John, king of Castille, who was at that time a widower. The council of Castille, when this union was proposed, had mentioned their doubts of the legitimacy of the lady’s birth; and to satisfy the king of Castille, don Ferdinand made his principal barons and nobles of Portugal swear, that after his decease, they would consider her as their queen, and would unite their kingdom to Castille. He had also forced the principal towns to promise the same, and to acknowledge the king of Castille as their king, under a penalty of two hundred thousand francs. The Lisboners, having put to death don Ferdinand Audère, because he had interfered in this business, and exerted himself, at the king of Portugal’s death, to have it confirmed, elected the master of Avis, and would have no other king. They said, that were Portugal to be turned topsy-turvy, they would never submit to Castille, nor to the Castillians, so greatly did they hate each other. The Lisboners were the great instigators of this dispute; they said that the lady Beatrice could not be their queen, for she was a bastard, a thorough bastard; and, during the life-time of don Ferdinand, and now when he is dead, Lorenzo d’Acunha, the husband of her mother, still exists. For this reason, the four cities of Lisbon, Coimbra, Ourique, and Oporto, elected don John, and crowned him king of Portugal. They would have a king from among themselves, and noticed the great affection the commonalty had for the master of Avis.
One of the chief causes for this hatred of the Portuguese to the Castillians, was, that after the marriage had been concluded between the king of Castille with don Ferdinand’s daughter, and it had been agreed that Portugal should, after the death of don Ferdinand, revert to Castille, wherever the Castillians met the Portuguese, they mocked them, and said, they should return their obedience whether they would or not; that they would keep them in subjection and slavery, and teach them, like Jews and slaves, to obey their wills. The Portuguese replied, they would never be under theirs nor the subjection of any men in the world. Owing to such reproaches, they elected the grand master of Avis king, who was bastard son to don Pedro, king of Portugal. Don Ferdinand, during his reign, paid no attention to his brother, nor ever imagined the Portuguese would, after his decease, choose him their king, to the disparagement of his daughter; but so they did; and don Ferdinand Audère was in the right, when he advised the king to have him put to death, for the people had too great an affection for him. The king would never consent to this, saying that the people had no power over the nobility of the realm; and that his son-in-law, the king of Castille, was powerful enough to punish any rebellion that might break out; that he had not just cause to imprison him nor put him to death; and besides, his brother was of a religious order and possessed of great wealth, without thinking of the crown of Portugal. These were the reasons why he escaped death.
148All these are well-known facts; for I, the author of this history, was told them by the nobles of Portugal. It was certainly strange they should choose a bastard for their king: but they found none nearer in blood to the crown; for they declared that the queen of Castille, daughter of the lady Leonora d’Acunha, being a bastard, should never possess the crown of Portugal, nor should any of her descendants. The count de Foix as of a similar opinion, as he told the knights when he gave them an entertainment on leaving his country for Portugal; for he is perfectly well informed, though he resides at Orthès, of everything that passes in Castille or Portugal. When his knights departed, he said, — “Gentlemen, you have not an business to interfere in the disputes between Castille and Portugal; for the queen of Castille, daughter of don Ferdinand king of Portugal, has no claim to that crown. This war is begun foolishly, and with much bitterness: you may therefore, as well as those who first stirred it up, heartily repent when it is too late.” They replied, “that having received earnest of pay from so great a lord as don John of Castille, they were bound to serve him.” He then suffered them to go: but, as I have before related, the greater part never returned home again.
* Ferdinand, a the conclusion of the war between him and Henry de Transtamare, king of Castille, engaged to marry Henry’s daughter. This he did not perform, but married Leonora Tellez, the wife of Lorenzo d’Acunha.
CHAPTER XXVII. — FROISSART TRAVELS TO MIDDLEBURGH IN ZEALAND, TO MAKE INQUIRES FROM A KNIGHT, WHO IS GOING TO PRUSSIA, OF THE AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.
WE will not yet quit the affairs of Portugal, as they ought not to be forgotten; but the grand feats of arms which took place there should be chronicled, that those who come after our time may find them related and written down. It would be pity they were annihilated, and it was by means of clerks of former days, who enregistered histories, that facts are now known, for there is no memory equal to writing. In truth, I must say, and I wish those who in after times shall come may know the fact, that I have taken infinite pains to seek out the truth of what was passing in my day, and have travelled through many a kingdom and over many countries for this purpose. I have been personally acquainted with many valiant men, as well in France, England, Castille, Portugal, as in the duchies and countries adjoining, and with their companions in war, from whom I have never failed asking many questions for my information; and I have never willingly neglected, after having heard any fact, making every possible inquiry to know the truth of it.
During the time I resided with the gallant count Gaston de Foix at Béarn, I heard many of the transactions which happened in Portugal; but on my return home to Valenciennes in Hainault, having rested myself a while, my passion for the history I had begun was renewed, and I bethought myself that I could not impartially continue it, having only heard that side of the question which related to the king of Castille. It was proper therefore, if I wished to avoid partiality, to hear what the Portuguese had to say, as I had listened to the Gascons and Spaniards in the castle of Foix, and upon the road in going thither and in returning. Indifferent as to bodily fatigue, I set out for Bruges expecting to meet some Portuguese and Lisboners, as many of that nation are generally there: I was most fortunate in my journey, for it was told me, and I since found it true, that if I had considered for seven years, I could not have come more opportunely to Bruges than at that moment, I had only to go to Middleburgh in Zealand, where I should find a valiant knight of Portugal, and of the king’s council, called don Juan Fernando de Portelet, who would give me a true account of the events that had passed in Portugal, having been a party concerned in all of them; he was but lately arrived, intending to embark for Prussia, wither his valour had led him. This intelligence rejoiced me much, and I set out from Bruges in company with a Portuguese well acquainted with the knight. On our arrival at Sluys, we embarked, and, thanks to God, arrived safely at Middleburgh. I made myself acquainted, through my companions, with the knight, whom I found prudent, honourable, gracious and pleasant. I remained with him about six days, and might have done so longer had I pleased, when the knight told me all that had happened in the wars between Castille and Portugal, from the death of king Ferdinand until the time he had left the country. He related it so clearly and fully that I had great delight in hearing him, and in writing down what he had said.
149When I had learnt all I had wanted, and found the wind to be favourable, I took leave of the knight: he accompanied me to the vessel, as did several rich merchants of his country, who had come from Bruges hither to see him, as well as other good people of Middleburgh. In his company was the son of the count de Novaire*, in Portugal, and other knights and squires from those parts: but greater respect was paid to don Juan than to any of the others: and certainly, from what I saw, he was very deserving of it, for he was a handsome well-made man, formed for vigorous exploits. I returned thence, through Bruges, home, where I chronicled all I had heard from don Juan Fernando de Portelet, relative to what had passed in the realms of Portugal and Castille until the year of our Lord 1390.
* Nuño Alvarez Pereira. — ED.
CHAPTER XXVIII. — THE PORTUGUESE, AFTER THE BATTLE OF ALJUBAROTA, SEND AMBASSADORS TO ENGLAND, TO INFORM THE KING AND HIS NOBLES OF THAT EVENT.
AFTER don John had defeated the Spaniards at the battle of Aljubarota, which took place, as you have heard, near the monastery of Alcobaçar, whereat were slain such numbers of knights and squires from France, Gascony, and Castille, he returned triumphant to Lisbon, his head crowned with laurel, like to the Roman conquerors of old. The Portuguese highly honoured him for his courage and victory; and, after many grand festivals, a parliament was held by the barons, knights, and magistrates from the principal towns, on the state of the kingdom, and on the means by which they could best persevere in what they had been so fortunate in commencing. The wisest among them said, now was the time to strengthen themselves, so that they might be enabled to withstand the power of the king of Castille, and enjoy with honour to themselves the fruits of their victory. This conference was holden in the cathedral church of St. Dominick at Lisbon, where many proposals were made, but not such as were worth recording. It was at last determined to send to the duke of Lancaster, who claimed the crown of Castille, in right of the lady Constance, his duchess, eldest daughter to don Pedro the Cruel, and indite letters to him in such words as these: — That if ever he wished to claim the kingdom of Castille, and not surrender his right, which had been some time in suspense and nearly lost, now was the time for him to hasten to Portugal, well accompanied by men at arms and archers.
