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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 352-374.
CHAPTER CXX. — THE BRABANTERS HAVING PASSED THROUGH RAVENSTEIN*, ENTER GUELDERLAND, AND ARE DEFEATED BY THE DUKE OF GUELDRES. — THE SIEGE OF GRAVE IS RAISED IN CONSEQUENCE.
THREE short leagues from Grave lies the town of Ravenstein, belonging to the lord de Bourne, who is a vassal to Brabant. At the council I mentioned, the lord de Bourne was solicited by the ministers of the duchess of Brabant, and by the knights and squires, to open his town of Ravenstein for them to gain an entrance into Guelderland, and, with part of their army, overrun it; he complied with their request. The duke of Gueldres, I know not whether by spies or otherwise, gained information that the Brabanters intended entering his territories by the bridge of Ravenstein, through the compliance of the lord de Bourne. He was much cast down when he first leant this, as his force was not near sufficient to meet that of Brabant, which consisted of more than forty thousand men. He formed various plans how to act, and at last determined that, if the Brabanters entered his country, he would retaliate by the bridge of Grave, for he was resolved not to be shut up in any town. He consulted the lord de Ghesme, a great baron in Guelderland, and his principal adviser, who would not at first agree to his taking the field, on account of the smallness of his numbers. “And what must I do then?” said the duke. “Would you have me shut myself up in one of my towns, while they are plundering and burning my country?” this would be too great a loss. I vow to GOD and our Lady,” added the duke, “that I will take the field to meet my enemies, and follow the best measures I can devise that the event may be favourable.”
This plan he executed; and, on the morrow, after he had paid his devotions in the church, and made his offering at the altar of the Virgin, he drank some wine, and, mounting his horse, set out from Nimeguen. He was accompanied by only three hundred spears, or indeed less, and they made straight for the place where they supposed they should find their enemies. You may from this judge of the duke’s courage, although some blamed him. When they were without the town of Nimeguen, like a valiant knight, he shouted out, — “Forward, forward! let us, in the name of God and St. George, hasten to meet our enemy; for I had rather perish with honour in the field than die dishonourably shut up in a town.” With him were the lord de Ghesme, who commanded the expedition, and a valiant and prudent knight, called the heir of Hanseberth, the lord de Huckelem, sir Ostez, lord of Naspre, and several other knights and squires of good courage.
The same day on which the duke of Gueldres had taken the field, the séneschal of Brabant had done the same at a very early hour of the morning, with a large body of knights and squires from Brabant, who were eager to enter Gueldreland, and gain there both honour and profit. Upwards of ten thousand men crossed the bridge of Ravenstein; and the séneschal;, the lord de Ligniere, the lord de Bourgueval, the lord de Gence, and the rest, were much pleased at having crossed the Meuse, and said among themselves, they would that day ride as far as Nimeguen, and burn its mills, suburbs, and the villages that were round about; 353 but they had shortly other news brought them by their scouts, whom they had sent forward to examine the country. The duke of Gueldres was informed, that his enemies, to the amount of ten thousand, were abroad, and had passed the Meuse at the bridge at Ravenstein. The duke halted, on hearing this, to consider again the best mode of proceeding, for some of his companions were alarmed at the smallness of their numbers in comparison with the enemy, who were at least thirty or forty for one. They said, — “How is it possible for three or four hundred lances to oppose ten or twelve thousand? it is not in our power to overthrow them, but they may very easily slay us.” Several assembled round the duke and advised him to retreat to Grave; but he replied, — “he would never do so, nor confine himself in any town, but march to meet his enemies, for his courage told him he should defeat them; and he preferred dying with honour to living in disgrace. We will overthrow,’ said he, “our enemies, and gain this day infinite honour and wealth.” He then, after a short pause, added in a loud voice, — “Forward, forward! those who love me will follow me.” This speech of the duke greatly encouraged his men, more especially those who had heard the whole; and they all showed a great earnestness to combat their enemies, who were fast approaching. They tightened their armours, lowered the visors of their helmets, and re-girthed their saddles, and marched slowly in handsome array, that their horses might be fresh for the charge. Some new knights were made, and they marched in this order towards Ravenstein.
The Brabanters, with great numbers of common people, had already crossed the river, when news was brought to the séneschal and his knights that the duke of Gueldres had taken the field, and was so near that they must speedily see him. They were much surprised at this intelligence, and concluded that the duke must at least have had with him six times more men than he had. They instantly halted, and would have drawn themselves up in array, but had not time; for the duke of Gueldres appeared with his company full gallop, with spears in their rests, and shouting their cry, “Our Lady for Gueldres!” A squire of Guelderland, called Hermaut de Borbec, deserves particular attention, from the great desire he had to exalt his name. He left the ranks of the battalion, and, spurring his horse, was the first to assault the enemy, and at this gallant tilt unhorsed the man he struck. I know not if he were raised from the ground,, for the crowd was so great, that when any were dismounted, unless instantly relieved, they ran great risk of being crushed to death. More than six score Brabanters were unhorsed at this first charge. Great confusion and dismay, with but a poor defence, reigned among them. They were so suddenly attacked, (which is the way enemies should be by those who wish to conquer them,) that although they were so numerous, and had many great lords, they were dispersed: they could never form any array, nor could the lords rally their men, nor these last join their lords. Those in the rear, hearing the noise, and seeing the clouds of dust, thought their men must have been discomfited, and that the enemy were coming to them, so that they became panic-struck, and, turning about, fled for Ravenstein or the Meuse. Their fright was so great, they rushed into the river, whether on horseback or on foot, without sounding the bottom or knowing if it were fordable, for they imagined the enemy was at their heels. By this self-defeat, upwards of twelve hundred perished in the river Meuse; for they leaped one on the other, without any distinction, like wild beasts. Many great lords and barons of Brabant (whose names I shall not disclose, to save them and their heirs from the disgrace that would attach to them) most shamefully fled from the field, and sought their safety, not by the river nor by Ravenstein, but by other roads that carried them to a distance from their enemies.
This unfortunate event to the chivalry of Brabant happened between Grave and Ravenstein. Great numbers were slain. All who could surrender did so instantly; and the German took them at ransom very readily, for the great profit they expected to make from them. Those who fled to Grave gave the alarm to the besieging army; for they arrived out of breath, and so harassed that they could scarcely say to them, “Retire as fast as you can, for we have been totally defeated, and nothing can save you.” When those in camp saw their appearance and heard their report, they were so frightened that they would not stay to pack up anything, nor even take down their tents and pavilions, but set off without bidding adieu, and left everything behind them. They were seized with such a panic as neither to 354 take victual nor carriage; but such as had horses leaped on them, and fled for safety to Bois-le-Duc, Houdan, Mont St. Gervais, Gertruydenberg, or Dordrecht. Their only care was to save themselves, and fly from their enemies. Had the garrison of Grave known of this defeat of the Brabanters, they would have greatly gained by it, and killed or brought back many of the runaways. They were not made acquainted with it until late, when they sallied forth, and took possession of tents, pavilions, and warlike engines the Brabanters in their fright had left behind, which they brought at their leisure into Grave, for there were none to oppose them. Thus was the siege of Grave broken up, to the great loss of the Brabanters. News was spread far and near, how a handful of men had overthrown forty thousand and raised the siege of Grave. The lord de Bourgueval and the lord de Linieres were made prisoners, with others to the amount of seventeen banners. These and the pennons you will find hung up before the image of our Lady at Nimeguen, that the perpetual remembrance of this victory may be kept up.
* “Ravenstein,” — a town of the Netherlands in Dutch Brabant, and capital of a county of the same name, with an ancient and strong castle. It belongs to the elector of Palatine; but the Dutch have a right to put a garrison there. It is situated on the Meuse, on the confines of Guelderland, ten miles south-west of Nimeguen.
CHAPTER CXXI. — THE DUKE OF GUELDRES, AFTER THE DEFEAT OF THE BRABANTERS, RETURNS TO NIMEGUEN. — ON THE NEWS OF THIS VICTORY, THE KING AND COUNCIL OF FRANCE SEND AMBASSADORS TO THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY, THE MORE SECURELY TO CARRY ON THEIR WAR AGAINST GUELDERLAND.
SCARCELY can I for shame perpetuate the disgraceful defeat of the Brabanters; but, as I have promised at the commencement of this history to insert nothing but what was strictly true, I must detail the unfortunate consequence of this battle. The young duke of Gueldres gained this renowned victory about Magdalen-tide, in the month of July 1388. When the defeat and pursuit were over, which took up about two hours’ time, and the field cleared, the Gueldrians collected together, and greatly rejoiced, as indeed they had cause, at the fortunate success of the day, for they had many more prisoners than they were in number themselves. The heralds were ordered by them to examine the dead, and report who had been slain. Among them was the young and handsome son of the count de Namur (who was styled the Vaissier de Celles, lord de Balastre,) which, when told to the duke, greatly afflicted him; and he bitterly lamented his loss, for he was of a most amiable character, and had been the preceding year his companion at arms in Prussia.
A council was held in the field, whether or not to retire to Grave and carry their prisoners thither; but the duke opposed it, saying, — “I made a vow to our Lady of Nimeguen when I left that town, and which I again renewed before we began the combat: in obedience to which, I order, that we gaily return to Nimeguen, and offer our thanksgivings to the Holy Virgin, who has assisted us in our victory.” This command was obeyed; for, as the duke had given it, no one made any objection; and they set out, on their return towards Nimeguen, full gallop. It was two long leagues from the field of battle, but they were soon there.
On this fortunate news being told in the town, great rejoicings were made by both sexes; and the clergy went out in procession to meet the duke, and received him with acclamations. The duke did not turn to the right nor left, but rode with his knights straight to the church where the image of our Lady was, and in which he had great faith. When he had entered her chapel, he disarmed himself of every thing to his doublet, and offered up his armour on the altar, in honour of our Lady, returning thanksgivings for the victory he had gained over his enemies. The banners and pennons of the enemy were all hung up in the chapel, but I know not if they be still there *: the duke retired to his hotel, and his knights to their homes, to pay attention to themselves and their prisoners, from whom they expected great ransoms. When the report of this victory over the Brabanters was made public, the duke of Gueldres was more feared and honoured than before.
