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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq; London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 669-691.
CHAPTER LXXX. — THE EARL OF CAMBRIDGE AND HIS ARMY ARRIVE AT LISBON.
YOU have before heard how the earl of Cambridge with five hundred men at arms and as many archers were lying in the harbour of Plymouth, waiting for a wind to carry them to Portugal. At last, a favourable wind came, when they heaved their anchors, and the whole fleet made sail as straight as they could for Lisbon. They coasted, the two first days, the shores of England: on the third, they entered the Spanish main, when they had a very severe gale; insomuch that the fleet was in great danger from the tempest, more especially those vessels in which the Gascons were, such as sir John de Châteauneuf, the souldich de l’Estrade, the lord de la Barde, with about forty men at arms, knights and squires, who were driven out of sight of the English fleet.
The earl of Cambridge, sir William Beauchamp marshal of the army, sir Matthew Gournay constable, and the canon de Robesart, with others, escaped through good fortune, the bad effects of the storm, and, sailing by the stars, arrived in the harbour of Lisbon. News of this was instantly carried to the king, who was daily expecting the English: he immediately sent his knights and ministers to welcome them, by whom they were most respectfully received, and the earl of Cambridge, with the English and foreign knights, conducted to the king. The king advanced out of his palace to meet the earl, and received them all most honourably one after the other: he led them to the palace, where wine and spices were set before them. John of Cambridge, the earl’s son, was with him, which much pleased the king, who said, “He is my son, and shall have my daughter.” This was very proper, for they were of the same age. The children were much pleased, and conversed with each other arm in arm.
Whilst the king of Portugal and his knights paid every attention to the earl and his 670 companions, and lodged them in the town, the others, on disembarking, were also well quartered; for the city of Lisbon is large, handsomely built, and well furnished with every thing: the stewards of the household of the king had also been careful to provide it with all things necessary against the arrival of the English. They found it, therefore, amply stored; and the lords were comfortable and in high spirits, though at times they were very uneasy about the lord de Châteauneuf, the souldich de l’Estrade and the lord de la Barde, and their men, whom they looked upon as lost, or that the tempest had driven them among the Moors in the kingdom of Granada or Benmarine: if it should have so happened, they might as well have perished at sea. All this gave them great concern, and they bitterly lamented them. In truth, they were to be pitied; for they suffered so much in the tempest none ever endured the like and survived it. They were driven through the straits of the Moors, near to the kingdoms of Benmarine and Tremeçen, and were in great danger of being taken by the Saracens; so that they considered themselves as dead men, never expecting to land nor to get into any safe harbour, and they were forty days in this extreme peril.
At last, they had a wind which drove them back again into the Spanish main, whether they would or not. When the wind became calm, they anchored, and, by good fortune, fell in with two large ships, going, as the crews said, to Lisbon, from Flanders, laden with merchandise and wines. These knights tacked about, and, having hoisted their pennons, followed the Lisbon ships, who having only merchants on board, were not perfectly easy on seeing this armed vessel approach, with the banners of St. George displayed in various parts of it. However, when they came nearer, finding who they were, they rejoiced to see them. These merchants put the knights once more in great peril, and I will tell you how.
The knights inquired if they could give them any intelligence; and they, in answer, said, that the king of Portugal and the English were in Spain, and had besieged the king of Castille. They were delighted with this news, and declared they would go thither, as they were now near the shores of Seville. They then left the wine-merchants, and ordered their mariners to make sail for Seville, as their friends were there at the siege. They answered, “In God’s name, will we obey you;” and, having steered for Seville, came very near the harbour. The sailors, who were prudent and wished not to run their masters into any danger, ordered a boy to climb the mast, and see if there were any appearance of a siege, either by land or water, before Seville. The boy, who had a good sight, answered he saw nothing like it. The sailors then, addressing their lords, said, — “Listen, fair gentlemen: you have had false information, for certainly there is not any siege before Seville, either by land or water: had there been any appearance of it, the harbour would have shown it. We have no occasion to go thither, unless we wish to be made prisoners; for the king of Castille is surely there, as it is a city in which he delights to dwell preferably to any other.” The sailors were with difficulty believed: however, they were so at last, when, quitting the coast of Seville, they entered the sea of Portugal, and arrived in the port of Lisbon precisely at the very hour when their obsequies were performing in the church of St. Catherine at Lisbon. The barons and knights were all clothed in black, for they considered them as having perished at sea. You may suppose the joy was great when they learnt their safe arrival, and that they had escaped shipwreck. They enjoyed themselves much together, and the Gascon knights soon forgot their misfortunes.
We will leave the affairs of Portugal, as no deeds of arms were done, and return to Flanders, and say what happened there at this period.
WHILE the affairs you have heard were passing in England, there was no intermission in the wars which the earl of Flanders was carrying on against Ghent, and which those citizens waged against him. You know that Philip von Artaveld was chosen commander in Ghent, through the recommendation of Peter du Bois, who advised him, when in office, to become cruel and wicked to be the more feared. Philip did not forget this doctrine, for he had not long been governor of Ghent before he had twelve persons beheaded in his presence: some 671 said, they were those who had been principally concerned in the murder of his father, and thus he revenged himself on them.