The count de Novaire*, constable of Portugal, thus spoke at the conference: “Since we have determined to send to the duke of Lancaster, from who we hope to have counsel and assistance, and it is the wisest measure we can take to make us feared by our enemies, let us select the best informed and properest persons to carry our message to England, so that the duke may be induced to come hither with such a force as may enable him, with what he receives from us, to oppose and conquer his enemy. We may well suppose the king of Castille will call for aid from the king of France, and the French, as they know not where to seek adventures, for there is truce between France and England until St. John the Baptist’s day, and peace is now established between France and the Flemings, who have found them full employment for several years past.
This speech of the constable was much applauded, and his advice followed. It was then ordered that the grand master of the order of St. James, in the kingdom of Portugal, and Laurence Fongasse, an able and prudent squire, and who understood and spoke the French language well, should set out for England; for, according to the opinions of the king’s council, there could not be found abler men to execute this business. Letters were drawn up in French and Latin, addressed to the king of England, the duke of Lancaster, and his uncles of Cambridge and Buckingham. When they had been fairly engrossed, they were read to the king and his council, who, finding them properly done, had them sealed and delivered to the envoys, the grand master of St. James and Lawrence Fongasse, who engaged to carry them to England, if God permitted, and if they should escape from enemies and robbers; for there are many, if not more, on the sea than on land.
150Having freighted a vessel called a lin, which keeps nearer the wind than any other, they took leave of the king, the bishop of Coimbra, and the council of Portugal, and embarked for England. The wind was favourable, and they were three days without seeing anything but sky and water; on the fourth day they discovered the land of Cornwall. By God’s aid, and favourable winds, from which their mariners knew how to profit, they arrived in safety at Southampton, where they anchored. When they disembarked, to refresh themselves in the town, they were summoned before the bailiff, who demanded whence they came and whither they were going. On answering that they were from Portugal, and sent by the king and his council, they were made very welcome. After they had allowed themselves some rest, they were provided with horses for their own use and that of their attendants, and with guides to conduct them to London, for they were quite ignorant of the country, and roads. On leaving Southampton, they continued their journey until they arrived in London, where they dismounted in Gracechurch, at the hotel of the Falcon, kept by Thomelin de Winchester, and then sent back their horses and guides to Southampton.
Fortunately for them, the king and his court were at the time at Westminster, which rejoiced them much. Being arrived at London about nine o’clock, they sat down to dinner; when that was over, having selected their letters for the duke and duchess of Lancaster, they waited on them. The duke and duchess were desirous to see them, as they were anxious for news from Portugal. They had indeed heard some rumours from that quarter, but had not believed them, as they had not received any letters which tended to confirm the report. The grand master of St. James and Lawrence Fongasse were conducted into their presence, and the latter, on account of his facility in the French language, was the spokesman. After his salutations, he gave the duke the letters he had brought from Portugal, who, opening them, gave the duchess that which was addressed to her. Having each read them, the duke said, “You are welcome, gentlemen, to this country: we will to-morrow attend the king, 151 and you shall have assistance, as it s but reasonable you should.” The duchess, taking Lawrence apart, asked the news of Castille and Portugal, and what was going on in those parts. Lawrence, having made exact answers to all the lady’s questions, the duke ordered wine and spices, of which the envoys partook, and then returned to their hotel. On the morrow, by six o’clock, they again waited on the duke, who had heard mass, and entering a large barge, rowed up the Thames to Westminster, where the king the greater part of his council resided.
The duke of Lancaster made them enter the council-chamber, and addressing the king, said, “My lord, here is the grand master of St. James in Portugal, who brings you letters: will you please to see them?” “Willingly,” replied the king. Upon which, the two ambassadors, kneeling, presented the letters, which the king having taken, he made them rise, and then opened and read them. They also gave letters to the earls of Cambridge and Buckingham.
The king replied very graciously to the ambassadors, saying, “You are welcome to this country, and your coming has given us much pleasure. You will not immediately return, not without having letter to your satisfaction. Make my fair uncles acquainted with your business, who will attend to it, and not allow it to slip their memories.” The answered on their knees, “Very dear lord, we will cheerfully do so.” They then quitted the council chamber, and amused themselves in the palace, waiting for the duke of Lancaster, who remained in conference until high noon. When the parliament rose, the duke carried his two brothers, with the ambassadors, in his barge to dine with him. The earl of Cambridge was well acquainted with the grand master and Lawrence Fongasse, as he had known them in Portugal. After dinner he began a conversation with them in the presence of his brothers, and asked about the marriage of the lady Beatrice, who was to have been his daughter-in-law, and how she went on. The ambassadors gave such answers as satisfied the company.
Before the arrival of these ambassadors, the duke of Lancaster and earl of Cambridge had held frequent conferences respecting Castille; for the earl, as you have heard, was greatly displeased with the late king of Portugal for having remained fifteen days with his army in sight of that of Castille without coming to an engagement. The earl had pointedly remarked this fault by saying, “I have only with me, sir king, one hundred lances and a thousand archers; but I would have you and your barons know that we have unanimously resolved to risk a battle with our enemies, and abide whatever be the event God may please to ordain.” King Ferdinand replied, that neither himself nor council thought it advisable to offer battle. Upon this, the earl of Cambridge left the country, carrying his son John with him to England.† When he was departed, the king of Portugal offered his daughter to the king of Castille, to strengthen the peace, by the advice of don Ferdinand Audère, in whom alone he put confidence. The king of Portugal asked his daughter whom she would prefer for her husband, the king of Castille or John of Cambridge: she answered, “the last.” The king demanded, “Why?” “Because he is a handsome youth, of her own age, and because she wised to avid being united to the king of Castille,” who, she plainly said, was not to her liking. The king, notwithstanding, to preserve peace, as their kingdoms adjoined each other, married her to the king of Castille.
The earl of Cambridge was also much dissatisfied with don Fernando Audère, who had taken great pains to conclude a peace on the grounds of this match. He had told his brother that he much suspected the Portuguese would rebel against the lady Beatrice, after her father’s death; for the majority of the people, although the king had espoused the lady Eleanora d’Acunha, considered her as a bastard; and, when he was there, great were the murmurs about it, and this is one reason why he had so hastily brought his son thence. The duke of Lancaster, whom these circumstances affected more nearly, having married the elder heiress of the late king of Castille, by whom he had a daughter called Constance, was anxious to learn as much as possible respecting the affairs of Castille, and not suffer his claim to remain longer in a state of suspense. He perceived that he never could have a more convenient entrance into that country than through Portugal; more especially as king 152 John was so desirous for him to come thither, and the king of England and his council had consented thereto. He looked on don John as valiant and wise, and honoured him much for the victory he had won over the Castillians. That he might gain more information as to the real state of Portugal, together with the claims the lady Beatrice had on that crown, and the reasons why the commonalty had elected the grad master of Avis their king, he invited the ambassadors to a private dinner; when it was over, he ordered all the attendants out of his apartment, and called the grand master of St. James and Lawrence Fongasse most kindly to him, and began to converse on the affairs of Portugal; but, as Lawrence spoke French so fluently, he addressed himself to him, saying, — “Lawrence, I entreat you will relate to me everything that has happened in Portugal since my brother left it; for the king of Portugal writes me word, that no one can give me such exact information as yourself; and by so doing you will very much oblige me.” “My lord,” replied the squire, “Your pleasure shall be obeyed;” and he immediately began to this effect.
* Nuño Alvarez Pereira. He was created constable of Portugal by the master of Avis, to whom he rendered essential services, in aiding him to obtain the crown. Nuño Alvarez is celebrated in Portuguese history as the hero of his time. — ED.
† In October, 1382. — ED.
CHAPTER XXIX. — LAWRENCE FONGASSE, ONE OF THE AMBASSADORS FROM PORTUGAL TO ENGLAND, RELATES TO THE DUKE OF LANCASTER THE EVENTS WHICH HAD HAPPENED IN PORTUGAL SINCE THE EARL OF CAMBRIDGE HAD LEFT IT.