The duchess of Brabant, who had resided at Bois-le-Duc, was much vexed, as indeed she had reason, at this unfortunate turn in her affairs, and that the siege of Grave was raised. 355 She ordered a strong garrison into Bois-le-Duc to guard the frontiers, and then returned through Champagne to Brussels. She wrote frequently to the duke of Burgundy the state of things, and eagerly pressed him to assist her in the recovery of her losses; for all here hopes were in him. You may suppose, the news of this victory was instantly known in France, particularly at the court of the king; but they were little surprised at it, rather holding it cheap, imagining, when the king marched thither, they should make themselves ample amends. Orders were sent to sir William de la Tremouille and to sir Gervais de Merande, who had been placed by the duke of Burgundy in the three castles on the Meuse, to guard well that frontier, and to make no sallies where there should be any risk of loss; for that they would shortly hear from the king, who was preparing to visit this duke of Gueldres and his country in person. Sir William had been greatly hurt at the late defeat of his friends, but the intelligence from France raised his spirits, and he acted conformably to the orders he had received.
Let us return to what was passing in France. The king’s ardour for the invasion of Gueldreland was no way abated: he was anxious to undertake it at all events, for the challenge of the duke had mightily enraged him; and he declared that, cost what it would, he would have ample reparation, or his territories, with those of his father, the duke of Juliers, should be despoiled and burnt. Summonses were sent to all the dukes, counts, knights, barons and men at arms, of France, to provide themselves with sufficient purveyances for a long journey; and one of the marshals of France, sir Louis de Sancerre, was ordered to remain to guard the kingdom, from beyond the river Dordogne to the sea; for in Languedoc, and in the country between the Garonne and the Loire, the truce had been accepted; and the other marshal, the lord de Blainville, was to accompany the king. The different lords made such immense provision of stores of all kinds, it was wonderful to think of, more especially in wines. All those in Champagne were bespoken for the king, the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Touraine, and Bourbon; carriages also, of every description, in those parts, were likewise retained for them: indeed, the preparations for this expedition were prodigious.
The duke of Brittany was still at Paris, and could not obtain any decision respecting his affairs, for the king resided chiefly at Montereau-sur-Yonne. He was, however, well entertained with feasts and fair words. The nobles begged of him to have patience, for he would very shortly have his business finished; but that the king was so impatient to begin his march to Germany, he attended to nothing else. The duke was forced to make the best he could of it, perceiving he could not amend it, and, since he had come to Paris, was resolved not to depart but with the good will of the king, although his stay was attended with vast expenses. When it was known for certain that the expedition to Gueldreland was to take place, and that a tax had been ordered throughout France for the payment of the knights and men-at-arms, many of the wisest in the country, whether of the council or not, said that it was ill advised to encourage a king of France to march such a distance in search of his enemies, and that the kingdom might suffer from it, (for the king was young, and very popular with his subjects,) and that it would have been fully sufficient for one of the king’s uncles, or both of them, with the constable of France, to have gone with six or seven thousand lances, without carrying the person of the king thither.
The king’s uncles were of a similar opinion: they most prudently remonstrated with him, on the impropriety of his marching with his army, and were urging many strong reasons against it, when he flew into a rage, and shortly interrupted them, by saying, — “If you go thither without me, it will be contrary to my will and pleasure; but I can assure you, you shall not receive one penny, for otherwise I cannot restrain you.” When the dukes of Berry and Burgundy heard this answer, they saw he was determined upon going, and replied, — “God be with you: you shall go then; and we will no more think of undertaking it without your company.” These lords and the council then deliberated on an affair of some consequence to this intended war. There had been a treaty for a long time in force, between the king of France and the emperor of Germany, which stipulated, that neither of them were to enter the territories of the other with an armed force; that is to say, that the king of France and the emperor could not make war on each other without incurring a 356 heavy penalty, and the sentence of the pope, who had solemnly sworn, at his coronation, to maintain these two kingdoms in peace. It was therefore resolved, in case the king persisted in his intention of invading Guelderland, which was a dependence on the empire, to make the emperor fully acquainted with the duke of Gueldres’ rash conduct, and lay before him the insolent challenge he had sent the king of France, who, to make him sensible of his folly, was preparing to march an army into Germany, not any way hostile to the emperor or to his territories, but solely against this duke of Gueldres, and to attack him wherever he should find him.
Sir Guy de Honcourt, a valiant knight, and sir Yves d’Orient, one of the judges in parliament, were appointed ambassadors to carry this message to the emperor. When they had received their instructions and made their preparations, they took leave of the king and his uncles, and rode for Châlons in Champagne, with an attendance suitable to their rank, and the purpose they were going on. They met the lord de Coucy at Châlons, retaining knights and men-at-arms from Bar, Lorrain, and Champagne, for this expedition, of which he was to command the van-guard. He entertained the ambassadors one day splendidly at dinner, and on the morrow they continued the road to Sainte Menehould, and thence towards Luxembourg, to gain intelligence where the emperor was.
* In the last paragraph of the preceding chapter, it is intimated that they were still remaining. — ED.
CHAPTER CXXII. — THE KING OF FRANCE AND HIS COUNCIL PERMIT THE DUKE OF BRITTANY TO RETURN HOME. — THE STATES OF BRABANT SEND EXCUSES TO THE KING OF FRANCE, FOR NOT ALLOWING HIS ARMY TO PASS THROUGH THEIR COUNTRY. — THE SUCCESS OF THE AMBASSADORS WITH THE EMPEROR.
ALTHOUGH ambassadors had been sent to the emperor, the French did not way relax in their warlike preparations. It was signified to all to assemble in readiness for the field in or near the country of Champagne by the middle of the ensuing August; since the king had then determined to begin his march, whether or not he should receive answers, through sir Guy de Honcourt and master Yves d’Orient, from the emperor of Germany. The king and his uncles thinking it was now time to dismiss the duke of Brittany, he was summoned to Montereau, where the king most kindly received him, as did the duke of Burgundy and Touraine. The duke of Berry was at the time in Berry making his preparations and levies of men-at-arms, having fixed on Poitou for the place of assembly, before they began their march. The king and the duke of Burgundy, as I have said, treated the duke of Brittany in the most friendly manner. He had before surrendered the castles and town of Jugan to the officers of the constable, but made great difficulty to pay back the hundred thousand francs, which has been expended in the provisioning his castles, and in retaining men-at-arms the whole of last winter, thinking a war would be declared against him; but ht was so fairly spoken to, that he promised the king and the duke of Burgundy to repay this sum, of one hundred thousand francs, in the course of five years, by yearly payments of twenty thousand francs. The duke, after this, took leave of the king, who made him very handsome presents of jewels, and went back to Paris. The duke of Burgundy, before his departure, gave to him and his knights a magnificent entertainment in his hôtel, called the hôtel d’Artois, when they separated on the most friendly terms.
The duke of Brittany made no longer stay after this at Paris; but having arranged his affairs, and had his expenses paid by his officers, he set out, taking the road to Estampes, travelled through Beauce to Beaugency on the Loire, with a numerous body of attendants riding before him. From Beaugency his attendants continued their road through the country of Blois, Touraine, Maine, and Anjou; but the duke had his vessels waiting for him at Beaugency, and embarking on board a handsome yacht, with the lords de Montfort and de Malestroit, sailed down the Loire, passing under the bridge at Blois, and not stopping until he came to Nantes, when he was in his own country. I will now leave the duke of Brittany, who strictly kept the engagements he had entered into with the king of France and his uncles, and has never since done any thing worthy of being remembered in this history, nor do I know if he ever will. If he should, I will relate it, according to the manner it shall be told me.
357The king of France was busily employed in making his preparations to invade Gueldreland. The lord de Coucy, on his return to Montereau, informed the king and his uncles, that all the chivalry of Bar, Lorrain, Burgundy, and as far as the Rhine, were ready and willing to attend them, in their expedition to Germany. The king was much pleased on hearing this, and said, that “if it pleased God, he would this year pay a visit to his cousins of Gueldres and Juliers.” A council was held on the most convenient line of march, when some said, that the shortest way would be through Tiérache*, along the frontiers of Hainault and Liege, and passing through Brabant into Gueldres; but others proposed crossing the Meuse at or near Utrecht, and, having passed that river, to enter Juliers, and march thence into Guelderland. Upon this, the king and council wrote to the duchess and states of Brabant, to signify that the king and his army intended marching through their country. — The duchess would have readily consented; but the states refused the passage, saying the country would suffer too much from it. The principal towns and nobles were all of this opinion, and told the duchess, that if she allowed the French to enter their country, they would never bear arms for her against Gueldres, but would shut themselves up in their castles, and defend all the entrances to the country, for they should have more damage done to themselves and lands by such passengers than if their enemy were in the country. The duchess, finding so strong an opposition to allowing a passage to the French, dissembled her real thoughts, and calling to her Sir John Opem, master John Grave, and master Nicholas de la Monnoye, charged them to set out instantly for France, and make excuses for the states of Brabant, to the king and the duke of Burgundy, for their refusal to allow the French army to pass through Brabant, fearful lest the country would be too severely oppressed; and to entreat them, for the love of God, not to be dissatisfied with her, as she had done every thing in her power to obtain their consent.