Philip von Artaveld began his reign with great power, and made himself beloved and feared by many, more especially by those who followed the profession of arms: for, to gain their favour, he refused them nothing; every thing was abandoned to them. I may be asked how the Ghent men were able to carry on this war; and I will answer to the best of my ability, according to the information I received. They were firmly united among themselves, and maintained the poor, each according to his means: thus, by being so firmly united, they were of great force: besides, Ghent, taken all together, is one of the strongest towns in the world, provided Brabant, Zealand, and Holland, be not against it; but, in case these countries were leagued with Flanders, they would be shut up, surrounded and starved. These three countries, however, were never their enemies; so that their warfare with the earl of Flanders was more strenuously carried on, and longer continued. At the commencement of Philip von Artaveld’s government, the deacon of the weavers was accused of treason. He was arrested and committed to prison. In order to know the truth of the accusation, his house was searched, wherein was found some saltpetre in powder*. The deacon was beheaded, and dragged through the town by the shoulders, for a traitor, and to serve as an example to others.
The earl of Flanders resolved to lay siege again to Ghent: he therefore issued his summons to a number of knights and squires, and to the inhabitants of the principal towns. He sent to Mechlin, from whence he had many men. He wrote to his cousins, sir Robert, and sir William de Namur, at that time count d’Artois, the countess, his mother, being lately dead, who brought a number of knights from Artois. In this summons, the lord de Dampierre was not forgotten: he came to offer his services, with as many as he could collect, and was handsomely attended by knights and squires from Hainault. During the time it lasted, there were many skirmishes; and the Ghent men made frequent sallies in search of adventures, in which sometimes they were repulsed, at others they conquered. But the person who gained the greatest renown was the young lord d’Anghien: all the young knights desirous of glory cheerfully followed his banners.
The lord d’Anghien marched with full four thousand men, well mounted, without counting those on foot, to besiege Grammont, which was attached to Ghent: he had before harassed them much, but could not win it. This time, however, he came in greater force, and, on a Sunday, had it stormed at upwards of forty places: he did not spare himself, but was one of the most active, and the first who placed his banner on the walls. This attack was so sharp and well fought that, about four in the afternoon, the town was taken, and the troops of the lord d’Anghien entered it through the gates, which had been destroyed. When the inhabitants saw their town was lost without hope of recovery, all that could escape did so through those gates where there were no enemies; but few were so fortunate. The slaughter was very great of men, women and children, for to none was shown mercy. There were upwards of five hundred of the inhabitants killed, and numbers of old people and women burnt in their beds, which was much to be lamented. The town was set on fire at more than two hundred places, which reduced the whole to ashes, churches and all: nothing remained entire.
Thus did Grammont suffer by fire and flame; and the lord d’Anghien, after this exploit, returned to the army before Ghent. The earl of Flanders was much pleased when he heard it, and said, “Fair son, you are a valiant man, and, if it please God, will be a gallant knight, for you have made a handsome commencement.” During this destruction of Grammont, which happened on a Sunday in the month of June, the siege of Ghent still continued. The lord d’Anghien, whose name was Walter, was there, but never rested long 672 in his quarters: he was every day out in search of adventures, at times well accompanied, at others so thinly that he was unable to prosecute his plans. Some adventures, however, daily befel him or the Haze of Flanders.
One Thursday morning the lord d’Anghien left his quarters, in company with the lord de Montigny, sir Michael de la Hameide his cousin, his brother the bastard d’Anghien, Julien de Toisson, Hutin Donay, and several more of his household, in order to skirmish before Ghent as they had formerly done: they this time advanced so far that they suffered for it, for those of Ghent had placed in ambuscade more than two hundred men beyond the walls of the town. They were armed with long pikes. Some said, this ambuscade was formed of the greater part of those who had fled from Grammont, in the hope of surrounding and making prisoner the lord d’Anghien, in revenge for the mischief he had done them. They knew him to be young, courageous and apt to venture himself foolishly, which gave them hopes of the success they had. It was unfortunate for him, as well as for those who accompanied him. The lord d’Anghien and his company were quite off their guard when they found themselves surrounded by the Ghent men, who advanced boldly up, crying out, “Surrender, or you are all dead men:” the lord d’Anghien, perceiving his situation, asked advice from the lord de Montigny, who was beside him: he replied, — “Sir, it is too late: let us defend ourselves, and sell our lives dearly as we can: there is nothing else to do, and we have not a moment for delay.”
The knights then made the sign of the cross, and recommending themselves to God and St. George, dashed among their enemies; for they could noways retreat, being in the midst of their ambuscade. They behaved very gallantly, and did every thing that could be done in arms; but they were out-numbered by their opponents, who, having long pikes, gave such strokes as were but too mortal, as the event showed. The lord d’Anghien was slain; as were the bastard d’Anghien his brother, and Julien de Toisson by his side. Other valiant knights from Hainault, such as the lords de Montigny and de St. Christopher, suffered similar fates. Sir Michael de la Hameide was severely wounded, and would certainly have lost his life, if Hutin Donay had not saved him by dint of arms and prudence: he had great difficulty in doing it.
While the Flemings were employed in pillaging and disarming these knights, to convey them into Ghent, where it was known they had slain the lord d’Anghien, which gave them great joy, Hutin Donay, seeing no hopes of succour, carried sir Michael de la Hameide out of the crowd and danger. Such was the end of this unfortunate day to the lord d’Anghien. You may well suppose the earl of Flanders was much grieved at it: indeed, he showed it plainly; for, out of his affection to him, he raised the siege of Ghent. The earl could not forget him, but regretted his loss; saying, — “Ah, Walter, Walter, my fair son, how unfortunate hast thou been, to be thus cut off in thy youth. I wish every one to know, that the Ghent men shall never have peace with me until I have greatly revenged myself.” Things remained in this situation, when he sent to demand the body of the lord d’Anghien, which they had carried into Ghent to please the town; but they refused to deliver it up until they should be paid a thousand francs in hard cash. They divided this booty between them, when the body was conveyed to the army, and from thence to Anghien, of which town he was the lord.