“THE kingdom of Portugal has been in great trouble since the departure of the earl of Cambridge; but, thanks to God, all has turned out well, and affairs are now on a steady footing. If the Lord had not interfered, masters must have ended badly, and all from the fault of don Fernando our last king, as was generally reported and believed by the more sensible part of the nation. King Fernando fell desperately in love with the wife of one of his knights, called Lorenzo d’Acunha, and was so much enamoured he would have her by force: the lady made the best defence she could, but at length he succeeded, and told her he would make her queen of Portugal, for that, if he was smitten with her charms, it was not to lower her, but on the contrary to exalt and marry her. ’ah, my lord!’ replied the lady, with tears and on her knees, ‘I beg your grace’s pardon: I can never have the honour of being queen of Portugal; for you know, as well as all the world, that I have a husband, to whom I have been married these five years.’ ‘Leonora,’ said the king, ‘that shall not prevent it; for I will never have any other woman to wife since I have enjoyed you; but I will have you divorced from your husband before I make you my bride.’ The lady could not obtain any other answer, and related all that had passed to her husband. The knight, on hearing it, was very melancholy and bethought himself what was to be done; he resolved at first never to quit his wife; but, suspecting the king’s designs, he set out from Portugal towards Castille, where he was well received by king Henry and pointed of his household, which appointment he held during his life, and was continued in the same by his successor don John.
“The king of Portugal, to gratify his foolish passion, sent for the lady and her husband; but the knight was gone. He then sent for the bishop of Coimbra, who was chancellor of the kingdom and of his council, and told him his intention of marrying Leonora d’Acunha. The bishop was silent through fear, knowing the violence of the king’s haughty temper; but sir Fernando Audère, who was the king’s bosom friend and counsellor, in order to please the king, said, ‘Bishop, you may very well do it, and my lord will make atonement once for all.’ The bishop united them, and they lived together. This lady was crowned queen of Portugal with as much pomp and magnificence as ever queen of Portugal was; and the king begot on her the lady Beatrice, now queen of Spain. True it is that king Fernando, in hi lifetime (it was before the earl of Cambridge came with his army to Portugal), summoned all the nobles, prelates, principal citizens of his realm to Lisbon, and made them all swear obedience to his daughter Beatrice, then only five years old; and pledge themselves that they would acknowledge her as heiress of the kingdom after his decease. He made them take this oath, as he had ordered, whether they would or not. The greater part knew well this daughter was a bastard, and born in adultery; for the husband of her mother, don Lorenzo d’Acunha, resided in Castille, and has outlived the king of Portugal. I believe, 153 my lord, that, had this child been a boy, the commonalty would have been more inclined towards him; for they declare they would rather die than live under subjection to Castille: Portugal and Castille can never be thoroughly united, for the natives of both countries hate each other, and carry on their won wars with as much bitterness as the English and Scots.”
The duke of Lancaster was much delighted with this conversation, and with Lawrence Fongasse’s manner. He said, — “Lawrence, at the time you were talking of, where was don John, the present king?” “By my faith, my lord,” answered the squire, “he was in Portugal, at the head of a noble establishment of gentlemen, who bear an order of chivalry from beyond sea. There are full two hundred knights of this order, who are dressed in white mantles with a red cross on them; he is the chief, and called the Master of Avis. The king gave him this appointment, but thought nothing more about him; nor, indeed, did he any way concern himself, or intermeddle with the affairs of Portugal, nor ever form any intrigues for the crown. Certainly, had the king guessed that he could have been what he is now, the love he bore the lady Leonora and her daughter would have made him put him privately to death: but, seeing him live quietly with his brother knights, without interfering in anything else, he suffered him to go on without interruption.
“With regard to the quarrel between the Castillians and Portuguese, if I say the truth, I must own the Castillians have been alone to blame.” “How so?” asked the duke. “I will tell you,” replied the squire. “When they saw the king of Portugal give his daughter in marriage to the king of Castille, it seemed to them as if he had done so by way of buying a peace for them, and that we were afraid of them. Upon this they grew proud and arrogant, and made use of such speeches as follow, which the Portuguese were forced to hear: ‘Oh now, ye Portuguese, who are as savage as beasts, the time is coming when we shall have a good bargain of ye, for ye are our slaves. We will treat you like Jews, who only exist by our having granted them a truce, and ye shall be like them subjected to us. This ye cannot deny, since our king of Castille will become yours also.’ With such like speeches did the Castillians show their rancour, whenever any of the two nations met, during the reign of don Fernando; had this caused so great a hatred of the Portuguese to the Castillians, that when our king lay at the point of death, the citizens of the principal towns murmured much, and said, ‘It were better to suffer anything than be under the subjection of Castille.’
“After the death of Fernando*, who was buried in the church of St. Francis, by the religious of that order in Lisbon, the chief towns and castles had closed their gates. The Lisboners, being acquainted with the intentions of the other three towns, Coimbra, Oporto, and Ourique, sent for don John, the present king, and said to him, — ‘Master of Avis, we will make your our king, although you be a bastard: we think the lady Beatrice, your niece, and queen of Castille, is more of a bastard than you; for the first husband of the lady Leonora is now living. Since the crown is fallen between two bastards, we will choose the one who will be to our greatest advantage: the more sensible part of the nation is inclined to you; for never shall a woman bear the crown of Portugal, nor will we ever be under the obedience of Castille. We had rather give up all to you, that you may defend us, than have the Castillians our masters. Accept, therefore, this crown as our gift, for we will have it so.’ The master of Avis did not, however, accept it at this, nor at a second offer; but replied, — ‘My good people, I know well your affection for me: you offer me the crown and realm of Portugal — a noble offer — by declaring I have a better right to it than my niece Beatrice the queen of Castille; in truth she is a bastard, the mother’s first husband being now in Castille; but there is one point you have forgotten, which is, that you alone cannot act in this matter: it is necessary that the nobles of the kingdom join you.’ ‘Ha,’ said the Lisboners, ‘we are sure of them; for several have opened to us their minds on this subject, as well in this city, as those of Coimbra, Oporto, and Ourique.’ Don John replied, — ‘Well, be it so, then; I am willing to comply with your desires. You know that the lady Leonora, who styles herself queen of this country, is in the town, and with her her grand adviser, don Fernando Audère, who will want to preserve the crown for the queen of Castille and her descendants; for he broke off her marriage with the son of the earl of Cambridge, to give her to the king 154 of Castille, and patch up a peace. He will send, or perhaps has already done so, to the king of Castille, to hasten hither with a sufficient force to overpower us. I know that don Fernando has in part acted as I say, and he will still more exert himself on the day of the obsequies of my late king and brother, which will shortly be performed in this town, when all the nobility of the kingdom, unless they send excuses, must be assembled.’ those present answered, that he did not surprise them by what he had said, for they well know it was so; but, should they hear don Fernando say anything contrary to his interest, they would that day provide a remedy against it. Upon this the meeting broke up.
“Not long after, the obsequies of the late king were performed in the church of the Franciscans at Lisbon, where he lies, and the ceremony was attended by great numbers of the nobility, according to the invitations they had received from the queen, and don Fernando Audère who governed her. The grand master of Avis was present, and many from the towns of Coimbra, Oporto, and Ourique, who had assented to what had been proposed at Lisbon. When the ceremony was over, don Fernando Audère entreated the nobility, who had assisted in behalf of the queen, not to leave Lisbon for a day or two, that he might have a conference with them, on the means he should use to send to king John of Castille, as his queen was now become the legal heiress of Portugal. Many of the nobles paid no attention to what he said; for they were afraid of the people then present, as they had heard them declare they would only have the master of avis for their monarch; and this likewise was heard by don Fernando. He begged the nobles to support him steadily in his attempts to bring the people to his way of thinking; but they all left him. As soon as the funeral was ended and the queen had returned to her palace, they called for their horses, which the majority mounted, and set out from Lisbon. Some few attached to the grand master might remain, but they retired to their houses, and kept within, expecting the event to happen which I am about to relate.
“The citizens of Lisbon, Coimbra, Ourique, and Oporto, after the funeral, went to the cathedral, which is dedicated to St. Dominick, instead of going to their homes, and the grand master with them, where they held a short conference. ‘My good people,’ said don John, ‘If you wish to have me for your king, which I think my just right, and are resolved to persevere in it, you must now bestir yourselves, and begin by acting to show your strength. You have seen how Fernando Audère is working on the nobles to send for the king of Castille, to whom he says the crown of Portugal now belongs in right of my niece; but I maintain that it shall, if you assist me, be mine; for I have a much better claim to it in every way. I am a man, and the son of the good don Pedro who so gallantly reigned over you. My niece the queen of Castille, it is true, is daughter to don Ferdinand, but not in legal marriage.’ The Lisboners replied, — ‘What you say is true: we will have you for our king; no one else; and we will make you such, let who will urge us to the contrary. Now, swear before us that you will be good and merciful, and maintain strict justice, without flattering the strong more than the weak; and that you will defend, with heart and hand, in conjunction with our aid, the rights and privileges of Portugal.’ The king replied, — ‘My good people, I now heartily swear to follow what you have said; but let us hasten to the mint, where John Fernando Audère resides with Leonora d’Acunha; for I must have him put to death, as he has acted contrary to our interests in supporting the claims of others than those you wish well to.’ ‘We will do so,’ they answered; ‘for in truth he has behaved to you like a rebel, and shall die for it, that those who are your enemies may take example.’