These envoys left Brussels, and arrived at Montereau-sur-Yonne, where they found the king and his uncles, whose whole conversation, day and night, was on the expedition to Guelderland. — They first waited on the duke of Burgundy, to whom they gave their letters, and explained so well the reasons of the states’ refusal that he was contented, and, at the prayer of his aunt, promised to mediate between them and the king. The lord de Coucy was likewise of very great service to then, so that the first plan of passing through Brabant was given up, and the excuses from the duchess and her states were accepted. It was then determined, as more honourable for the king and his allies, to march straight through his kingdom. A council was held on the choice of those who were to form the vanguard; and two thousand five hundred pioneers were appointed to clear away all trees and hedge-rows, and to make smooth the roads. The army had by their means a most excellent road through France to the forest of Ardennes; but there it failed them, for rocks, forests, and various obstacles opposed their passage. The lord de Coucy, who had the command of the vanguard, consisting of one thousand lances, sent forwards persons to examine which would be the safest road for the king and the baggage to march (for there were upwards of twelve thousand carriages, without counting baggage horses), to lay open the forest, an make roads where no traveller had ever before passed. Every one was eager to be thus employed, more particularly those who were near the king’s persons; for he was never so popular at any time as he was now in Flanders, nor were his subjects ever so united to assist him as in this expedition against Gueldres. While this was passing, the king sent the lord de Coucy to Avignon, to the person who styled himself pope Clement, I know not on what business; and the viscount de Meaux, sir John de Roye, and the lord de la Bonne, commanded in his absence.
We will now say something of the ambassadors who had been sent to the emperor of Germany. They continued their journey until they arrived at Convalence†, where the emperor resided. After dismounting at their hôtel, they made themselves ready to wait on him, who had before heard of their coming, and was very impatient to know the cause of it. Having assembled his council, the ambassadors were introduced to the presence of the emperor, 358 whom they saluted most reverently, and gave him their credential letters from the king of France. After he had attentively perused them, he eyed sir Guy de Honcourt, and said, “Guy, tell us, in the name of God, what you are charged with.” The knight spoke long and ably in explaining to the emperor and his council the reason why the king of France was about to enter the German territory with a large army, not with the smallest intent to injure that or any other part of the territories belonging to the emperor, but against a personal enemy. He then named him, and added, — “The duke of Gueldres has thought proper to send the king of France a most insolent challenge, couched in outrageous language, not usual in such cases, for which the king and his council have determined to punish him. The king, therefore, entreats you, dear sire, from your connexions by blood, that you will not abet this duke in his presumptuous conduct, but keep those treaties of alliance which have formerly been made between you and France, as he on his part is resolved to abide by them.” The emperor, in reply, said, — “Sir Guy, we have some time been informed, that our cousin, the king of France, has been collecting a large body of men-at-arms, at a vast expense, when it was unnecessary for him to give himself so much trouble for so small an object; for, had he made his complaints to me, I would have forced the duke of Gueldres to hear reason without the great expense he has been at.” “Sire,” answered sir Guy, “you are very kind in thus expressing yourself; but our lord, the king of France, values neither expense nor trouble wherever his honour is concerned; and his council are solely anxious that you should not be dissatisfied with him, for he is determined in no way to infringe the treaties that exist between France and Germany: on the contrary, to strengthen them as much as possible, and for this have sir Yves d’Orient and myself been sent hither.” “We are by no means,” said the emperor, “dissatisfied with what is doing in France, and thank by cousin for the information he sends me: let him come, in God’s name, for I do not intend to move.”
The ambassadors were well pleased with this reply, and considered the matter as concluded to their wish. They requested answers to the letters they had brought, which were cheerfully promised. They dined that day in the emperor’s palace, and by his orders were well feasted. In the evening they retired to their lodgings, and managed things so well, that the business was finished to their satisfaction. Having received their letters in reply to those they had brought, they took leave of the emperor, and returned by the way they had come to the king of France; of whom we will now speak.
* “Tiérache,” — a fertile country in Picardy, watered by the Oise and Seine, to the west of Champagne and the south of Hainault.
† “Convalence.” Q. Constance.
CHAPTER CXXIII. — THE COUNT DE BLOIS SENDS TWO HUNDRED LANCES TO SERVE THE KING IN HIS EXPEDITION TO GUELDRES. — THE AMBASSADORS BRING FAVOURABLE ANSWERS FROM THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY. — THE KING OF FRANCE CONTINUES HIS MARCH TOWARD THE FOREST OF ARDENNES. — SIR HELION DE LIGNAC MAKES HIS REPORT TO THE DUKE OF BERRY, TOUCHING HIS MARRIAGE WITH THE DAUGHTER OF THE DUKE OF LANCASTER.
THE great lords and barons of France were busily employed in making their preparations for the expedition to Gueldres; and those from the more distant parts of the kingdom, in Auvergne, Limousin, Quercy, Rouergue, and other provinces, had already begun their march towards Champagne. The greater numbers came from Picardy, Burgundy, Champagne, Bar, and Lorrain, because they were nearer the place of assembly. The villages in France were not so harshly treated as usual: for the king had forbidden, under pain of death, that anything should be taken from them without payment. Notwithstanding this order was made very public, the men-at-arms on their march did much mischief; for, though the punishment was so heavy, they could not abstain from what they had been accustomed to. They were indeed very badly paid, and consequently thought they had a right to provide for themselves. This was the excuse they made whenever they were reprimanded by their captain or marshal. The count de Blois was summoned, and he returned for answer, he would send two hundred chosen lances well equipped and paid. I know not how he was dealt withal, but he sent two hundred knights and squires to serve the king, from his county of Blois, under the command of the lord de Vienne, sir William de Saint Martin, sir William 359 de Chaumont, and the lord de Montigny, who marched at their leisure towards Champagne, whither they had been ordered.
The king of France left Montereau-sur-Yonne, and took the road for Châlons in Champagne, without the duke of Berry joining him. He was still in Berry, waiting for the return of sir Helion de Lignac, with answers from the duke of Lancaster, respecting his marriage with his daughter. He, however, received none; for the duke of Lancaster detained him at Bayonne, dissembling his opinion between him and the ambassadors from Castille; but he was more inclined, as well as the duchess, to close with the last; yet, before them, he showed the utmost attentions to sir Helion, to make them the more eager to finish the business. The Castillian ambassadors laboured hard to bring the marriage to a conclusion. They were four in number, don Fernando de Leon, doctor in divinity and confessor to the king, the bishop of Segovia, don Pedro Gadelope, and don Diego Loup, who were continually going or returning from one party to the other. The duke, however, gave them to understand that he would prefer a union with Castille to one with France, provided they would agree to his terms. He demanded payment of six hundred thousand francs within three years, twelve thousand annually for his and the duchess’s lives, and two thousand more for the duchess’s household yearly*.
When it was known that the king had left Montereau for Châlons, all those who had remained at home hastened their march to join him. Thither came the duke of Berry, whose quarters were at Espinay, and the duke of bourbon, the count de la Marche, the dauphin d’Auvergne, the count de Sancerre, the count de St. Pol, the count de Tonnerre. Near the king’s person were the duke of Burgundy, the duke of Lorrain, the duke of Touraine, the constable of France, sir John de Vienne, sir Guy de la Tremouille, sir Barrois des Barres, and sir John de Bueil. The whole country round Rheims and Châlons, 360 to the extent of twelve leagues, was destroyed by these men at arms, who were dispersed over it, from Sainte Menehould to Monstier in Bar, to Chaumont in Bassigni†, to Vitry on Pertois‡, and the whole of the bishoprics of Troyes and Langres. The lord de Coucy was not yet returned from his journey to Avignon.
About this time sir Guy de Honcourt and sir Yves d’Orient came back from their embassy to the emperor, and met the king at Châlons. The king and his nobles were rejoiced at their arrival, and inquired the news. They told them all that had passed; that the emperor had very kindly received them, and handsomely entertained them; and sir Guy added, — “Sire, and you my lords, when the emperor and his council had read your letters and the copy of the duke of Gueldres’ challenge, they were very indignant at his presumption, and are desirous, from what we could learn, that he should be punished for his insolence: nor will the emperor make any opposition to your intended war, which he seems indeed much to approve of, but keep strictly to all the articles of the treaties entered into between him and France, so that all your doubts concerning his conduct may be dissipated.” The king of France and his council were well satisfied on hearing this, although many said, that whether the emperor would or not, they were in sufficient numbers to go whither they pleased without fearing any one.
The king gave orders for the march of the army, and he left Châlons for Grand Pré§, where he remained for three days. He could not make any long marches, from the great concourse of men that were in his front, in his rear, and on all sides; and he was forced to move gently on account of his great train of baggage and purveyances, which occupied a length of fourteen country leagues, and was daily increasing. The count de Grand Pré received the king in his town with every respect, and ordered all things so much to the king’s pleasure, that he expressed his satisfaction to the count, who was attached to the van division. The duke of Lorrain and sir Henry de Bar here joined the king with a handsome company of men-at-arms. The duke of Lorrain was ordered to the division of his son-in-law, the lord de Coucy, but sir Henry de Bar remained near the king.
The pioneers had been continually employed in clearing the forest of Ardennes, by felling of timber, and making roads where none had ever been before. They had much difficulty in the filling up of valleys and forming a tolerable road for the carriages to pass, and there were upwards of three thousand workmen who laboured at nothing else, from Vierton to Neufchâtel in the Ardennes. The duchess of Brabant was exceedingly pleased when she concluded she should now have her revenge on the duke of Gueldres, and that the king of France would make both him and his father, the duke of Juliers, repent of their conduct, which had given her many mortifications. She set out in handsome array from Brussels, accompanied by the lord de Samines, in the Ardennes, the lord de Bocelars, the lord de Broquehort, and several others, for Luxembourg, to receive the king, and have some conversation with him. She crossed the Meuse by the bridge at Huy¶, and went to Bastoigne, where she halted; for the king was to pass there, or very near it, which he did. When he set out from Grand Pré, he crossed the Meuse at Morsay¥, with his whole army; but his marches were very short, for the reasons I have before given.