* Lord Berners, who agrees with D. Sauvage, here adds, “wherewith he had done no help to the town at siege nor otherwise of all the hole year passed.” This explains his crime, for the mere possession of saltpetre could not be treason. It is probable that this powder of saltpetre, as Lord Berners has it, (not saltpetre in powder) was gunpowder, which the cunning deacon had concealed to make the greater profit when the supply of that scarce commodity should run short. — ED.
CHAPTER LXXXII. — THE EARL OF FLANDERS RAISES THE SIEGE OF GHENT. — TWO RICH CITIZENS, DESIROUS OF NEGOTIATING A PEACE BETWEEN THE EARL AND THE TOWN, ARE PUT TO DEATH BY PETER DU BOIS AND PHILIP VON ARTAVELD.
OUT of affection to the lord d’Anghien, the siege of Ghent was raised, and the earl returned to Bruges. He then dismissed his army, ordering it to the different garrisons in Flanders, and to the castles of Gavre, Oudenarde, Dendremonde, Courtray, and every place near to Ghent. The earl requested the Liegeois not to continue sending stores and provision to Ghent as they had done. The men of Liege returned a haughty answer to the messengers, saying they would consult with those of St. Tron, Huy, and Dinant, how to act. The earl sent to 675 his cousins the duke of Brabant and duke Albert, and to the bailiffs of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, special ambassadors, chosen from among his principal counsellors, to remonstrate with them touching the conduct of the town of Ghent, which still continued in its rebellion, chiefly owing to the provision and stores which it received from their countries, and to request that a stop might be put to it.
These two lords would have been very sorry to do anything which might displease the earl: they excused themselves handsomely, saying, that until that moment they were ignorant of it, but that henceforward they would issue such orders that it should be discontinued. This answer was agreeable to the earl of Flanders. Duke Albert, who at that time resided in Holland, wrote to his bailiff in Hainault, sir Simon de Lalain, inclosing him a copy of the letter from the earl of Flanders, adding his positive commands against any provision or stores being furnished Ghent from Hainault, or any other thing to be done which might displease his cousin the earl, under pain of his highest displeasure. The bailiff issued a proclamation through Hainault, forbidding any provisions to be carried to Ghent. A similar proclamation was made in Brabant: so that none dared to go to Ghent but privately, which much surprised the inhabitants; for provision began to be very scarce, and there would have been a famine, if the Hollanders had not assisted them: an act of friendship which they would not be restrained from doing by any injunctions that duke Albert could lay on them.
About this period, through the means of the counsels of Brabant, Hainault, and Liege, there was a great assembly appointed to be holden at Harlebecque, near Courtray: the men of Ghent sent thither twelve of their principal inhabitants, who had in general shown themselves desirous of peace, whatever it might cost them from the populace that sought only confusion. All the magistrates of the chief towns in Flanders were at Harlebecque, even the 674 earl himself; and there were some also from Liege, Hainault, and Brabant. Matters were so ably conducted, that the deputies from Ghent returned home with propositions for a peace. It happened that those inhabitants who wished for an end of the war, namely, the prudent and quiet ones, went to the houses of the deputies who had been at this conference, and who were two of the richest and most peaceable citizens, such as sir Guisebert Gente and sir Symon Bete, and asked them what news they had brought. They discovered themselves too soon; for they replied, “Good people, we shall have, if it please God, an excellent peace for those who are well inclined and wish for quiet; and some of the wicked ones in the town will be punished.”
It is commonly said, if there be those who talk, there are those who act. Peter du Bois, not thinking his life in safety, had spies everywhere to give him intelligence. Some of them brought him the reports of the town, respecting a peace, and assured him the words came from sir Guisebert Gente and sir Symon Bete. Peter, on hearing this, was like a madman, and, applying them to himself, said, “If any are to be punished for this war, I shall not be one of the last; but it shall not go thus. Our gentlemen who have been at the conference may think what they will, but I have no desire to die yet. The war has not lasted half so long as I intend it shall; and my good masters John Lyon and William Craffort, have not hitherto been sufficiently avenged. If the affairs be now in confusion, I will trouble them still more.”
Peter du Bois was as good as his word, and I will show how. That same evening, the morrow of which the council were to meet in the council-chamber, to hear the report of the deputies, he came to the house of Philip von Artaveld, and found him musing and thoughtful, leaning against a window of his apartment. The first word he uttered was, “Philip, have you heard any news?” “None,” replied Philip, “except that our deputies are returned from the conference at Harlebecque, and that to-morrow we are to hear in the council-chamber what they have done.” “That is true,” answered Peter; “but I know what they have done, and the terms of the treaty; for they have opened themselves to some of my friends. Be assured, Philip, that our heads will pay for all the treaties they make, or have made; for there will not be any peace between my lord and the town, but that you, the lord de Harzelles, myself, and all the captains our allies in this war, will be first put to death, and the rich citizens pardoned. They wish to free themselves by delivering us up; and this was the opinion of John Lyon, my master. Besides, the earl, our lord, has his base flatterers always with him; such as Gilbert Matthew and his brothers, the provost of Harlebecque, who is their relation, and the deacon of small crafts who fled away with them. It therefore behoves us to consider awhile on this business.”