“On saying this, the Lisboners left the church of St. Doiminick, in the whole about fifteen hundred, headed by their new king, and marched through the town towards the mint, where the queen and Fernando Audère, with their attendants lived. On their arrival, they broke open the doors, and entered the lady’s apartment by force. Leonora, much alarmed, on seeing this crowd enter her chamber, threw herself on her knees before don John, and with uplifted hands begged his mercy, for that she was not guilty of any misdeeds; and, as for the crown or inheritance of Portugal, she had never made any claim to them, as many present knew, if they would be pleased to remember. ‘I entreat, therefore, you and all the company to recollect, that it was contrary to my will and wish that don Ferdinand exalted me to be his 155 wife and queen of Portugal.’ ‘Lady,’ replied don John, ‘fear nothing, for not the least harm shall be done you: we are not come hither with such intent, but to seek that traitor John Fernando Audère, and put him to death; and then the king of Castille may revenge it if he can, for he has been his advocate too long in this country.’ Those who had been ordered to do so sought the knight, whom they discovered and slew: after this, no person was injured; but they all returned peaceably to their homes, and the king retired to the palace.
“After the death of Fernando, the lady Leonora, who had been queen of Portugal, was desirous of quitting Lisbon and retiring to her daughter in Castille; for she had been so much alarmed by the murder of Fernando, that she had almost died through fear. She would not therefore remain longer in Lisbon, where she had neither peace nor respect, but sent to ask leave of the king to depart, who readily granted her request, adding, she was in the right to go away. The lady set off with he attendants, and continued her journey until she came to Seville, where the king and queen of Spain resided. She found almost all the nobility of Spain assembled there in Parliament, on the subject of Portugal; for king John declared that kingdom was now fallen to him by the death of don Ferdinand, who had so settled it when he married the lady Beatrice; and, the states of the country having likewise agreed to it, he wanted their advice how to act.
“The lady Leonora was received with joy by the king and her daughter, and many inquiries were made relative to what was passing in Portugal. She told them truly everything she knew, and added, that the people would assuredly crown the master of Avis king, if not prevented; for that, don Fernando Audère have been always a zealous friend to the rights of Castille, they had murdered him. They readily believed what she said, as every appearance testified its truth. Some knights and barons of Portugal, from affection to the daughter of their late king, and to keep the solemn engagements they entered into at her marriage, quitted their country, and joined the king of Castille at Seville, leaving behind their wealth and properties. Among them were, don Pedro Alavarez Pereyra, grand prior of St. John, don Henriquez Manuel, count of Cintra, Juan Texeda, chancellor to the queen, and about twenty more, which emigration at this time greatly weakened Portugal, and much pleased the king of Spain, who was strengthened thereby.
“The king of Spain issued a special summons throughout his realm for all persons capable of bearing arms, from the ages of fifteen to sixty, to hasten to Seville; for he was determined to enter Portugal with a force sufficient to conquer it and make it his own. His commands were obeyed; and there were assembled before Seville upwards of sixty thousand men of every description. Lorenzo d’Acunha, on hearing that his wife, whom the late king of Portugal had ravished from him and made his queen, was arrived in Castille, waited on some of the king’s council by whom he was beloved, and asked their advice in the following terms: ‘My lords and assured friends, have I any means to obtain possession of my wife, who has left Portugal and is now in Seville? I know that Ferdinand took her by force, and against her inclinations. He is, as you know, dead; and in justice, therefore, I ought to have back my wife; tell me, then, how I should act.’ They replied, — ‘Lorenzo, there is not any chance of your ever having her again; for you would risk too much, and debase the honour of the lady, as well as that of the queen of Castille, and establish her bastardy. You see that our king is determined to conquer Portugal, and add it to his crown, as appertaining to him in right of his queen. Take care not to muddle more by your claims what is already troubled enough, for you will be put to death if you persevere. You may judge yourself what my be expected, if you prove the queen a bastard, which we maintain in this country to be false, and that she was born in legal marriage by a dispensation in due form from the pope.’ ‘What had I best do, then?’ said Lorenzo. ‘The best way for you to act is to set out instantly for your estate in Portugal, and leave the lady Leonora with her daughter: we see no other means of safety for you.’ ‘On my troth, I believe you advise me like real friends,’ answered Lorenzo. He only staid three days after this conversation in Castille, and having secretly packed up all this things, rode off in haste to Portugal, where he waited on the master of Avis, saying he was coming to serve under him, for he acknowledged him his king. Don John was rejoiced at this, made him governor of Lisbon, and restored to him all 156 his property. Thus, as I have related to you, my lord, was the fortune of Lorenzo d’Acunha restored to him.”
The duke of Lancaster took great pleasure in this conversation with Lawrence Fongasse, for he spoke French well, and the matter concerned him nearly. He was anxious to learn as much as possible, and, with great kindness, said, — “Lawrence, speak out boldly: I have not these two years heard any foreigner so explicit, and all you say appears truth itself. Continue, therefore, I beg of you; for the king of Portugal writes me word, you are the only person who can give me the fullest information of what has happened in that country.” “My lord,” returned the squire, “there have been few deeds of arms done in Castille and Portugal but on occasions when I have been an actor in them; and, since it pleases you that I continue my narration, I will do so.”
“King John of Castille assembled his forces as speedily as he could, and marched with a great power before Lisbon, prior to the coronation of the king, in order to alarm the inhabitants, and make good his claim to the kingdom. He advanced to Santarem, which is on the borders, and halted there two days. The garrison and townsmen, alarmed at his numbers, opened their gates, and surrendered themselves to him. When he had taken possession and re-garrisoned the place, he marched to Leyria†, which is a very strong town, and surrounded it. Leyria was attached to the Spanish interest, for the town formed part of queen Leonora’s dower; and, at the first attack of the king of Castille, it instantly surrendered. Having left there a strong body of men at arms, he advanced to Valenza d’Alcantara, and laid siege to it. He sent to tell the townsmen to humble themselves before him and receive him as their lord. The citizens replied, by advising him to march away to Lisbon, adding, that as soon as they should know he had gained that town by affection or force, they would send him the keys of Valenza. This answer being agreeable to the king of Spain, eh marched away. Another town called Serpa, which the king wished to gain, made a similar answer. Other towns did the same, so that he took the road to Lisbon; for he imagined, if he could conquer that city, he would soon master the remainder of the country. Wherever the king marched, he carried his queen with him, to show the Portuguese that it was in her right he claimed the crown, and that he had a just cause for so doing. Don John of Castille arrived with his whole army before Lisbon, and by his manner of forming the siege plainly showed he would not break it up until he had it in his power. He menaced the master of Avis, who was within the town, that if he could take him, he would put him and all the other rebels to an ignominious death.
“The army of don John was very numerous; and the Castillians and the French, who had come to his assistance, had so closely surrounded Lisbon, that no one could come out, or go in without danger of being taken. When any Portuguese were made prisoners by the Castillians in a skirmish or otherwise, their eyes were torn out, their legs, arms, or other members were cut off, and in such maimed state they were sent back to Lisbon, and bit tell their townsfolk that they had been so treated in despite of the Lisboners and their master of Avis, whom they were so eager to crown king; and that they would keep the siege until they had won the town by storm or famine, when they would show mercy to none, but put all to death, and give up the city to fire and flame. The Lisboners, however, did not revenge themselves so cruelly; for, whenever they made any prisoners, their king afforded them every comfort, and did not sent them back with hurt of any sort. This made many of the army say, he was a gallant fellow thus to return good for evil.
“During this siege of Lisbon, which lasted upwards of a year, there were every week two or more skirmishes, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides. The town was besieged by sea as well as by land; and the besiegers had plenty of all things, for provisions came to them from different parts of Spain. The Spaniards made one course up to the very gates of Lisbon; when Lorenzo d’Acunha sallied forth out of the barriers with his pennon, having the arms of Acunha borne before him, accompanied by many gallant friends, and excellent deeds of arms were then done with lance and dart.”