News was brought to the dukes of Juliers and Gueldres, for such intelligence is soon spread abroad, that the king of France was on his march to visit them, with an army of one hundred thousand men; and that he had never collected so large a body, except when he marched to Bourboug, imagining the English to be in greater force than he found them. The duke of Juliers began to be greatly alarmed; but his son, the duke of Gueldres, made light of if, saying, — “Let them come: the greater the number, the sooner will they be worn down, their baggage destroyed, and their purveyances ruined. Winter is coming on, and my country is a strong one: they will not easily enter it, and, when they make the attempt, shall be driven 361 back with other sounds than trumpets. They must always keep together, which will be impossible, if they mean to invade my territory; and, if they separate, my people will take them whether they will or no. — However, our cousin of France shows good courage; and I give him credit for doing what I would attempt if in his place.” Such were the conversations the duke of Gueldres held with his knights on this subject; but the duke of Juliers was, on the contrary, quite disconsolate; for he saw, if the French were determined on it, his country must be ruined and burnt. He sent for his brother, the archbishop of Cologne, and his cousin, sir Arnold de Hornes, bishop of Liege, to consult with them on the occasion, and see if there were any probable remedy to prevent his lands from being despoiled. These two prelates gave him the best advice in their power, and recommended him to humble himself before the king of France and his uncles, and submit to their will. The duke having answered, that he would most cheerfully do so, the bishop of Utrecht, who was likewise present, with the assent of the archbishop, advised the bishop of Liege to set out with his array to meet the king of France, and treat with him on this subject.
The king of France continued his march, but only two, three, or four leagues a day, and sometimes not one, from the great baggage, which was too large by far, that accompanied him. Sir William de Lignac, and his brother sir Helion, joined the king between Mouzon and Nôtre Dame d’Amot**, where the duke of Berry, with his body of five hundred spears, was quartered. Sir William had come from the siege of Ventadour, by orders of the duke of Berry, as had sir John Bonne-lance by similar ones from the duke of Bourbon. They had left their army under the command of sir John Bouteiller and sir Lewis d’Ambiere, as they were desirous of attending the king in this expedition. Sir Helion had come from Bayonne, where he had been treating, as you have heard, with the duke of Lancaster, for the marriage of his daughter with the duke of Berry. The duke of Berry made him good cheer, and inquired after his success. Sir Helion related everything that had passed, and told him the king of Castille was earnestly negotiating a peace with the duke of Lancaster by the union of his son, the prince of Galicia, with his daughter. The duke was very pensive on hearing this, and, after a pause, said, — “Sir Helion, you will return to France; and I will send you once more, accompanied by the bishop of Poitiers, for the duke of Lancaster’s decisive answer; but at this moment we have enough on our hands.” This same week, the lord de Coucy returned from Avignon to the king in the Ardennes, to the great joy of the whole army.
* According to Lopez de Ayala, the messengers sent by the king of Castille to the duke of Lancaster at Bayonne were Ferrand de Illescas, a monk of the order of St. Francis, confessor to the king, Pero Sanchez del Castillo and Alvar Martinez de Villareal, both royal auditors. Before their departure for Bayonne, the king of Castille assembled the general cortes at Briviesca, in order to raise the sums demanded by the duke, and to relieve both himself and the kingdom from a competitor who was so dangerous an enemy. Ayala details all the conditions of the treaty; the following are the principle articles.
Don Henry, eldest son of don John of Castille, aged nine years, was, within two months from the signature of the treaty, to marry Catherine, daughter of the duke of Lancaster, aged fourteen years. If the infant Henry should die before he attained the age of fourteen years, or without consummating the marriage, Catherine was to marry his next brother, don Ferrand. Don Henry was, immediately upon the marriage, to receive the title of prince of the Asturias, and Catherine that of princess of the Asturias.
The king of Castille was to assign to don Henry and Catherine the city of Soria and the towns of Amazan, Atienza, Soria, and Molina, for the support of their household, being the same which king Henry of Castille had granted to Bertrand du Guesclin, and which he had afterwards redeemed.
Within two months next after the treaty, the king don John bound himself to acknowledge don Henry and Catherine as his successors.
The king don John was to pay down 600,000 French francs to the duke and duchess of Lancaster, as the price of their renunciation of all claim upon the crown of Castille.
The king don John further engaged for himself and his heirs, to pay the further annual sum of 40,000 francs to the duke and duchess, until the death of the survivor.
Hostages from the kingdoms of Castille and Leon were to be given to the duke of Lancaster, as pledges for the payment of the 600,000 francs. These hostages were don Fadrique, duke of Benevento, and brother to king John of Castille; Pero Ponce de Leon, lord of Marchena; John de Velasco, son of Pero Fernandez de Velasco; Carlos de Arrelano, John de Padillo, Rodrigo de Rojas, Lope Ortiz de Estuniga, John Rodriguez de Cisneros, Rodrigo de Casteneda, and several other citizens of various large towns; in all sixty-six persons. (The safe-conduct granted to them by Richard II. on the 26th August, 1388, is given in Rymer.)
Free pardon was to be granted to all who had taken part with the duke of Lancaster.
The duke and duchess of Lancaster, on their parts, renounced all pretension to the kingdom of Castille, Leon, Toledo, Galicia, Seville, Cordova, Murcia, Jaen, the Algarves, Algesiras, the lordships of Lara and Biscay, and that of Molina; and they acknowledged don John as king, and after him don Henry; and, in case of his death without children, then don Ferrand and all other lawful descendants of the king don John, who should ascend the throne in default of any other legitimate heir. They further engaged never to procure from the pope a dispensation from their oath, either openly or in secret.
Constance, duchess of Lancaster, was further to be put in possession of the towns of Guadalajara, Medina del Campo, and Olmedo, for her life, she engaging that they should, at her death, be delivered back, and that the government should be entrusted to none but Castillians.
Notwithstanding his new alliances with England, the king, don John, stipulated for the preservation of his ancient alliance with France.
To pay the sums agreed upon with the duke of Lancaster and ratified by the cortes, the king raised a sort of loan throughout the kingdom, as his father had done when he redeemed the lands granted to Bertrand du Guesclin. All the citizens, with the exception of bishops, priests, and nobles, contributed to an impost, which was afterwards repaid to them by successive drawbacks on the ordinary taxes. — ED.
† “Basigni,” — a small country on the confines of Champagne and Lorrain: Chaumont is the capital.
‡ “Vitry en Pertois,” — a small town in Champagne, near Vitry le François.
§ “Grand Pré,” — a town in Champagne, election of Sainte Menchould.
¶ “Huy,” — a town in the bishopric of Liege, capital of the Condrotz, on the confluences of the small river Huy and the Meuse.
¥ “Morsay.” Q. Mouzon.
** “Amot.” Q. Arlon.
CHAPTER CXXIV. — THE PRINCIPAL BARONS OF SCOTLAND ASSEMBLE IN ARMS TO MAKE WAR ON ENGLAND. — THEY LEARN FROM A SPY WHOM THEY TAKE PRISONER THAT THE ENGLISH ARE ACQUAINTED WITH THEIR INTENTIONS.
I HAVE before related in this history the troubles king Richard of England had suffered from his quarrels with his uncles, urged on by the wicked counsel of the duke of Ireland, which had caused several knights to lose their heads, and the archbishop of York nearly to be deprived of his benefice. By the advice of the archbishop of Canterbury and the king’s new council, the lord Neville, who had commanded the defence of the frontiers of Northumberland for five years against the Scots, was dismissed: for this service he had been paid by the counties of Northumberland and Durham, the sum of sixteen thousand francs annually. Sir Henry Percy being appointed in his stead to this command, with a salary of eleven thousand francs yearly, was a circumstance which created much animosity and hatred between the Percies and Nevilles, who were neighbours and had been friends. The barons and knights of Scotland, knowing of this, determined on an inroad to England, as the opportunity was favourable, now the English were quarrelling among themselves. To make some return for the many insults they had suffered from them.
In order that their intentions might not be known, they appointed a feast to be holden at Aberdeen, on the borders of the Highlands. The greater part of the barons attended; and it was then resolved, that in the middle of August of the year 1388, they would assemble 362 all their forces at a castle called Jedworth, situated amidst deep forests and on the borders of Cumberland. Having arranged everything concerning this business, they separated, but never mentioning one word of their intentions to the king; for they said among themselves, he knew nothing about war. On the appointed day, earl James Douglas first arrived at Jedworth: then came John earl of Moray, the earl of March and Dunbar, William, earl of Fife, John earl of Sutherland, Stephen earl of Menteith*, William earl of Mar, sir Archibald Douglas, sir Robert Erskine, sir Malcolm Drummond, sir William and sir James Lindsay, sir Thomas Berry, sir Alexander Lindsay, sir John Swinton of Swinton, sir John de Sandelans, sir Patrick Dunbar, sir John Sinclair, sir Walter Sinclair, sir Patrick Hepburn, sir John Montgomery, sir John his son, and his two sons; sir John Maxwell, sir Adam Glendinning, sir William de Redurin†, sir William Stuart, sir John Halliburton, sir John de Leslie, and sir Robert Lander, sir Stephen Frazer, sir Alexander and sir John Ramsay, sir William of North Berwick, sir Robert Hart, sir William Wardlaw, sir John Armstrong, David Fleming, Robert Campbell, with numbers of other knights and squires of Scotland.
There had not been seen, for sixty years, so numerous an assembly: they amounted to twelve hundred spears, and forty thousand other men and archers. With the use of the bow the Scots are little acquainted; but they sling their axes over their shoulders, and when engaged in battle, give deadly blows with them. These lords were well pleased, on meeting each other, and declared they would never return to their homes without having made an inroad on England, and to such an effect that it should be remembered for twenty years to come. The more completely to combine their plans, they fixed another meeting to be held at a church in the forest of Jedworth, called Zedon‡, before they began their march to England.
363Intelligence was carried to the earl of Northumberland (for everything is known to those who are diligent in their inquiries,) to his children, to the séneschal of York, and to sir Matthew Redman, governor of Berwick, of the great fest that was to be kept at Aberdeen. To learn what was done at it, these lords sent thither heralds and minstrels. The Scots barons could not transact their business so secretly but it was known to these minstrels, that there was to be a grand assembly of men-at-arms in the forest of Jedworth. They observed also, much agitation through the country, and, on their return to Newcastle, gave a faithful report of all they had seen or heard to their lords. The barons and knights of Northumberland in consequence made their preparations, but very secretly, that the Scots might not know of it, and put off their intended inroad, and had retired to their castles ready to sally forth on the first notice of the arrival of the enemy. They said, — “If the Scots enter the country through Cumberland by Carlisle, we will ride into Scotland, and do them more damage than they can do to us; for theirs is an open country, which may be entered anywhere, but ours is the contrary, with strong and well fortified towns and castles.”