“How shall we act?” asked Philip. “I will tell you,” replied Peter: “we must send orders to all our leaders and captains, to be ready armed, and in the market-place to-morrow, and to keep near us: when we will enter the council-chamber, with a hundred of our men, to hear the treaty read. Leave me to manage the rest; but only avow what I shall say; for whoever wishes to preserve his life and power with the commonalty, if he do not make himself feared, does nothing.” Philip willingly assented; and then Peter du Bois, taking his leave, departed. He instantly sent his servants and scouts to the different captains under him, to order them and their men to be in the market-place on the next day, well armed, to hear the news. They all obeyed, for none dared to refuse, and were ready for any mischief*.
675The ensuing morning, at nine o’clock, the mayor, sheriffs, and rich men of the city, came to the market-place and entered the town-hall: then came those who had been at the conferences at Harlebecque; and last came Peter du Bois and Philip von Artaveld, well attended by those of their party. When they were all assembled and seated, for every one who chose it sat down, they found the lord de Harzelles was not present: they sent to him, but he excused himself by saying he could not come, for he was unwell: “Proceed,” cried out Peter du Bois: “I will answer for him, and we are full enough: let us hear what these gentlemen have brought from the conferences at Harlebecque.”
Upon this, Guisebert Gente and Symon Bete rose up, as being the principal deputies; when one of them spoke thus: “Gentlemen of Ghent, we have attended the conferences at Harlebecque; and we have had much labour and difficulty, in conjunction with the good men of Brabant, Liege, and Hainault, in making up our disputes with the earl our lord. However, at the entreaty of the duke and duchess of Brabant, who had sent thither their council, as well as duke Albert, the good town of Ghent is at peace with the earl, on condition that two hundred men at arms, whose names he will send within fifteen days in writing, shall surrender themselves to his prison in the castle of Lille, to his pure will: he is so noble and generous that he will show them mercy and pardon.” At these words Peter du Bois advanced, and said, “Guisebert, how have you dared to enter into any treaty that should put two hundred men at arms into any of the enemy’s prisons? Ghent would be indeed disgraced, and better would it be for it, if completely overturned, than to be reproached for having so scandalously concluded the war. We know well among ourselves, and understand that neither you nor Symon Bete will be of the two hundred. You have made your own choice; but we shall carve and cut out for ourselves. Advance, Philip, on these traitors, who want to betray and dishonour the town of Ghent.”
On saying this, Peter du Bois drew his dagger, and, coming up to Guisebert, struck him into the belly, so that he fell down dead. Philip drew also his dagger, and with it struck Symon Bete and slew him. They then began to cry out “Treason, treason!” They had their partisans all round about them, so that many of the richest and greatest men in the town dissembled, to save their lives. At that time only those two were killed; but to satisfy the people, and to turn the affair to their advantage, they sent their scouts to cry through the town, that Guisebert and sir Symon Bete, like false traitors, wanted to betray the good town of Ghent. Thus the matter ended: the dead were dead; and no one was called to any account for it, nor any penalty exacted. When the earl of Flanders, who was at Bruges, heard of this, he was sorely enraged, and said, “At the entreaties of my cousins of Brabant and Hainault, I too easily acceded to their wishes of making peace with Ghent, and more than once have they, in return, thus acted: but I will have them know, they shall never have peace, until I have had given up to me such a number of the inhabitants as will satisfy me.”
In this manner were slain two valiant and rich men in the town of Ghent, for having acted according to the intentions of many of their fellow-citizens. Each of them had for his patrimony two thousand francs of yearly revenue. They were much pitied in secret; but no one dared to do so publicly, unless he wished to lose his life. Things remained in this state, and the war was more bitter than before. The garrisons round Ghent were night and day in the field, so that no provisions could enter the town. The Brabanters and Hainaulters were afraid of venturing themselves; for, whenever they were met by the earl’s men, the best that could befal them was the slaughter of their horses, sending them prisoners to Dendremonde or to Oudenarde, or making them pay ransom. By these means, the victuallers were afraid to risk bringing supplies to the town.
* Lord Berners relates this conversation a little differently. According to his version, the plan of action was arranged by Philip von Artaveld, not by Peter du Bois. “The same proper euenyng that the counsayle shulde haue ben the next day in the counsayle-hall, there to hear reported the treatie that was taken at Harlequebecque, Peter de Boyse came the same euenyng to Philyppe Dartuel’s house, and found him in his chambre lyenge in a wyndowe musynge and studyeng. And the first worde he spake, he sayd, ‘Philyppe Dartuel, here you any tidynges?’ ‘Nay, trulye,’ quoth he, ‘but that I here say our men are returned fro the counsayle at Harlequebecque, and to-morrow we shall here in the hall what tidyngs they have brought.’ ‘That is true,’ quoth Peter, ‘but I knowe allready what wayes they haue taken and purpose to take. For such as haue been there hath shewed it to some of my frendes. Certaynely, Philyppe, the treatie that they haue made, and wolde make, lyeth on the ieopardy of our heeds, for if there be peace taken betwene the erle and this towne, knowe for trouthe that you and I, and the lord of Harsel’s, and all such capitaynes as have ayded us in this warre, shall be the first that shall dye, and rich men shall go quite. They will bring us into daunger and goe themselves free; and this was euer the opinion of Johan Lyon my maister. Alwayes the erle hath these marmosettes about him, as Gylbert Mahew and his bretherne, and the prouost of Harlequebecque, who is of the lynage of the alderman of the mean craftes who fled away with them. We ought wysely to loke on this mater and to see what were best to do.’ Philyppe answered and sayd, ‘Peter, I shall shewe you my mynde. Let us giue knowledge of this to all oure aldermen and capitaynes that they be to-morowe all redy aparalled in the market-place; and then let us two entre into the hall with a hundred with us to here the content of the treatie, and then let me alone, so ye wyll auowe my dede and abyde puissantly by me, for without we be feared among the commons it is nothing.’ And so they agreed. Then Peter de Boyse departed and sende to all the rulers and capitaynes under hym, commaunding them and all their men to be redy in the mornynge in the market-place to here tidynges. They all obeyed, they durste do none otherwyse; and also they were euer ready to do yuell.” — ED.