157“By my faith, Lawrence,” said the duke of Lancaster, “of all the arms the Castillians and your countrymen use, I love the dart the best, and like to see it used: they are very expert at it; and I must say, that whoever they hit with it, unless strongly armed, he will be pierced through.” “Indeed, my lord, you say truly: for I saw more bodies transfixed at these assaults than I ever witnessed before in my life. We lost one whom we much regretted. Lorenzo d’Acunha was struck with a dart that passed through his plates, his coat of mail, and jacket, though stuffed with silk, and his whole body, so that he was felled to the ground. The skirmished ceased on account of the dead knight; and thus was the lady Leonora made a widow, in one year, of both her husbands. Lorenzo d’Acunha was much lamented, my lord, for he was valiant in arms, and prudent in council. After his death, his cousin, called la Pouvasse d’Acunha, was appointed governor of Lisbon. He made three or four sallies on the Spaniards, in which he was victorious.
“The siege of Lisbon was continued to the great dismay of the inhabitants; for no succour seemed likely to come to them from any quarter. When their hopes began to fail of help from England, the king was advised to embark for that country, as their ambassadors had brought intelligence thence that assistance would be sent; and that your grace would bring reinforcements.” “In God’s name, that is very true,” replied the duke of Lancaster; “for I was on the point of sailing, having everything prepared, when the war in Flanders broke out. The men of Ghent called on England for aid; and they had given to them all, or at least the greater part, of those troops which I was to have led into Portugal. The bishop of Norwich carried them with him beyond sea, and thus retarded the expedition to Portugal.” “I vow to God, my lord,” said the squire, “we in Lisbon thought that there had something happened in England to prevent your coming to us. We managed, however, as well as we could, and bore up against the power of the king of Castille, which was not as well as we could, and bore up against the power of the king of Castille, which was not small; for he has upwards of sixty thousand men on sea and land, and menaced daily to destroy us without mercy, and burn Lisbon to the ground. During this siege of Lisbon, a lord of our country, called d’Acosta, did us a notable piece of service, and gained by it great renown. He freighted and armed twenty galleys at Oporto with good men at arms and provision, with which he put to sea, and by the grace of God, having a favourable wind to second their exertions, passed through the Spanish fleet, consisting of one hundred great vessels, that were lying at anchor before Lisbon, so opportunely that, whether they would or not, he arrived in the port with all his galleys unhurt, carrying with him four of the enemy’s vessels which he had conquered. The inhabitants were very much rejoiced at the success and the arrival of the lord d’Acosta.”
“By my faith,” said the duke, “this lord d’Acosta did you indeed a great service. Now, Lawrence, relate to me how this siege was raised, for I am well satisfied with your conversation.” “My lord,” replied the squire, “the siege lasted, as I have said, upwards of a year, for the king of Castille had sworn he would never break it up until Lisbon were under his obedience, or until some more powerful prince should force him to it. Considering what happened, the king of Castille religiously kept his vow of not breaking up the siege, unless force to it by a more powerful lord, as I will explain. A most destructive pestilence burst out in his camp, so that persons died suddenly whilst in conversation with each other. Upwards of twenty thousand were carried off by this plague; which so much alarmed the king, that he was advised to break up the siege, and retire to Santarem or elsewhere, and disband his army until the disorder should be checked. He consented to this very unwillingly; for he had solemnly sworn he would never leave the place until he had won it by fair or foul means; but he was forced to it by the principal lords in his army, who pressed him to march to Santarem.
“My lord, we Portuguese have always though, and have publicly said, that the Almighty, to afford us assistance, had out of his grace, sent this pestilence among our enemies; for those in the city wherein we were inclosed never felt the smallest attack from any such sickness, nor did we lose a man. Our king, when he saw the Castillians marching away, made the townsmen and garrison of Lisbon arm, and, sallying out on horseback, fell on the rear of those who were not in good array, broke their ranks, killed and wounded great numbers, and captured many of their stores. He also issued a proclamation, that no 158 one, under pain of death, should touch or carry into Lisbon any of the provisions the Spaniard had left in their camp, but that everything should be burnt, that the town might not be infected. All the provisions and stores were given up to the flames; but, I believe, wherever any money and plate were found, better care was taken of them.
“The king of Castille, on his arrival at Santarem, which is on the borders of his realm, remained there for some time. He made the most earnest solicitations to France for succour, but more particularly to Gascony, Béarn, and the county of Foix, whither he sent three horses laden with nobles of Castille and florins, as an advance to knights and squires, for he well know he could not by any other means induce them to quit their castles or country. The courage of the barons and knights of Portugal was much exalted when they found the king of Castille had retired from Lisbon, which he had besieged for upwards of a year‡, but more especially the commonalties of Oporto, Ourique, and Coimbra. They took counsel together, and instantly determined to crown the master of Avis king; for they had, through their love and good pleasure, already raised him to that honour, saying it was the common wish of the country, and that God would that he should be crowned, for he had displayed his virtues to the Castillians. It was proclaimed throughout the country, that all interested should be at Coimbra at a certain day, when the master of Avis would be solemnly crowned king of Portugal. All those of his party, and, considering the size of the country, it was a numerous body, attended the coronation, which was performed by the bishops and prelates with great pomp, in the cathedral church of Coimbra, dedicated to St. Mary, in Trinity-day, in the year of grace 1384§. The king on that day created sixty knights, as well of his own as from foreign countries. There were magnificent festivals at Coimbra, which lasted for two or three days. The barons, counts, knights, and squires, who held fiefs of the crown, renewed their homage; and the king swore to govern the realm with justice, and to maintain all their rights. The people swore to obey faithfully the king and his heirs after him, whether male or female, and never to desert him until death. Thus passed the coronation of the king of Portugal.
“The king of Castille, on hearing that the Portuguese, and particularly the commons, had crowned the master of Avis king, and had sworn to him homage and fidelity, was more pensive than before; for he did not imagine they would have been in such haste to crown him, as he had in his army so many of the nobles of Portugal. He said to those near him, — ‘I see clearly that by fair or foul means I must conquer what is my own, if I wish to possess it; for there never will be any peace between Castille and Portugal until the Portuguese have made amends for what they have done.’
“After the coronation, the king went to Lisbon, where he remained, and attended diligently to the affairs of the kingdom, at the same time endeavouring to acquire the affection of his subjects. He sent knights and squires to all his garrisons on the frontiers of Spain, for the king of Castille was now returned to Seville. The king of Portugal ordered sir John Ferdinand Portelet, an able and valiant knight, full of enterprise, to Treutouse¶, and with him two excellent knights, sir Vasco Martin d’Acunha, and his brother, sir Gil Vasco d’Acunha, and two hundred good men at arms well mounted. Sir John de Pereira was sent with fifty lances to the castle of Leyria, near Aljubarota; sir John Gomez da Silva, to Valença, which is opposite to the town of Tuy; this place had turned to the Spaniards when they marched to Lisbon, and it was as numerous garrison of Castillians and French. Sir Mondech Radigo was ordered to Serpa with fifty spears: to Oporto, Coimbra, and Ourique, the king sent none, for he knew the loyalty and attachment of those cities to his cause. Thus, as I tell you, were all the strong places garrisoned, and there were frequent skirmishes with one or the other; in which, as must happen, sometimes one side gained, sometimes another. There was, in particular, one celebrated skirmish between the garrison of Trancoso and the Castillians.”
“Ah, Lawrence,” interrupted the duke, “do not pass this over slightly, but tell me all 159 the particulars; for my greatest delight is the hearing of gallant deeds of arms.” “My lord,” replied the squire, “it is but right I should do so; for I well remember everything that happened, as I was banner-bearer on that day to John Ferdinand de Portelet, governor of Trancoso, who began the skirmish.