To be more sure of their intentions, they resolved to send an English gentleman, well acquainted with the country, to this meeting in the forest of Jedworth. The English squire journeyed without interruption until he came to the church of Yetholm, where the Scots barons were assembled, and entered it, as a servant following his master, and heard the greater part of their plans. When the meeting was near breaking up, he left the church on his return and went to a tree, thinking to find his horse which he had tied there by the bridle, but he was gone; for a Scotsman (they are all thieves) had stolen him. He was fearful of making a noise about it, and set off on foot, though booted and spurred. He had not gone two bow-shots from the church before he was noticed by two Scots knights who were in conversation. The first who saw him said, — “I have witnessed many wonderful things, but what I now see is equal to many: that man yonder has, I believe, lost his horse, and yet makes no inquires after it. On my troth, I doubt much if he belongs to us: let us go after him, and see whether I am right or not.” The two knights soon overtook him. On their approach he was alarmed, and wished himself anywhere else. They asked him whither he was going, whence he had come, and what he had done with his horse. As he contradicted himself in his answers, they laid hands on him, and said he must come before their captains, and hew as brought back to the church of Yetholm, to the earl of Douglas and the other lords. They examined him closely, for they knew him for an Englishman, as to the reasons he had come thither, and assured him, if he did not truly answer all their questions, his head should be struck off; but, if he told the truth, no harm should happen to him. Very unwillingly he obeyed, for the love of life prevailed; and the Scots barons learnt that he had been sent by the earl of Northumberland to discover the number of their forces, and whither they were to march. This intelligence gave them the greatest pleasure, and they would not on any account but have taken this spy.
He was asked where the barons of Northumberland where? if they had any intentions of making an excursion? and what road to Scotland they would take; along the sea-shore from Berwick to Dunbar, or by the mountains through the country of Menteith to Stirling? He replied, — “Since you will force me to tell the truth, when I left Newcastle, there were not any signs of an excursion being made; but the barons are all ready to set out at a moment’s warning, as soon as they shall hear you have entered England. They will not oppose you, for they are not in sufficient numbers to meet so large a body as you are reported to them to consist of.” — “And what do they estimate our numbers at in Northumberland?” said lord Moray. “They say, my lord,” replied the squire, “that you have full forty thousand men, and twelve hundred spears; and by way of counteracting your career, should you march to Cumberland, they will take the road through Berwick to Dunbar, Dalkeith and Edinburgh: if you follow the other road, they will then march to Carlisle, and enter your country by these mountains.” The Scottish lords, on hearing this, were silent, but looked at each other. The English squire was delivered to the governor of the castle of Jedworth, with orders to have particular guard over him; when they conferred together in the church of Yetholm, and formed other plans.
* “Earl of Mentieth.” — “At the time of this battle (of Otterbourne,) the earldom of Menteith was possessed by Robert Stewart, earl of Fife, third son of king Robert II. who, according to Buchanan, commanded the Scots, that entered by Carlisle. But our minstrel had probably an eye to the family of Graham, who had this earldom when the ballad was written.” — Reliques of Ancient English Poetry.
† “Redurin.” Q.
‡ “Zedon. The monastery of Zedon, at which the Scottish leaders are said to have held their meeting previous to entering England, is, I should suppose, the modern Kirk-Yetholm, exactly upon the Borders, and near the foot of Cheviot: the name is pronounced Yett’om, which comes very near Yedon.” — W. S.
CHAPTER CXXV. — THE SCOTS FORM THEIR ARMY INTO TWO DIVISIONS; ONE, UNDER THE COMMAND OF SIR ARCHIBALD DOUGLAS, MARCHES TO CARLISLE, AND THE OTHER TO NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, COMMANDED BY THE EARL OF DOUGLAS. — AT THE BARRIERS OF WHICH PLACE, HE CONQUERS THE PENNON OF SIR HENRY PERCY.
THE barons of Scotland were in high spirits at this intelligence, and considered their success as certain, now they knew the disposition of the enemy. They held a council, as to their mode of proceeding, and the wisest and most accustomed to arms, such as sir Archibald Douglas, the earl of Fife, sir Alexander Ramsay, sir John Sinclair, and sir James Lindsay, were the speakers: they said, — “That to avoid any chance of failing in their attempt, they would advise the army to be divided, and two expeditions to be made, so that the enemy might be puzzled whither to march their forces. The largest division, with the baggage, should go to Carlisle, in Cumberland: and the other, consisting of three or four hundred spears, and two thousand stout infantry and archers, all well mounted, should make for Newcastle-on-Tyne, cross the river, and enter Durham, spoiling and burning the country. They will have committed great waste in England before our enemies can have any information of their being there: if we find they come in pursuit of us, which they certainly will, we will then unite together, and fix on a proper place to offer them battle, as we all seem to have that desire, and to gain honour; for it is time to repay them some of the mischiefs they have done us.” This plan was adopted, and sir Archibald Douglas, the earl of Fife, the earl of Sutherland, the earl of Menteith, the earl of Mar, the earl of Stratherne, were ordered to the command of the largest division that was to march to Carlisle. The earl of Douglas, the earl of March and Dunbar, and the earl of Moray, were appointed leaders of the three hundred picked lances and two thousand infantry, who were to advance to Newcastle-on-Tyne and invade Northumberland. When these two divisions separated, the lords took a very affectionate leave of each other, promising that if the English took the field against them, they would not fight until they were all united, which would give them such a superiority of force as must ensure victory. They then left the forest of Jedworth, one party marching to the right and the other to the left. The barons of Northumberland not finding their squire return, nor hearing anything of the Scots, began to suspect the accident which had happened. They therefore ordered every one to be prepared to march at a moment’s notice, or when they should hear of the Scots having entered the country, for they considered their squire as lost.
Let us return to the expedition under the earl of Douglas and his companions, for they had more to do than the division that went to Carlisle, and were eager to perform some deeds of arms. When the earls of Douglas, Moray, and March were separated from the main body, they determined to cross the Tyne and enter the bishopric of Durham, and, after they had despoiled and burnt that country as far as the city of Durham, to return by Newcastle, and quarter themselves there in spite of the English. This, they executed, and riding at a good pace, through bye roads, without attacking town, castle, or house, arrived on the lands of the lord Percy, and crossed the river Tyne, without any opposition, at the place they had fixed on, about three leagues above Newcastle, near to Brancepeth*, where they entered the rich country of Durham, and instantly began their war, by burning towns and slaying the inhabitants.
Neither the earl of Northumberland nor the barons and knights of the country had herd anything of their invasion: but when intelligence came to Durham and Newcastle that the Scots were abroad, which was indeed visible enough from the smoke that was everywhere seen, the earl of Northumberland sent his two sons to Newcastle; but he himself remained at Alnwick, and issued his orders for every one to repair thither also. Before his sons left him, he said, — “You will hasten to Newcastle, where the whole country will join you: I will remain here, for it is the road they may return by: if we can surround them, we shall do 365 well; but I know not for certain where they now are.” Sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy obeyed their father’s orders, and made for Newcastle accompanied by the gentlemen and others fit to bear arms. In the mean time, the Scots continued destroying and burning all before them, so that the smoke was visible at Newcastle. They came to the gates of Durham, where they skirmished, but made no long stay, and set out on their return, as they had planned at the beginning of the expedition, driving and carrying away all the booty they thought worth their pains. The country is very rich between Durham and Newcastle, which is but twelve English miles distant: there was not a town in all this district, unless well inclosed, that was not burnt. The Scots re-crossed the Tyne at the same place, and came before Newcastle, where they halted. All the knights and squires of the country were collected at Newcastle, and thither came the séneschal of York, sir Ralph Langley, sir Matthew Redman, governor of Berwick, sir Robert Ogle, sir Thomas Grey, sir Thomas Halton, sir John Felton, sir John Lilburne, sir William Walsingham, sir Thomas Abington, the baron of Halton, sir John Copeland, and so many others, the town was filled with more than it could lodge.
The three Scots lords, having completed the object of their expedition into Durham, lay before Newcastle three days, where there was an almost continual skirmish. The sons of the earl of Northumberland, from their great courage, were always the first at the barriers, when many valiant deeds were done with lances hand to hand. The earl of Douglas had a long conflict with sir Henry Percy, and in it, by gallantry of arms, won his pennon, to the great vexation of sir Henry and the other English. The earl of Douglas said, — “I will carry this token of your prowess with me to Scotland, place it on the tower of my castle at Dalkeith, that it may be seen from far.” — “By God, earl of Douglas,” replied sir Henry, “you shall not even bear it out of Northumberland: be assured you shall never have this pennon to brag of.” “You must come then,” answered earl Douglas, “this night and seek for it. I will fix your pennon before my tent, and shall see if you will venture to take it away.”
As it was now late, the skirmish ended, and each party retired to their quarters, to disarm and comfort themselves. They had plenty of everything, particularly flesh meat. The Scots kept up a very strict watch, concluding, from the words of sir Henry Percy, they should have their quarters beaten up this night: they were disappointed, for sir Henry was advised to defer it.
* “Brancepeth.” — four miles from Durham. A ruin of a fine old castle remains, which I believe has been lately fitted up and repaired for a residence.
CHAPTER CXXVI. — THE EARL OF DOUGLAS, WHEN ENCAMPED BEFORE OTTERBOURNE, IS ATTACKED BY SIR HENRY PERCY, TO RE-CONQUER HIS PENNON, AND A GENERAL BATTLE ENSUES.
ON the morrow, the Scots dislodged from before Newcastle; and, taking the road to their own country, they came to a town and castle called Ponclau*, of which sir Raymond de Laval, a vary valiant knight of Northumberland, was the lord. They halted there about four o’clock in the morning, as they learnt the knight to be within it, and made preparations for the assault. This was done with such courage, that the place was won, and the knight made prisoner. After they had burnt the town and castle, they marched away for Otterbourne†, which was eight English leagues from Newcastle, and there encamped themselves.