CHAPTER LXXXIII. — AN INSURRECTION IN PARIS, ON ACCOUNT OF THE INTENDED TAXES. — THE LORD DE COUCY APPEASES IT. — THE DUKE OF ANJOU MAKES PREPARATIONS FOR HIS JOURNEY TO NAPLES.
AT this period, the Parisians rose up in rebellion against the king and his council, because they wanted to introduce generally through the kingdom those taxes, impositions, and excises which had been raised during the reign of king Charles, father of the present king. The Parisians opposed them, by saying, the king of happy memory had acquitted them from these payments during his lifetime, and that the present king had confirmed this grant at his coronation at Rheims. The young king and his council quitted Paris, and went to reside at Meaux in Brie. No sooner had the king left Paris than the inhabitants rose, and, having armed themselves, slew all who had been assisting in proposing or collecting these taxes. They broke into the prisons and different houses in the town, taking whatever they could find. They went to the palace of the bishop of Paris, and, having broken open his prisons, set at liberty Hugh Aubriot*, who had been governor-general of the police during king Charles’s reign, and had been condemned to the dungeons for several bad actions which he had done or consented to, many of which were deserving the stake: to this man the mob gave liberty, which he owed solely to their insurrection. He immediately set out from Paris, for fear of being retaken, and went into Burgundy, whence he came, and related to his friends his adventures.
The Parisians, during their rebellion, committed many outrages; but fortunately it was not general: had it been so, affairs would have been bad indeed. The king resided all this time at Meaux, attended by his uncles of Anjou, Berry and Burgundy, who were much alarmed and vexed at this rebellion. They resolved to send the lord de Coucy, who was a prudent knight, to treat with and endeavour to appease them; for he knew better how to manage them than any other. The lord de Coucy, whose name was Enguerrand, came to Paris simply attended by his household. He dismounted at his hôtel, and sent for those who had been the most active, and remonstrated with them wisely and prudently on the wickedness of their conduct in killing the officers and ministers of the king, in breaking open his prisons, and setting those who were confined in them at liberty; for all which, if the king willed it, they would dearly pay. But this he was not desirous of doing; for the king much loved the town of Paris, because he had been born in it, and also from its being the capital of his kingdom: he was therefore unwilling to destroy its well-intentioned inhabitants.
He told them, his reasons for coming to Paris were to endeavour to make up matters between them, and that he would entreat the king and his uncles mercifully to pardon them their evil deeds. They answered, that they wished not any harm to the king their lord, nor to make war against him, but that these taxes should be repealed as far as related to Paris: and that, when exempted from such, they would assist the king in any other manner. “In what manner?” demanded the lord de Coucy. “We will pay certain sums into the hands of a proper receiver every week, to assist with the other cities and towns in France in the payment of the soldiers and men at arms.” “And what sum are you willing to pay weekly?” “Such a sum,” replied the Parisians, “as we shall agree upon.” The lord de Coucy managed them so well, by handsome speeches, that they consented to tax themselves, and pay weekly into the hands of a receiver whom they would appoint ten thousand florins. Upon this the lord de Coucy left them and returned to Meaux in Brie, to lay before the king and his uncles the propositions they had made.
The king was advised to accept this offer of the Parisians, as the best thing he could do; for from this beginning, though small, all the other towns would follow the example, and when times should alter they might then change their measures. The lord de Coucy returned to Paris, and brought with him the king’s pardon to the Parisians, on condition of 656 their observing the propositions they had made. This they promised, and appointed a receiver, to whom was paid, every week, the fixed sum in florins; but it was not to be carried from Paris, except for the payment of those men at arms who should be in actual service, and neither the king nor his uncles were to have any concern with it, nor was it to be otherwise employed. Affairs remained thus for some little time, and the Parisians were quiet: but the king did not return to Paris, which much displeased the inhabitants.
Rouen likewise was in a state of rebellion, and from the same cause: the populace rose, killed the king’s governor and all those who had any concern in the collecting or valuing these taxes. The king, on hearing this, during his residence at Meaux, was much angered, and his council were doubtful if all the other towns would not follow this example. The king was advised to march to Rouen, which he did, and appeased the commonalty, who were very riotous. He also pardoned them the death of the governor, and whatever else they had done. They appointed a receiver from among themselves, to whom they were to pay a certain sum in florins every week; and, on this being settled, they continued quiet. Now remark the great evils that were beginning to disturb France: all took rise from the conduct of the men of Ghent; for the common people said everywhere publicly, they were good men, who so valiantly maintained their liberties, and for which they ought to be loved and honoured by the whole world.