“You must know, my lord, that the king of Castille had placed good garrisons in all his towns on the frontier, who, by collecting at times together in one body, overran and much harassed the country. It happened that seven Spanish captains, of high birth and valour, assembled a body of three hundred lances, well mounted, with which they entered Portugal, and made a great booty of pillage and prisoners. They might have returned into Castille had they pleased, but their pride and presumption urged them to boast they would see what the garrison of Treutouse was made of. The whole country fled before them, so that the governor was apprised of the invasion. He called for his arms, on hearing the enemy were in the plain, and had his trumpet sounded to alarm the knights in the town. All armed in haste, and, mounting their steeds, sallied out of their place, when, on mustering themselves, they amounted to full two hundred spears. They drew up in good array, and showed plainly they were in earnest to meet their enemies. On demanding from the runaways, who were hastening to save themselves in Trancoso, where the Castillians might be found, they answered, not far off; as they were only marching at a foot’s pace, on account of the quantity of booty they had with them. Sir John Ferdinand Portelet was rejoiced on hearing this, and said to his companions, the brothers d’Acunha, — ‘My lords, let us advance, I beg of you; for I will never enter town or castle until I have seen our enemies, to offer them battle; and by every means attempt to recover their pillage and the prisoners they are carrying away.’ He then added, ‘Lawrence, display my banner; for we shall speedily come up with the enemy.’ I instantly obeyed this order; and, as we rode on at a good pace, we soon saw the dust the Castillians made. We took advantage of the sun being in our back, and overtook them.
“The enemy, perceiving us, halted and drew up in good array, placing their prisoners and plunder on one side. We were so near each other, that we could speak to them, and noticed three banners and four pennons; and we judged they were full three hundred, all well mounted. I will tell you the names of the captains; there were sir Juan Rodriguez, de Castanheda, a baron of Castille, sir Alvaro Garcia de Albornoz, sir Adiantado de Toledo, Pedro Soarez de Toledo, Adiantado de Caçorla, Juan Rodriguez Pereira, and Diego Eanes de Tavora.
“When we were thus near to each other, both parties dismounted, and the horses were given to the pages and varlets; but before any blow was struck, there was a parley held by the leaders of each troop; and, being present, I heard everything that was said. Sir John Portelet began by asking them why they had thus invaded Portugal? Sir Adiantado de Teledo replied that they had a right to invade any country they chose, to chastise rebels; for they had been commanded by their lord, the king of Castille, who was the true lord of Portugal, to enter that country, and plunder it; and, the inhabitants being rebels, they were carrying them away as prisoners. ‘You shall not carry them away nor their property neither,’ said sir John Portelet; ‘for we will take them from you, as you have not any right thus to act. Do you not know that we have a king of our own, who has sworn to govern justly, and punish all thieves and robbers? I therefore order you in his name, to lay down all that you have pillaged in Portugal, or else we shall fight with you, having justice on our side.’ Sir Adiantado de Toledo answered, — ‘As for our prisoners, we will not for certain yield them up; but in regard to other matters, we will consider of it.’
“the Castillian chiefs then withdrew to hold a consultation, and plainly showed, by what followed, that, although they had thus vauntingly advanced to Trancoso, they readily would have been excused a battle. After a short delay, they said that in regard to the cattle, they had determined to give them up, as well as the horses, and other things which would embarrass them on their return, but that they would keep the prisoners. ‘Oh but,’ replied the Portuguese, ‘it shall not be so: for you must give up all, or fight.’ the battle, upon this, commenced very sharply, for neither party spared itself: they were both active, and the field of battle was extensive. Javelins were thrown with such force, that whoever 160 they struck, unless well armed, was knocked down. Many gallant deeds were done; and sir John Fernando Portelet made good use of his battle-axe, as did the two brothers d’Acunha make great havoc with theirs. The Castillians, on their part, behaved admirably; and their fighting and pushing lasted upwards of three hours, without either side being shaken. It was wonderful how they could remain so long a time under arms, but their anxiety to leave the field with honour supported them; and I must say, that both nations are hardy in fight, more particularly when they feel the necessity of it. They were so long and so equally engaged, that any one who had seen them would not have known which side would be victor. However, thanks to God, no banner nor pennon was damaged in our army; but those of our adversaries began to give way, which greatly encourage our men, who were now as fresh as ever, and, shouting out ‘St. George for Portugal!’ broke through the ranks of the Castillians, and began to knock down on all sides. Such deadly strokes were given with battle-axes and leaden mallets, that they were completely defeated. The pages, seeing the discomfiture of their masters, took advantage of their horses and galloped off. Of the seven captains only one escaped, and he was indebted for it to his good page, who, perceiving him hard pressed, brought him a horse, and, having mounted him, led him out of the battle, so that Adiantado de Caçorla that day received a most essential service from his page. All the rest were put to death, for quarter was shown to none. Thus were the Castillians defeated by sir John Fernando Portelet, though there were at least two to one more in numbers, on a Wednesday, in the month of October, near the town of Trancoso, in the year of our lord 1384.
“When all was over, and the field clear, our men mounted their horses, and gave liberty to all whom the Castillians had captured; they also allowed them to carry away as much the plunder as they pleased; but the cattle, which amounted to more than eight hundred, were driven to the town, as a supply for the garrison. On re-entering Trancoso we were received with so much joy, that the inhabitants could not make too much of us, for having freed the country of its enemies. All who had heard of this battle praised us most highly for our valour.
“We had another successful engagement in the plains of Seville: but I will first relate the most brilliant success that has for these two hundred years ever happened to a king of Portugal, and which our king had about four months ago, when the enemy were upwards of four to one, all of them excellent men at arms and of high renown, which makes our victory the more glorious. But I fancy, my lord, you have heard enough of this battle before; and, being now sufficiently tired, I had better end the conversation.” “Oh, by no means,” replied the duke: “continue your narrative, for I shall cheerfully listen to you. In truth, I have in my household a herald called Derby, who was, as he says, present at this battle, and tells us that our countrymen performed wonders; but I doubt it much, for I cannot conceive that any numbers could have been there, as my brother Cambridge, when he left Portugal, brought back all the English and Gascons which had accompanied him. There are many heralds such liars, they exaggerate or depreciate according to their affections or dislikes, and, since these boasted exploits cannot have been forgotten, I shall thank you to be particular about them, whenever you speak of that part of the battle.” “On my troth,” answered Lawrence, “there were not with our king, at the battle of Aljubarota, more than two hundred foreigners, including English, Gascons, and Germans. The ablest captains among them were two Gascons and a German from the Duchy of Gueldres, whose names were, sir William de Montserrand, and Bernardon, Gascons, and Albert the German. There were a few English archers; but I never heard any name of note except of two squires, Northbury [Susan note check spelling before] and Hartsel, who assisted at the council whenever the king had it assembled.”
“Now relate to me how this famous battle was fought,” said the duke. “Willingly,” replied the squire, “for it was for this I was sent hither. I have already told you, that before the coronation of our king at Coimbra, the king of Castille had raised the siege of Lisbon, on account of the great mortality in his army, and had retired to Santarem. He was greatly mortified when he heard of the coronation of king John, in opposition to his claim on Portugal in right of his queen, and was advised to send everywhere for men at arms, 161 especially to France, as the French had before been their allies in the wars of his father the late king. His council said: ‘My lord, you only want one successful battle over the Portuguese to have them under your subjection; for that kingdom is, as you know, much divided in regard to the person to whom the crown belongs. You have now with you its principal nobles, who have acknowledged your right, which is assuredly of great importance to your war. If you march to combat this bastard of Portugal, who the commonalty have crowned king, before he be reinforced by the English you will conquer him, and the country be your own; for it is not of that extent but we can soon overrun it.’ The king of Castille sent envoys to France, Poitou, Brittany, Normandy and many other places where he thought it probable men at arms would come to serve him, but more particularly into Béarn, whence indeed numbers of gallant knights and squires did come. From that country there were more than from any other; and the army amounted, when at Santarem, to upwards of seven hundred lances and thirty thousand Spaniards, all well mounted, and eager to do us mischief.
“News was soon carried to Portugal of the great power the king of Castille had collected, and that he intended to renew again the siege of Lisbon. The king held a council to consider how he should act, when the nobles declared for marching to meet their enemies, and not shutting themselves up in any town of the kingdom; for if they were inclosed, they must remain so, and the Castillians in the mean time would overrun the country at their ease, and in the end starve them into submission. But if they marched, and posted themselves advantageously to wait the enemy, it would be the most advisable; ‘for,’ added they, ‘we know, my lord, that you will never enjoy peaceably the crown we have placed on your head before you have had a battle, and have once or twice defeated your adversary, the king of Castille, and all the force he can bring against you. If we gain the victory, the kingdom is yours; and, should we be overthrown, it will still remain in suspense. It is by far more honourable to seek our enemies than wait to be sought for; and many are the instances where the first have had the advantage over the latter. We therefore advise you to send to all from whom you expect assistance.’ ‘You say well,’ replied the king, ‘and I will follow what you recommend.’ He issued his summons for his subjects to meet him at Oporto on a fixed day. But you must know that those to whom he had thus written neither obeyed nor paid any attention to his orders; for the country were not unanimous in their choice of a king, and thus dissembled to see which of the two kings would be victorious. Indeed, some of the nobility had even joined the king of Castille, thinking his the juster cause. Notwithstanding this, the king of Portugal assembled all the forces he could muster, at Coimbra. To say the truth, those of the highest birth and of the greatest weight in Portugal were attached to him through personal affection: he had full five and twenty hundred knights and squires, and about twelve thousand infantry. He appointed the count de Novaire constable, and sir Aleyne Pereira¥ marshal of the army, both of them able and valiant knights, who knew well how to lead an army to battle.