This day they made no attack; but, very early on the morrow, their trumpets sounded, and they made ready for the assault, advancing towards the castle, which was tolerably strong, and situated among marshes. They attacked it so long and so unsuccessfully, that they were fatigues, and therefore sounded a retreat. When they had retired to their quarters, the chiefs held a council how to act; and the greater part were for decamping on the morrow, without attempting more against the castle, to join their countrymen in the neighbourhood of Carlisle. But the earl of Douglas overruled this, by saying: “In despite of sir Henry Percy, who the day before yesterday declared he would take from me his pennon, that I conquered by fair deeds of arms before the gates of Newcastle, I will not depart hence for two or three days; and we will renew our attack on the castle, for it is to be taken: we shall thus gain double honour, and see if within that time he sill come for his pennon: if he do, it shall be well defended.” — Every one agreed to what earl Douglas had said; for it was not only honourable, but he was the principal commander; and from affection to him, they quietly returned to their quarters. They made huts of trees and branches, and strongly fortified themselves. They placed their baggage and servants at the entrance of the marsh on the road to Newcastle and the cattle they drove into the marsh lands.
I will return to sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy, who were greatly mortified that the earl of Douglas should have conquered their pennon in the skirmish before Newcastle. They felt the more for this disgrace, because sir Henry had not kept his word; for he had told the earl that he should never carry his pennon out of England, and this he had explained to the knights who were with him at Newcastle. The English imagined the army under the earl of Douglas to be only the van of the Scots, and that the main body was behind; for which reason those knights who had the most experience in arms, and were the best acquainted with warlike affairs, strongly opposed the proposal of Sir Henry Percy to pursue them. They said, Sir, many losses happen in war: if the earl of Douglas has won your pennon, he has bought it dear enough; for he has come to the gates to seek it, and has been well fought with. Another time, you will gain from him as much if not more. We say so, because you know, as well as we do, that the whole power of Scotland has taken the field. We are not sufficiently strong to offer them battle; and perhaps this skirmish may have been only a trick to draw us out of the town; and if they be, as reported, forty thousand strong, they will surround us, and have us at their mercy. It is much better to lose a pennon than two or three hundred knights and squires, and leave our country in a defenceless state.”
This speech checked the eagerness of the two brothers Percy, for they would not act contrary to the opinion of the council; when other news was brought them by some knights and squires who had followed and observed the Scots, their numbers, disposition, and where they had halted. This was all fully related by knights who had traversed the whole extent of country the Scots had passed through, that they might carry to their lords the most exact information. They thus spoke, — “Sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy, we come to tell you 367 that we have followed the Scottish army, and observed all the country where they now are. They first halted at Pontland, and took sir Raymond de Laval in his castle: thence they went to Otterbourne, and took up their quarters for the night. We are ignorant of what they did on the morrow, but hey seemed to have taken measures for a long stay. We know for certain that their army does not consist of more then three thousand men, including all sorts.” Sir Henry Percy, on hearing this, was greatly rejoiced, and cried out, “To horse! to horse! for by the faith I owe my God, and to my lord and father, I will seek to recover my pennon, and to beat up their quarters this night.” Such knights and squires in Newcastle as learnt this were willing to be of the party, and made themselves ready.
As the Scots were supping, some indeed were gone to sleep, for they had laboured hard during the day, at the attack of the castle, and intended renewing it in the cool of the morning, the English arrived, and mistook, at their entrance, the huts of the servants for those of their masters. — They forced their way into the camp, which was, however, tolerably strong, shouting, “Percy! Percy!” In such cases, you may suppose an alarm is soon given, and it was fortunate for the Scots the English had made their first attack on their servants’ quarters, which checked them some little. The Scots, expecting the English, had prepared accordingly; for, while the lords were arming themselves, they ordered a body of their infantry to join their servants, and keep up the skirmish. As their men were armed, they formed themselves under the pennons of the three principal barons, who each had his particular appointment. In the mean time, the night advanced, but it was sufficiently light; for the moon shone, and it was the month of August, when the weather is temperate and serene.
When the Scots were quite ready, and properly arrayed, they left their camp in silence, but did not march to meet the English, they skirted the side of a mountain which was hard by; for during the preceding day, they had well examined the country around, and said among themselves, “Should the English come to beat up our quarters, we will do so and so,” and thus settled their plans beforehand, which was the saving of them; for it is of the greatest advantage to men-at-arms, when attacked in the night, to have previously arranged their mode of defence, and well to have weighed the chance of victory or defeat. The English had soon overpowered the servants; but, as they advanced into the camp, they found fresh bodies ready to oppose them, and to continue the fight. The Scots, in the mean time, marched along the mountain side, and fell on the enemy’s flank quite unexpectedly, shouting their cries. This was a great surprise to the English, who, however, formed themselves in order, and reinforced that part of the army. The cries of Percy and Douglas resounded on each side.
The battle now raged: great was the pushing of lances, and very many of each party were struck down at the first onset. The English being more numerous, and anxious to defeat the enemy, kept in a compact body, and forced the Scots to retire, who were on the point of being discomfited. The earl of Douglas being young, and impatient to gain renown in arms, ordered his banner to advance, shouting, “Douglas! Douglas!” Sir Henry and Sir Ralph Percy, indignant for the affront the earl of Douglas had put on them, by conquering their pennon, and desirous of meeting him, hastened to the place from which the sounds came, calling out “Percy! Percy!” The two banners met, and many gallant deeds of arms ensured. The English were superior in strength, and fought so lustily that they drove back the Scots. Sir Patrick Hepburne, and his son of the same name, did honor to their knighthood 368 and their country, by their gallantry, under the banner of Douglas, which would have been conquered but for the vigorous defence they made; and this circumstance not only contributed to their personal credit, but the memory of it is continued with honour to their descendants.
I was made acquainted with all the particulars of this battle by knights and squires who had been actors in it on each side. There were also, with the English, two valiant knights from the county of Foix, whom I had the good fortune to meet at Orthès the year after the battle had been fought. Their names were sir John de Châteaunneuf and John de Cautiron. On my return from Foix, I met likewise at Avignon a knight and two squires of Scotland, of the party of earl Douglas. They knew me again, from the recollections I brought to their minds of their own country; for in my youth, I, the author of this history, travelled all through Scotland, as was full fifteen days resident with William earl of Douglas, father of earl James, of whom we are now speaking, at his castle of Dalkeith, five miles distant from Edinburgh. — Earl James was then very young, but a promising youth, and he had a sister called Blanche.‡. I had my information, therefore, from both parties, who agree that it was the hardest and most obstinate battle that was ever fought. This I readily believed, for the English and Scots are excellent men-at-arms, and whenever they meet in battle they do not spare each other; nor is there any check to their courage so long as their weapons endure. — When they have well beaten each other, and one party is victorious, they are so proud of their conquest, that they ransom their prisoners instantly, and in such courteous manner to those who have been taken, that on their departure they return them their thanks. However, when in battle, there is no boy’s play between them, nor do they shrink from the combat; and you will see, in the further detail of this battle, as excellent deeds performed as were ever witnessed.
* “Ponclau.” Pontland, a village on the Blythe, about five miles from Newcastle. — W. S.
† “Otterbourne,” — is so well known from this celebrated battle, and the old ballads, that it is almost needless to say it is situated in the parish of Elsdon, Northumberland.
‡ “Blanche.” Earl William Douglas was first married to Margaret, daughter of the earl of Mar. By her he had two children, James, who succeeded him in his honours, and Isabel.
CHAPTER CXXVII*. — THE EARL OF DOUGLAS, IN RALLYING HIS MEN WHO WERE RETREATING, IS MORTALLY WOUNDED. — SIR RALPH PERCY, BADLY WOUNDED, SURRENDERS TO SIR JOHN MAXWELL, WHO PUTS HIM IN THE HANDS OF THE EARL OF MORAY.
THE knights and squires of either party were anxious to continue the combat with vigour as long as their spears might be capable of holding. Cowardice was there unknown, and the most splendid courage was everywhere exhibited by the gallant youths of England and Scotland: they were so closely intermixed, that the archers’ bows were useless, and they 369 fought hand to hand without either battalion giving way. The Scots behaved most valiantly, for the English were three to one. I do not mean to say the English did not acquit themselves well; for they would sooner be slain or made prisoners in battle, then reproached with flight. As I before mentioned, the two banners of Douglas and Percy met, and the men at arms, under each, exerted themselves by every means, to gain the victory; but the English, at this attack, were so much the stronger, that the Scots were driven back. The earl of Douglas, who was of a high spirit, seeing his men repulsed, seized a battle-ax e with both his hands, like a gallant knight, and, to rally his men, dashed into the middle of his enemies, and gave such blows on all around him, that no one could withstand them, but all made way for him on every side; for there were none so well armed with helmets or plates but that they suffered from his battle-axe. Thus he advanced, like another Hector, thinking to recover and conquer the field, from his own prowess, until he was met by three spears that were pointed at him: one struck him on the shoulder, another on the stomach, near the belly, and the third entered his thigh. He could never disengage himself from these spears, but was born to the ground fighting desperately. From that moment he never rose again. Some of his knights and squires had followed him, but not all; for, though the moon shone, it was rather dark. The three English lances knew they had struck down some person of considerable rank, but never thought it was earl Douglas: had they known it, they would have been so rejoiced that their courage would have been redoubled, and the fortune of the day had consequently been determined to their side. The Scots were ignorant also of their loss until the battle was over, otherwise they would certainly, from despair, have been discomfited.