We will return to the duke of Anjou, who had a great desire to visit the kingdom of Naples, of which he signed himself king, as well as of Sicily, and duke of la Puglia and Calabria; for pope Clement had invested him with them, by virtue of the deeds which the queen of Naples had given to him. The duke of Anjou was prudent, of a warm imagination, bold and enterprising: he plainly perceived, that according to the establishment he had supported hitherto, and which he would have been sorry to have seen lessened, he would be a poor lord in France, unless he should conquer such rich and noble heritages as the two kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and the duchies of la Puglia, and Calabria, as well as the county of Provence. They would come to him very opportunely; for those counties, of which he called himself lord by virtue of the gift made him, abounded in all sorts of wealth. He was therefore occupied day and night in devising means to perform this journey; he well knew he could never accomplish it without a large sum of money, and a numerous body of men at arms to resist those who might wish to oppose him. The duke, in consequence, amassed so great a quantity of money, under pretence of this journey, that it was marvellous to behold; and he kept the Parisians in as good humour as he could, for he knew there were in Paris large deposits of cash, of which he got the greater part, and sent it to the earl of Savoy, in whom he had great confidence; adding, that on his arrival in Savoy, he would make arrangements by which there should be regular payments for a thousand spears, or more, for one whole year. The earl of Savoy was much pleased at this intelligence, for he greatly loved arms: he therefore replied to the messengers, that he would willingly serve the duke on the terms proposed. This answer was highly agreeable to the duke, as he had an affection for the company of the earl of Savoy.
The duke retained men in all parts, so that he had collected full nine thousand men at arms, ready prepared and under his obedience. He ordered the most sumptuous equipages to be made for him and his household at Paris that any lord had ever commanded, such as tents, pavilions and other things suitable for a king when about to make a long journey. We will now leave the duke of Anjou, and speak of the earl of Cambridge and his men, who were in Portugal near the king’s person.
* “Hugh Aubriot” — had the management of the finances under Charles V. He built the Bastille, as a fort against the English. He owed his disgrace and imprisonment to the clergy, who accused him of heresy, &c.: he was shut up between four walls: but the Orleans party hated him, because, being a Burgundian, he was attached to the duke of Burgundy.
CHAPTER LXXXIV. — THE ENGLISH MAKE AN EXPEDTION AGAINST THE SPANIARDS, CONTRARY TO THE ORDERS OF THE KING OF PORTUGAL. — THE CASTLE OF FIGHIERE* IS TAKEN.
THE earl of Cambridge and his army remained for a considerable time with the king of Portugal at Lisbon; during which the English and Gascons reconnoitred the country, for they had never before been there. It seems to me, that about this time a marriage was agreed on between the daughter of the king of Portugal, who was ten years old, and the son of the earl of Cambridge, of the same age. He was a fine child, and his name was John; the lady’s name was Beatrice. There were great feasts at the betrothing of these two children, and much joy; all the barons and prelates of the realm were present; and, young as the married couple were, they were both laid in the same bed. This marriage and the consequent feasts being over, which lasted for eight days, the council of Portugal ordered the men at arms who were in Lisbon to march to other quarters on the frontiers. The earl of Cambridge and a part of his army were sent into quarters at a very handsome town in Portugal called Estremoure†, and the remainder of the English and Gascons to Besiouse‡. John of Cambridge remained with the king.
When the canon de Robersac, and the English and Gascon knights, took leave of the king, he said to them: “My friends, I order you not to make any attacks on the enemy without my knowledge; for, if you do, I shall be much angered.” They swore, “They would not, by God, and, whenever they had such an inclination, would send to inform him, and have his permission.” They then departed and marched towards Besiouse, which is situated in the upper part of the country, two days’ journey from Lisbon and as many from Seville, where the king of Spain resided.
The king of Spain had been early informed of the arrival of the English under the command of the earl of Cambridge, and had sent intelligence of it to those knights in France on whose services he depended. On hearing this, and that there were expectations of war in Spain, they were much rejoiced: many who wished to advance their fame made ready, and took the road thither. The canon de Robersac§, who was with his English and Gascon companions in Besiouse, one day said: “My dear gentlemen, I think we remain here not much to our honour, when we have never as yet made any attempt on our enemies; they will not think the better of us for it. If you will take my advice, let us send to entreat the king to allow us to attack them.” They all replied, “We are perfectly willing to do so.” Sir John Canbouich¶ was ordered to carry this message, which he cheerfully undertook. He came to the king at Lisbon, where he punctually delivered his message. The king replied, he was unwilling for them to undertake any expedition; and, whatever the knight might urge he could never make him change his opinion. He returned, therefore, to his friends, telling them the king would not comply with their request. They were much enraged at it, and said among themselves, that it was not becoming men at arms to continue so long in garrison without attempting some feats of arms: they mutually agreed to make an excursion. In consequence, they took the field with full four hundred men at arms and as many archers. They resolved to attack a large town which belonged to the commander of St. James; but, on their march, they found a nearer way to arrive at the castle of Fighiere, in which were about sixty Spanish men at arms in garrison, under the command of Peter Gousses, and his brother.