“They left Coimbra and took the road towards Aljubarota at a gentle pace, on account of their heavy baggage following them. They sent forward their scouts, to observe the disposition of the enemy’s army. Sir John Fernando de Portelet had not joined the king, but remained in the castle of Ourem, five leagues from Aljubarota, not knowing, I believe, that an engagement was so near at hand. I can readily suppose the king of Castille had early notice of our march, which gave him and his army, as they showed, much pleasure. He was advised to hasten to meet us and give us battle, especially by the Gascons, who were eager for it, and requested to lead the van, which they obtained. Sir William de Montferrand, who was on our side with forty lances, had told us truly when he said, ‘Be assured you will soon have a battle, since you have Gascons opposed to you; for they like nothing better.’ The king lodged on the morrow with his whole army at Leyria, two leagues from Aljubarota, where, on the next day, we came and fixed our quarters. The Castillians followed us and encamped on the spot we had left; for they well knew by their scouts our line of march.
“My lord, the Portuguese have always had great confidence in God, and in the good 162 fortune which would attend them at Aljubarota; and it was for this reason they had now there encamped themselves.” “Aye,” said the duke, “pray tell me why.” “Willingly,” answered the squire. “In former days, Charlemagne, who was king of France and emperor of Germany and Rome, and a great conqueror, overthrew, at Aljubarota, seven infidel kings, slaying upwards of one hundred thousand of these unbelievers, as it is fully related in all our old chronicles.**. By this defeat, he won the city of Coimbra and all Portugal, which he turned to the Christian faith: and in honour of this victory over the infidels, he erected and endowed a large monastery for black monks, the revenues of which they were to receive as long s they should reside in Portugal.
“There was also another celebrated battle at this place, about two hundred years ago, which was won by the brother of a king of Castille, called the count of Portugal††: for at that time there were no kings of Portugal. There fell out a deadly hatred between these two brothers, caused by a dispute in the division of the countries; so that there was not any chance of peace without the event of a battle being first tried. The Portuguese were as warm in the matter as the count, and declared they would rather be put to death than become subject to Castille. They therefore marched, in battle-array, to meet the king at Aljubarota. The king of Castille came thither in such force that his army amounted to more than ten times the Portuguese, whom he held in the utmost contempt. The battle took place on the plains of Aljubarota, and was very bloody; but, in the end, the Portuguese gained the day, defeating the enemy and making their king prisoner. By this capture, the count of Portugal obtained whatever terms of peace he desired, and the boundaries of the two kingdoms were firmly established. The Portuguese, sensible that their victory was owing to God’s mercy, had their count crowned king by the nobles and prelates, in the city of Coimbra. They carried him in triumph throughout the kingdom, with a crown of laurel on his head, as a token of victory, like to that which kings were used to wear in former times; and ever since that day Portugal has had its king: and know, my lord, that the Portuguese, sooner than be under the subjection of the Castillians, would look for the most distant relation of any of their kings who had died without issue.
When king John of Portugal was arrived at Aljubarota, all these old stories were told him. While the constable and marshal were arranging their men, Sir John Fernando de Portelet arrived with his forty lancemen, having left the castle of Ourem that morning. His coming gave pleasure to all; and he was posted in the division near the king’s person. When our army was drawn up in proper array, and we were waiting for our enemies, whose numbers and state the scouts had been sent to observe, the king advanced to the centre, and having ordered silence, said, — ‘Gentlemen, you have crowned me your king: now shew your loyalty; for, since I am on the plains of Aljubarota, I will never retreat until I have combated our enemies.’ The army unanimously answered, — ‘My lord, we will remain steady to you, and, be assured, will never turn our backs.’ The two armies approached, for the Castillians were desirous of battle, as they plainly shewed. Our scouts were ordered to examine them narrowly, as to number and order, that we might take measures accordingly. They were more than three hours returning; and we began to fear we had lost them. At last, they came back with particular accounts of the enemy’s strength. They said there were in the van battalion at least seven thousand men armed from head to foot, in the handsomest manner possible; in that of the king, thirty thousand horse, and all well armed. When our men and their leaders heard the numbers of the enemy, and how they were marching, the van battalion being two leagues in advance of the main body with the king— for the Gascons and foreigners were not on good terms with the Castillians — they resolved to keep in a compact body within their intrenchments, and to form two wings with the men at arms, who amounted to about twenty-five hundred, in the rear of the wings. You would there, my lord, have witnessed a fine order of battle, and men showing great 163 courage. The king commanded, under pain of death, that no one should be ransomed, if the day were ours, but that all should be put to death. This was wisely done; for our lords said, that if we occupied ourselves in making prisoners, we should think of nothing else, and risk the loss of the day: it will be much better to combat vigorously, than attend to the dictates of avarice by making prisoners, and swell ourselves like men whose all is at stake.
“Our enemies now were advancing in as close order as possible just before us. They dismounted, and, driving their horses away, laced their plates and helmets very neatly, and, with vizors down and presented lances, marched to us very boldly: in good truth, there were the flower of chivalry and squireship, as was very apparent. Between us was a ditch, not so wide but a knight could leap over it, which was of some advantage to us; for our wings lanced very sharp darts as the enemy attempted to pass it, which wounded several so sorely, they were checked in the attempt. When they had all crossed it, the battle raged; for they imagined the king of Castille, with the main body, were close behind them; but it was not so, and they were all slain before his arrival. The manner of this happening was as follows:
“They were surrounded, as it were, by those called the commonalty of our country, who, coming on their rear, attacked them sharply with axes, whilst our men at arms, that were quite fresh, charged them in front, and drove them back into the ditch they had crossed. In less than half an hour the business was over, and all this body, of four thousand good men at arms, were put to death: none were ransomed; for whenever any of ours wished to show quarter to his prisoner, he was slain while in his hands. Thus did this slaughter befal the van battalion: not one escaped. Shortly after, the king of Castille and his army, consisting of thirty thousand men, well mounted, came up; but it was now night, and they were ignorant of the loss of their van. They were desirous of displaying their horsemanship, and, by way of gallantry, more than five hundred leaped over the ditch; but, my lord, not one of them ever returned back again. Among them that were thus slain were some of the highest rank, the most anxious for deeds of arms, and several of those noblemen who had left Portugal to serve under the king of Castille. Our men, on seeing the enemy thus defeated, advanced, and crossed the ditch, now nearly filled with water, from the number of bodies which had choked up the current; they then mounted their horses and pursued the enemy, who had taken flight; but it lasted not long, for it was soon so dark they were afraid of following them rashly, lest they might fall into some ambuscades; besides, they were not se well mounted as the Castillians. Had it been otherwise, they would have suffered more, and their king been either slain or made prisoner; but the obscurity of the knight, and the badness of our horses, saved them.
“I will now mention those who fell in this battle: and, to begin with the Portuguese who had changed sides, don John Alphonso Tello, the grand prior of St. John in Portugal, don Alvares his brother, with several more. Of Spaniards, don Pedro of Arragon, son to the constable; don Juan, son to don Tello, and don Fernando, son to don Sancho, both brothers-in-law to the queen; Diego Manrique, president of Castille; the marshal Carillo; the admiral Juan de Fovar, Pedro Alvarez Pereira, grand master of Calatrava; the grand master of St. James, with others. Of French, sir John de Ris; sir Geoffry de Ricon; sir Geoffry de Partenay; sir Espaignolet d’Espaign; sir Reginald de Soulier, surnamed Limousin, marshal of the king of Castille’s army. From Gascony and B7eacute;arn lay dead, the lord de Béarn; the lord de Mortan; the lord de Brignolles; sir Raymond d’Eurach; sir Berchand de Varuge; sir John Asolme; sir Raymond de Valentin; sir Adama de Mourasse; sir Meuvent de Arement; sir Peter de Sarembière, and many more, to the amount, in all, of upwards of twelve hundred gentlemen, knights, and squires. I will now name the most conspicuous of our party: first, the count de Novaire, constable of Portugal; Galopes Portelet; Peter Portelet, and Agalip Fernando Portelet his brother, who was by the king’s side, at his bridle; le Pouvasse d’Acunha; Egeas Toille de Pocich d’Assue; Vasco Martin de Melx; his son Vasco Martin, who was killed that day by a dart passing through his body. There were also among the dead, Gousselenas de Merlo; Alve Porie, marshal of the army, an excellent knight; Radigos Pereira; John James de Salve; John Radigos, cousin to the king; Daminondesque; Radigo; Radiges de Valeronceaux, and Mendignes de Valconsiaux.”