I will relate what befel the earl afterward. As soon as he fell, his head was cleaved with a battle-axe, the spear thrust through his thigh, and the main body of the English marched over him without paying any attention, not supposing him to be their principal enemy. In another part of the field, the earl of March and Dunbar combated valiantly: and the English gave the Scots full employment who had followed the earl of Douglas, and had engaged with the two Percies. The earl of Moray behaved so gallantly in pursing the English, that they knew not how to resist him. Of all the battles that have been described in this history, great and small, this of which I am now speaking was the best fought and the most severe; for there was not a man, knight or squire, who did not acquit himself gallantly, hand to hand with his enemy. It resembled something that of Cocherel, which was as long and as hardily disputed. The sons of the earl of Northumberland, sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy, who were the leaders of this expedition, behaved themselves like good knights in the combat. Almost a similar accident befel sir Ralph as that which happened to the earl of Douglas; for, having advanced too far, he was surrounded by the enemy, and severely wounded, and, being out of breath, surrendered himself to a Scots knight, called sir John Maxwell, who was under the command, and of the household, of the earl of Moray.
When made prisoner, the knight asked him who he was; for it was dark, and he knew him not. Sir Ralph was so weakened by loss of blood, which was flowing from his wound, that he could scarcely avow himself to be sir Ralph Percy. “Well,” replied the knight, “sir Ralph, rescued or not, you are my prisoner: my name is Maxwell.” “I agree to it,” said sir Ralph, “but pay some attention to me; for I am so desperately wounded, that my drawer and greaves are full of blood.” Upon this, the Scots knight was very attentive to him; when suddenly hearing the cry of Moray hard by, and perceiving the earl’s banner advancing to him, sir John addressed himself to the earl of Moray, and said, — “My lord, I present you with sir Ralph Percy, as a prisoner; but let good care be taken of him, for he is very badly wounded.” The earl was much pleased at this, and replied, — “Maxwell, thou hast well earned thy spurs this day.” He then ordered his men to take every care of sir Ralph, who bound up and stanched his wounds. The battle still continued to rage, and no none could say at that moment which side would be the conqueror, for there were very many captures and rescues that never came to my knowledge.
* Lord Berners is always best when battles occur. — His spirit arises, and his words sound like the neigh of the war-horse. We cannot omit his version of the combat at Ottorbourne.
“Knightes and squyres were of good courage on bothe parties to fyghte valyauntly, cowardes there had no place, but hardynesse rayned with goodly feates of armes, for knyghtes and squyers were so joined togyder at hande strokes that archers had no place of neither party. There the Scottes shewed great hardynesse and fought meryly, with great desyre of honour; the Englysshmen were three to one. Howbeit I say nat but Englysshmen dyd nobly acquyte themselfe, for ever the Englysshmen had rather ben slayne or tkane in the place than flye. Thus as I have ayd the baners of Douglas and Percy and their men were met eache against other, envyous who shulde wynne the honor of that journey. At the begynnynge the Englysshmen were so stronge, that they reculed backe their enemyes. Than the erle Duglass, who was of great harte and hygh of enterprise, seeynge his men recule backe, than to recover the place and to shewe knyghtly valure, he toke his axe in bothe his handes and entered so into the presse that he made hymself waye in such wyse that none durste aproched nere hym, and he was so well armed that he bare well of such strokes as he recyued. Thus he wente ever forwards lyk a hardy Hector, wyllynge alone to conquere the felde, and to discomfyte his snemyes. — But at last he was encountred with thre speares all at ones; the one strake hym on the shoulder, the other on the brest, and the stroke glented downe to his bely, and the thyrde strake hym in the thye, and sore hurte with all three strokes so that he was borne perforce to the erthe, and after that he culde nat again be releved. Some of his knyghtes and squyers folowed hym, but nat all, for it was nyght, and no lyght but by the shynynge of the mone. The Englysshmen knew well they had borne one down to the erth, but they wyst nat who it was, for if they had knowen that it ahd bene the erle of Duglass they had bene thereof so joyful and so prowde that the vyctorye had bene theirs. Nor also the Scottes knew nat of that adventure tyll the ende of the batayle, for if they had knowen it they should have bene so sore dyspayred and dyscoraged that they wolde have fledde awaye. Thus as the erle Duglass was felled to the erth, he was stricken into the heed with an axe, and another stroke through the thye. The Englysshmen passed forth and tooke no hede of hym; they thoughte none otherwyse but that they hadde slayne a man at armes.” — — ED.
CHAPTER CXXVIII. — THE EARL OF DOUGLAS, THOUGH MORTALLY WOUNDED, ORDERS HIS BANNER TO BE RAISED, AS THE BEARER HAD BEEN SLAIN, AND FORBIDS HIS LAMENTABLE STATE TO BE MADE KNOWN TO HIS MEN, URGING THEM ON TO THE COMBAT, BY WHICH THEY DEFEAT THEIR ENEMIES AND MAKE SIR HENRY PERCY WITH MANY MORE PRISONERS. — .
THE young earl of Douglas had this night performed wonders in arms. When he was struck down, there was a great crowd round him; and he could not raise himself, for the blow on his head was mortal. His men had followed him as closely as they were able; and there came to him his cousins, sir James Lindsay, sir John and sir Walter Sinclair, with other knights and squires. They found by his side a gallant knight that had constantly attended him, who was his chaplain, and had at this time exchanged his profession for that of a valiant man at arms. The whole night he had followed the earl with his battle-ax in hand, and had by his exertions more than once repulsed the English. This conduct gained the thanks of his countrymen, and turned out to his advantage, for in the same ear he was promoted to the archdeaconry and made canon of Aberdeen. His name was sir William of North Berwick. To say the truth, he was well formed in all his limbs to shine in battle, and was severely wounded at this combat. When these knights came to the earl of Douglas, they found him in a melancholy state, as well as one of his knights, sir Robert Hart, who had fought by his side the whole of the night, and now lay beside him, covered with fifteen wounds from lances and other weapons.
Sir John Sinclair asked the earl, “Cousin, how fares it with you?” — “But so so,” replied he. “Thanks to God, there are but few of my ancestors who had died in chambers 371 or in their beds. I bid you, therefore, revenge my death, for I have but little hope of living, as my heart becomes every minute more faint. Do you Walter and sir John Sinclair raise up my banner, for certainly it is on the ground, from the death of David Campbell, that valiant squire, who bore it, and who refused knighthood from my hands this day, though he was equal to the most eminent knights for courage or loyalty; and continue to shout ‘Douglas!’ but do not tell friend or foe whether I am in your company or not; for, should the enemy know the truth, they will be greatly rejoiced.” The two brothers Sinclair, and sir John Lindsay, obeyed his orders. The banner was raised and “Douglas!” shouted. Their men, who had remained behind, hearing the shouts of “Douglas!” so often repeated, ascended a small eminence, and pushed their lances with such courage that the English were repulsed, and many killed or struck to the ground. The Scots, by thus valiantly driving the enemy beyond the spot where the earl of Douglas lay dead, for he had expired on giving his last orders, arrived at his banner, which was borne by sir John Sinclair. Numbers were continually increasing, from the repeated shouts of “Douglas!” and the greater part of the Scots knights and squires were now there. The earls of Moray and March, with their banners and men, came thither also. When they were all thus collected, perceiving the English retreat, they renewed the battle with greater vigour than before.
To say the truth, the English had harder work than the Scots, for they had come by a forced march that evening from Newcastle on Tyne, which was eight English leaguers distant, to meet the Scots, by which means the greater part were exceedingly fatigued before the combat began. The Scots, on the contrary, had reposed themselves, which was to them of the utmost advantage, as was apparent from the event of the battle. In this last attack, they so completely repulsed the English, that the latter could never rally again, and the former drove them far beyond where the earl of Douglas lay on the ground. Sir Henry Percy, during this attack, had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the lord Montgomery, a very valiant knight of Scotland. They had long fought hand to hand with much valour, and without hindrance from any one; for there was neither knight nor squire of either party who did not find there his equal to fight with, and all were fully engaged. In the end, sir Henry was made prisoner by the lord Montgomery.
You would have seen, in this engagement, such knights and squire as sir Malcolm Drummond, sir Thomas Erskine, sir William, sir James and sir Alexander Lindsay, the lord Saltoun, sir John Sandilands, sir Patrick Dunbar, sir John and sir Walter Sinclair, sir Patrick Hepburne and his two sons, the lord Montgomery, sir John Maxwell, sir Adam Glendinning, sir William Redoue*, sir William Stuart, sir John Halliburton, sir John Lundie, sir Robert Lauder, sir Alexander Ramsay, sir Alexander Frazer, sir John Edmonstone, sir William Wardlaw, David Fleming, Robert Campbell and his two sons, John and Robert, who were that day knighted, and a hundred other knights and squires, whose names I cannot remember; but there was not one who did not most gallantly perform his part in this engagement.
On the side of the English, there were sir Ralph de Langley, sir Matthew Redman, sir Robert of Ogle, sir Thomas Graham, sir Thomas Haltoun, sir John Felton, sir Thomas Abington, sir John de Lilburn, sir William Walsingham, the baron de Haltoun, sir John de Copeland, séneschal of York, and many more, who on foot maintained the fight vigorously, both before and after the capture of sir Henry Percy†. The battle was several fought on each side; but, such is the fickleness of fortune, that though the English were a more numerous body of able men at arms, and at the first onset had repulsed the Scots, they in the end lost the field; and all the above-named knights, except sir Matthew Redman, governor of Berwick, were made prisoners. But eh seeing they were defeated without hopes of recovery, and the English flying in all directions, while his brother-knights were surrendering themselves to the Scots, mounted his horse, and rode off.
Just as the defeat took place, and while the combat was continued in different parts, an English squire, whose name was Thomas Felton, and attached to the household of lord 372 Percy, was surrounded by a body of Scots. He was a handsome man, and, as he showed, valiant in arms. He had that and the preceding night been employed in collecting the best arms, and would neither surrender nor deign to fly. It was told me, that he had made a vow to that purpose, and had declared at some feast in Northumberland, that at the very first meeting of the Scots and English, he would acquit himself so loyally that, for having stood his ground, he should be renowned as the best combatant of both parties. I also heard, for I never saw him, that I know of, that his body and limbs were of a strength befitting a vigorous combatant; and he performed such deeds of valour, when engaged with the banner of the earl of Moray, as astonished the Scots, but he was slain while thus valiantly fighting. They would willingly have made him a prisoner for his courage; and several knights proposed it to him, but in vain, for he thought he should be assisted by his friends. Thus died Thomas Felton, while engaged with a cousin of the king of Scotland, called Simon Glendinning, much lamented by his party.