The canon de Robersac, being very proud of this expedition, as it had been by his means undertaken, rode forward in front. There were sir Oliver Beauchamp, sir Matthew Gournay, Miles Windsor, the lord Talbot, sir Adam Symon, sir John Sounder, bastard brother to the 679 king of England, the souldich de l’Estrade, the lord de Châteauneuf, the lord de la Barde, Raymond de Masson, and several more. They arrived at the castle of Fighiere, which they surrounded, and drew up in order of assault, making all preparations necessary for it. When the garrison saw they were to be attacked, they also made ready for their defence. About four o’clock in the morning, a very vigorous attack commenced, and the English entered the ditch, which being dry, they advanced close to the walls, bracing their targets over their heads, to guard themselves from the stones which might be thrown on them from the walls, and there made good use of their pick-axes and iron crows: while thus employed, the garrison threw on them beams and bars of iron, that wounded many,
The canon de Robersac was present: he had the courage of a knight, and performed that day many gallant deeds; as did also Esperons his valet. The archers of England, who were drawn up on the ditches, shot so well and rapidly that scarcely any dared to show themselves on the battlements; and one half of the garrison were either slain or wounded. The brother of Peter Gousses, the governor of the castle, was there slain by an arrow; he was called Bartholomew, and was an able and expert man at arms; but, through his own imprudence and rashness, he lost his life. The assault continued from four o’clock until high noon; and I must say that the English and Gascon knights did not spare themselves, but fought with courage and a thorough good will, because they had undertaken this expedition without the consent of the king of Portugal: they were, therefore, determined to conquer this castle, that the fame of it might reach Lisbon, and show what success they had met with on their first attempt.
The canon de Robersac said, — “Ha, ha, my gentlemen, we shall this day win the castle; but if so many gallant men at arms as we are, take as much time to conquer all the other towns in Spain and in Gallicia, we shall never be masters of them.” The knights and squires, on hearing this speech, began to exert themselves the more: the canon de Robersac, although covered by his shield, received such a blow that he was much wounded. There was present a young knight from Hainault called Froissart Meulier, who very gallantly behaved himself at this assault, as indeed did the others.
The garrison artillery, as well as the machines for casting of stones and iron bars, began to tire and grow weaker in the castle. Considering that of twenty-five men¥ (the force within the place), there were not three unhurt, and some dangerously wounded, they could not prevent it from being taken by storm. The brother of their captain, lay dead, from home no further help could come. They resolved to give themselves a little respite, and during that time treat for a peace. They made a signal to parley with the English. The assault was stopped, and those who were in the ditches employed against the walls were ordered out: it was high time, for there were many who had been wounded, and others much fatigued. Sir Matthew Gournay, constable, and sir William Windsor, marshal of the army, advanced, and demanded what they wanted. The governor, Peter Gousses, addressed them in these words, — “You are resolved not to leave this place without conquering it: you wound our men, and we do the same to yours. We have therefore consulted together; and I, as governor, speak their sentiments, which are, that we will surrender to you the fort, our lives and fortunes being spared. Accept, therefore, these terms, which are just: you are at present the strongest, so that we must submit.”
The English knights replied, they would advise upon it, which they did. When they had held a council, they sent for answer to the garrison, that those within the castle might retire whither they pleased; but the stores must be left behind, and they were not to carry away any thing with them. When Peter Gousses saw he could not obtain better terms, he consented, but it was much against his will. Thus was the castle of Fighiere surrendered to the English. The Spaniards marched away, under a safe-conduct**, to Esteris, where the commander of St. James usually resided. They, however, did not find him there; for, having learnt that the enemy had taken the field, he had done the same with full four hundred men at arms, Spaniards and Castillians, in hopes, if he could meet with the English in a favourable situation, to combat them to his honour.
* This must probably mean Figueiro dos Vinhos, a town in Estremadura, for Figuera is in Catalonia.
† “Estremoure.” Q. if not Estremoz.
‡ “Besiouse.” Q. if not Villa Viciosa, a town near Estremoz; for D. Sauvage, in a marginal note, says la Salle calls it Vesiouse, which seems a corruption of Viciosa, and confirms me it must be Villa Viciosa.
§ The canon de Robersac’s name was Theodore. He was governor of Ardres in the 45th of Edward III. and, in the 3d of Richard II. was employed by the king to treat with the duke of Juliers concerning his homage. — Cartes Rolles François.
¶ “Canbouich.” Q. Lord Berners calls the name Chaudonich.
¥ In preceding page (678), it is said the garrison consisted of about sixty men at arms.
** Lord Berners says without any safe-conduct. — ED.
CHAPTER LXXXV. — AFTER THE CONQUEST OF THE CASTLE OF FIGHIERE, THE CANON DE ROBERSAC, RETURNING TO HIS GARRISON, IS IN GREAT DANGER. — SUCCOURS COME FROM FRANCE TO CASTILLE.
WHEN the knights of England and the canon had got possession of the castle of Fighiere, they were much rejoiced. They had it repaired in every part; and leaving forty men at arms as a garrison, they stored it well with provisions and other necessaries, and also with a sufficient body of archers. Having placed a good captain as governor, they held a council, when they resolved to return to their quarters. The English and Gascons, on their departure, divided themselves into three bodies; the last of which remained in the plain, under the command of the canon. Some English, Gascons, and Germans, desirous of feats of arms, had continued with him: in all about sixty spears and as many archers: they marched one whole day with the canon’s company on their return to Besiouse.