164He was here interrupted by a burst of laughter from the duke; and Lawrence asked, “My lord, what makes you laugh so heartily?” “Why, have I not sufficient cause? for i never in my life heard such a catalogue of strange names as you are repeating.” “On my faith,” replied the squire, “these are all proper names in my country; and we have some you would think more strange.” “I believe it,” said the duke; “but, Lawrence, what became of the king of Castille after this defeat? Did he never attempt to rally his men? Did he shut himself up in any of his owns? Did not the king of Portugal pursue him?” “Ho, my lord, we remained that night on the field of battle, and until noon the next day, when we marched to Leyria, and from thence to Coimbra. The king of Castille fled to Santarem, where he entered a barge, and, followed by fourteen others, embarked on board a large vessel, and went by sea to Seville, where the queen was. His army was dispersed in all directions, so that it was impossible to rally them, for their loss had been great. They will be long before they recover it: indeed they never will, unless succoured by the king of France‡‡. It is to counterbalance this alliance that the king of Portugal and his council have sent us hither, to renew and strengthen our connexion with the king of England and your lordship.” the duke said, “Lawrence, you shall not leave this country without having satisfactory answers to carry back; but tell me about the engagement you hinted at, which the Portuguese had with the Spaniards near Seville; for I love to hear of feats of arms, though I am no great knight myself.”
“After the glorious victory which king John had gained at Aljubarota, he returned in triumph to Lisbon, not hearing of the Castillians or French collecting in any bodies to continue the war. The king of Castille, with his queen, left Seville, and went to Burgos, and the remains of his army shut themselves up in different castles and towns. The garrisons of both sides frequently made war on each other. It chanced that the count de Novaire§§ constable of Portugal, entered Castille, not far from Seville, having with him about forty spears: he intended riding to Valverde, having heard there were in that town two hundred men at arms. When arrived at the barriers, he made a display of his strength, as a signal that he wished for battle; but those within remained still, and seemed to pay no attention to him, though they were secretly arming and preparing themselves.
“Our people having paraded before the place some time in vain, turned about had began their retreat homeward at a foot’s pace. They had not marched a country league before they saw the whole garrison of Valverde following them full gallop. They were led by a gallant man at arms, Diego de Padilla, grand master of the order of St. Jago, who brought them handsomely to the charge. The constable and his men instantly dismounted, and gave their horses to the pages and varlets: having grasped their spears, they drew up in a line. The Castillians, who were very numerous, wanted to capture their horses and varlets, saying, ‘Let us seize their horses: we cannot more effectually distress them than to make them return on foot;’ but the grand master would not consent. ‘We will not do so,’ said he; ‘if we have the horses, we will have their masters also; for we will fight them; and therefore dismount: they cannot withstand our numbers.’ While the Castillians were thus consulting, 165 our men, without paying any attention to their horses, seeing a small brook in their rear, crossed it quietly, and posted themselves on its bank. The enemy, having observed this, repented not having instantly made the attack; but, thinking they could soon defeat them, they began the combat by lancing darts, and whatever else they could lay hands on, so that it lasted from noon to evening. The constable, seeing the enemy had expended all their artillery, and had not wherewithal to fight, crossed the rivulet, with his banner displayed, and attacked them with lances. They were soon broken and in disorder; for, being tired by the weight of their armour, they could not withstand our charge, nor, from weakness, assist each other. They were speedily vanquished: the grand master, with sixty more, were left dead on the field, and the rest took to flight. We recovered our horses, and many others which the Castillians had rode thither. What is your opinion, my lord? did not our men behave gallantly?” “That they did, by my faith,” replied the duke. “By such feats of arms and conquests have the Portuguese entered the career of glory, since the accession of don John to the crown of Portugal. They say God is with them, and is their help in maintaining their rights. Indeed, my lord, they never fail declaring that God is on their side; for, ever since the death of king Ferdinand, in all matters of arms they have been concerning in, whether of consequence or not, victory has been for them. The count de Foix, who at this day is one of the most potent and wise lords, says, as we have been told by those from his country, that fortune sides with Portugal; and that, if his knights would have listened to him, they would never have left Béarn to fight against the king of Portugal.
“My lord, our king is wise and prudent; he fears and loves God, and has an affection for the church, which he exalts as much as in his power. He is frequently on his knees in his oratory and hearing divine service, and is very strict in never being disturbed whilst at prayer, whatever may be the business. He is a learned man, and understand some little of astronomy; but, above all, he will have justice administered impartially in his dominions, and the poor maintained in their rights. I have now, my lord, told you everything, according to your request, relative to our king and country, as I was charged to do when I left it; and you will give me such answers as may be agreeable to you.” “Lawrence, I before told you, and I now repeat it, that your coming hither and your conversation have given me great pleasure. You shall not depart without having every point of your demands fully answered.” “I thank you, my lord,” replied the squire. Upon this, the doors of the apartment were thrown open, and wine and spices were brought in, of which the ambassadors having partook, they departed to their hotel of the Falcon to repose themselves.
* He died 22nd Oct., 1383. — ED.
† “Leyria.” Froissart calls it Tuy; but Tuy is a town of Spain, on the opposite side of the river Minho to Valencia. There must be some mistakes; for the king of Spain, on leaving Seville, marches to besiege Lisbon. He comes to Santarem; so far is well; but from thence he turns off to Leyria and Valenza d’Alcantara; and, when the battle of Aljubarota takes place, the Portuguese march from Guimareans to combat the Spanish.
‡ It did not continue more than nine months. It was raised in the month of November of the same year in which it was begun. — ED.
§ 6th April, 1385. — ED.
¶ “Treutouse.” It is thus in all my copies, MS. and printed; but I cannot correct the mistake otherwise than by supposing it to mean Estremoy.
¥ Sir Alvaro Pereira, brother to the Constable Nuño Alvares Pereira. — ED.
** This is a mistake. Charlemagne never approached Aljubarota. The exploit of Alphonse Henriquez, the founder of the Portuguese monarchy, who defeated five Moorish Kings at the battle of Ouriqua, is probably the origin of this story. — ED.
†† Count Henry of Burgundy married Theresa, natural daughter of Alphonso VI. king of Castille and Leon.
‡‡ Don John, in commemoration of this event, founded the beautiful monastery and church of Batallia. It has been magnificently described by Mr. Murphy; and I copy a note from his publications, page 28.
“The following account is given of this battle by Emanuel de Faria, in his history of Portugal: — “The king of Portugal, understanding the approach of the Castillians, drew together his forces from Coimbra, Oporto, and other places, and marched out of Guimaraens, to give them battle. On the morning of the 14th August, 1385, he entered the plains of Aljubarota, where he knighted several gentlemen. The Castillians at first intended to march directly to Lisbon; yet, after some consultation, they resolved to engage. The forces on both sides were very unequal: the Castillians are reported to have been thirty thousand strong, and the Portuguese but six thousand five hundred, besides having some local disadvantages. The sun was setting when these two unequal armies engaged. The Castillians, at the first charge, broke the van-guard of the Portuguese; but the king coming up, his voice and example so re-animated his men, that in less than an hour the multitudinous army were put to the route. The king of Castille, who headed his troops, being troubled with an ague, was forced to take horse to save himself. Most of the Portuguese who sided with Castille, and who were in front of the army, were put to the sword, for no quarter was given them. The royal standard of Castille was taken; but many pretending to the honour, it could not be decided by whom. The number of the slain is not exactly known, though very great on the part of the Castillians. Of their cavalry, three thousand are supposed to have perished, and many persons of distinction. This is the famous battle of Aljubarota, so called, because it was fought near a village of that name.”
§§ Nunez Alvarez Pereira, who was only twenty-four years of age when he won the battle of Aljubarota. — ED.
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