According to what I heard, this battle was very bloody from its commencement to the defeat: but when the Scots saw the English were discomfited and surrendering on all sides, they behaved courteously to them, saying, “Sit down and disarm yourselves, for I am your master,” but never insulted them more than if they had been brothers. The pursuit lasted a long time, and to the length of five English miles. Had the Scots been in sufficient numbers, none would have escaped death or captivity; and if sir Archibald Douglas, the earl of Fife, the earl of Sutherland, with the division that had marched for Carlisle, had been there, they would have taken the bishop of Durham and the Town of Newcastle on Tyne, as I shall explain to you.‡
* Rutherford or Ruthven. — ED.
† The names of the parties on both sides were rectified by Mr. Johnes, assisted by sir Walter Scott, and have been further corrected from the recent French edition of M. Buchon, who has cleared up many difficulties by reference to the MSS, to which he has access. — ED.
‡ Through the kindness of my friends at Edinburgh, particularly Dr. Robert Anderson and Walter Scott, Esq, to whom the public are indebted for many instructive and amusing performances, I am enabled to clear up, in some measure, my historian’s blunders in the names of the heroes at this celebrated battle, and to add a few more particulars concerning it.
“The present mansion of Otterbourne, belonging to Mr. Ellis of Newcastle, is founded upon the ancient castle or tower which Douglas was besieging when attacked by Percy. The field of battle is still called Battle-crofts. There is a cross erected on the spot where Douglas fell.”
See the two ballads on this battle, published by Dr. Percy in his Reliques of ancient English Poetry, and by Walter Scott, Esq. in his Border Minstrelsy: from the Scots ballad I extract as follows.
“Douglas was armed with an iron mace, which few but he could wield, and rushed into the combat, followed only by his chaplain and his two squires. Before his followers could come up, their brave leader lay stretched on the ground, with three mortal wounds, and his two squires dead by his side: the priest alone, armed with a lance, was protecting his master from further injury. ‘I die like my forefathers,’ said the expiring heroes, ‘in a field of battle, and not on a bed of sickness. Conceal my death, defend my standard, and avenge my fall. It is an old proverb, that a dead man shall gain a field, and I hope it will be accomplished this night.’
“The two squires of the body to Douglas were Robert Hart and Simon Glendinning; the chaplain, Richard Lundie, afterwards archdeacon of Aberdeen.
“The banner of Douglas was borne by his natural son, Archibald Douglas, ancestor of the family of Cavers, hereditary sheriffs of Tiviotsdale, amongst whose archives this glorious relic is still preserved. The earl, at the onset, is said to have charged his son to defend it to the last drop of his blood.
“Hotspur, for his ransom to the lord Montgomery, built the Castle of Penoon, in Ayrshire, belonging to the family of Montgomery, now earls of Eglintoun.”
In this ballad, Douglas is said to have been murdered by one of his own men; and, in the introductory discourse, there seems to have been a traditionary foundation for it, and the very person is named that was supposed to have done the deed; but Mr. Scott rejects this as totally untrue, and arising from the common desire of assigning some remote and extraordinary cause for the death of a great man.
Dr. Percy says in a note, that “Otterbourne is next the old Watling-street road, in the parish of Elsdon. The Scots were encamped on a grassy plain near the river Read. The place where the Scots and English fought is still called Battle-riggs.”
CHAPTER CXXIX. — THE BISHOP OF DURHAM IS ANXIOUS TO SUCCOUR THE ENGLISH AND RESCUE SIR HENRY PERCY, BUT IS SO BADLY SUPPORTED BY HIS MEN, THAT HE IS FORCED TO RETREAT. — HE MAKES SIR JAMES LINDSAY PRISONER, WHO AHD TAKEN SIR MATTHEW REDMAN.
THE same evening that sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy had left Newcastle, the bishop of Durham, with the remainder of the forces of that district, had arrived there and supped. While seated at table, he considered that he should not act very honourably if he remained in the town while his countrymen has taken the field. In consequence, he rose from table, ordered his horses to be saddled, and his trumpets to sound for those who had horses to make themselves ready, and the infantry to be drawn out in array for quitting the place. When 373 they had all left it, they amounted to seven thousand men; that is, two thousand on horseback and five thousand on foot. Although it was now night, they took the road toward Otterbourne; but they had not advanced a league from Newcastle before intelligence was brought that the English were engaged with the Scots. On this, the bishop halted his men; and several more joined them, out of breath from the combat. They ware asked how the affair went: they replied, “Badly, and unfortunately: we are defeated, and here are the Scots close at our heels.” This second intelligence, being worse than the first, gave the alarm to several, who broke from the ranks; and when, shortly after, crowds came to them flying like men defeated, they were panic-struck, and so frightened with the bad news, that the bishop of Durham could not retain five hundred of his men together.
Now, supposing a large body had come upon them and followed them in their flight (with the addition of its being night,) to regain the town, would not there have been much mischief? for those acquainted with arms imagine the alarm would have been so great, that the Scots would have forced their way into the place with them. When the bishop of Durham, who was eager to reinforce the English, saw his own men thus join the runaways in their flight, he demanded from sir William de Lusay*, sir Thomas Clifford and other knights of his company, what they were now to do? These knights could not, or would not advise him: for to return without having done anything would be dishonourable, and to advance seemed attended with danger, they therefore remained silent; but the longer they waited, the more their men decreased in numbers. The bishop at length said, — “Gentlemen, everything considered, there is no honour in fool-hardiness, nor is it requisite that to one misfortune we add another: we hear and see that our men are defeated: this we cannot remedy; for, should we attempt to reinforce them, we scarcely know whither we should go, nor what numbers the enemy consist of. We will return this night to Newcastle, and to-morrow re-assemble and march to find our enemies.” they replied, “God assist un in it!” — Upon this they marched back to Newcastle. Observe the consequences of this alarm; for had they remained steady in a body, as they had left Newcastle, and forced the runaways to return with them, they must have defeated the Scots, which was the opinion of many. But it was not to be so, and the Scots remained victorious.
I will say something of sir Matthew Redman, who had mounted his horse to escape from the battle, as he alone could not recover the day. On his departure, he was noticed by sir James Lindsay, a valiant Scots knight, who was near him, and, through courage and the hope of gain, was desirous of pursuing him. His horse was ready, and leaping on him with his battle-axe hung at his neck, and spear in hand, galloped after him, leaving his men and the battle, and came so close to him, that he might, had he chosen, have hit him with his lance; but he said, — “Ha, sir knight, turn about: it is disgraceful thus to fly: I am James Lindsay; and, if you do not turn, I will drive my spear into your back.” Sir Matthew made no reply, but stuck spurs harder into his horse than before. In this state did the chase last for three miles, when sir Matthew’s horse stumbling under him, he leaped off, drew his sword from the scabbard, and put himself in a posture of defence. The Scots knight made a thrust at him with his lance, thinking to strike him on the breast; but sir Matthew, by writhing his body, escaped the blow, and the point of the lance was buried in the ground, and there remained fixed. Sir Matthew not stepped forward, and whish his sword cut the spear in two.
Sir James Lindsay, finding he had lost his lance, flung the shaft on the ground, and, dismounting, grasped his battle-axe, which was slung across his shoulder, and handled it with one hand very dexterously, for the Scots are accustomed thus to use it, attacking the knight with renewed courage, who defended himself with much art. They pursued each other for a long time, one with the battle-axe and the other with the sword, for there was no one to prevent them; but, at last, sir James laid about him such heavy blows, that sir Matthew was quite out of breath, which made him surrender; and he said, “Lindsay, I yield myself to you.” “Indeed!” replied the Scots knight, “rescued or not.” “I consent,” said sir Matthew: “you will take good care of me.” “That I will,” answered sir James. Sir Matthew on this put his sword in the scabbard, and said, “Now, what do you require of 374 me, for I am your prisoner by fair conquest?” “And what is it you would wish me to do?” replied sir James. “I should like,” answered sir Matthew, “to return to Newcastle, and, within fifteen days, I will come to you in any part of Scotland you shall appoint.” “I agree,” said sir James, “on your pledging yourself, that within three weeks you be in Edinburgh; and wherever you may go, you acknowledge yourself as my prisoner.” Sir Matthew having sworn to observe these conditions, each sought his horse, that was pasturing hard by, and, having mounted, took leave and departed, sir James by the way he had come, to join his countrymen, and sir Matthew to Newcastle.
Sir James, from the darkness of the night, as the moon did not shine very clear, mistook his road, and had not advanced half a league before he fell in with the bishop of Durham and more than five hundred English: he might have escaped this danger had he chosen it, but he thought they were his friends in pursuit of the enemy. When in the midst of them, those nearest asked who he was. He replied, “I am sir James Lindsay.” Upon this, the bishop, who was within hearing, pushed forward, and said, “Lindsay, you are taken: surrender yourself to me.” “and who are you?” said Lindsay. “I am the bishop of Durham. “And where do you come from?” added Lindsay. “By my faith, friend, I intended being at the battle, but unfortunately was too late; and in despair I am returning to Newcastle, whither you will accompany me.” “If you insist on it I must comply,” answered sir James; but I have made a prisoner, and am now one myself: such is the chance of war.” “Whom have you taken?” asked the bishop. “I have captured and ransomed, after a long pursuit, sir Matthew Redman.” “And where is he?” said the bishop. “On my faith,” replied sir James, “he is returned to Newcastle: he entreated I would allow him three weeks’ liberty, which I complied with.” “Well, well,” said the bishop, “let us get on to Newcastle, where you shall converse with him.” Thus they returned to Newcastle, sir James Lindsay as prisoner of the bishop of Durham. Under the banner of the earl of March, a squire of Gascony, John de Châteauneuf, was made prisoner, as was his companion, John de Cauteron, under the banner of the earl of Moray.
* “De Lusay.” Q. Lucy.
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