On the second day, early in the morning, they discovered some ambuscades*, and marched on in good array. They were then between a large town in Portugal, called Huenca† and the castle of Concrelet‡. On the outskirts of a wood nearer to the castle of Concrelet than to Heunca, was the grandmaster of St. James§ posted with full four hundred men at arms. The English no sooner perceived them than they closed their ranks, showed no signs of fear, and marched on at a good pace. — The Spaniards, notwithstanding their numbers, made not any appearance of quitting their ambuscade; for they imagined the English had near at hand their large battalion, and for that reason were afraid to attack them; had they been better informed, there would have been a combat. They thus separated from each other without any thing being done.
The Spaniards returned that evening to Esteris, and the canon to Besiouse, when he related to his companions how he had seen the Spaniards in ambuscade between Huenca and Concrelet, adding, “If we had been all together, we could have fought with them.” The knights, therefore, much repented that they had not kept all in one body. Thus ended this excursion of the English and Gascons; and when news was brought of it to the king of Portugal, he pretended to be much enraged, because they had done it without his consent. The English and Gascons remained the whole winter in their garrisons, without performing any thing worth mentioning, which wearied them much: it was not their fault no deeds of arms were done.
Don John of Castille, however, was not idle in making his preparations. He had sent to the king of France and to his uncles for succour, and had informed them of the arrival of the earl of Cambridge in Portugal. He also said, that it was universally reported throughout Castille and Portugal that the king of England, the duke of Lancaster, and the earl of Buckingham, with a powerful force, were to reinforce them the ensuing summer. For which reasons, he required from the king, in conformity with the treaties between France and Spain, and their mutual affection, that sufficient forces should be sent to him in the course of the spring and summer, to enable him to oppose his enemies with effect. The king’s council assented to this, for they clearly saw the king of Spain had a right to demand it. Permission was granted to all knights and squires desirous of advancing themselves to join don John: and the king of France lent them wherewith to perform their journey. It seems to me, that sir Oliver du Guesclin, brother to the late constable of France, made preparations to go thither in the spring. Many knights and squires from Brittany, Beauce, Picardy, Anjou, Berry, Blois and Maine did so likewise, and went thither in companies to perform the journey more comfortably. A passage was open to them through Arragon, and all kinds of provision were prepared for them, for ready money. But you must know they did not pay for all they took in the low countries, which made the poor inhabitants suffer great losses.
* “A heure de prime que les embushes se decouvrent,” (the text, according to D. Sauvage,) should rather be translated “at the hour of prime, as soon as ambuscades can be discovered,” that is to say, at early dawn, than, as Mr. Johnes has rendered it, “they discovered some ambuscades and marched on in good array,” which appears absurd. He probably understood it as referring to the adventure about to be related, but on that occasion only one ambuscade was discovered. — ED.
† “Huenca.” Q.
‡ “Concrelet.” Q.
§ I suspect that it must have been the grand master of the order of Aleantara, and not of St. James, and that there must have been a castle of Figheiere in the province of Estremadura; for it is not possible, from the shortness of their march, they could have gone to Catalonia. See Note, p. 678.
CHAPTER LXXXVI. — THE EMPEROR WINCESLAUS SENDS HIS SISTER ANNE TO KING RICHARD OF ENGLAND, WHO MAKES HER HIS QUEEN.
YOU have heard how king Richard of England had for upwards of a year been in treaty with Winceslaus king of Bohemia, who at this period had taken the title of emperor of Rome, to obtain his sister the lady Anne in marriage; and how one of his knights, sir Simon Burley, had much laboured in this business; and also that the duke of Saxony had been in England to confirm the marriage. This affair had been so well conducted that the emperor sent his sister to England, attended by the duke of Saxony and great numbers of knights and damsels, with a suitable state becoming such a lady. They came through Brabant to Brussels, where the duke and duchess received the young queen and her company very grandly; for the duke was her uncle, she being the daughter of the emperor Charles his brother. The lady Anne of Bohemia remained with her uncle and aunt at Brussels upwards of a month. She was afraid of moving, for she had been informed there were twelve large armed vessels, full of Normans, on the sea between Calais and Holland, that seized and pillaged all that fell into their hands, and it was indifferent to them who they were. The report was current, that they cruised in those seas waiting for the coming of this lady; and that the king of France and his council were desirous of carrying her off, in order to break the match, for they were very uneasy at this alliance of the Germans with the English. When it was said to be dishonourable to carry off ladies in the wars of men, they replied, — “How, have you not seen the prince of Wales, father to the present king of England, consent to a similar action in the person of the duchess of Bourbon, mother to the queen of France, when she was made prisoner by the soldiers of the prince, shut up in the castle of Belleperche, and afterwards conducted into Guyenne and ransomed? If, therefore, to revenge themselves, the French should commit such an act on the intended queen of England, they ought not to be blamed for it.” On account of these suspicions and fears, the young lady remained in Brussels one whole month. The duke of Brabant, by advice of his council, sent to France the lords de Rousselaus and de Bousquehoir, to remonstrate on this subject with the king and his uncles, who were also his nephews, being his sister’s sons.
The knights of Brabant managed so well with the king and his council that their request was complied with, and passports granted for the lady and her attendants to travel through any parts of France she might choose, as far as Calais. The Normans were remanded into port. This answer the knights carried to Brabant to the duke and duchess. The king and his uncles wrote to say, they had granted this favour to their cousin the lady Anne, at their solicitation alone, and for no other reason whatever. Such information was very pleasing to the duke and duchess of Brabant, as well as to those who were to cross the sea. Preparations were immediately made for their departure from Brussels; and the young lady took leave of her uncle, her aunt, and the ladies and damsels of the country who had accompanied her.
The duke had her escorted with one hundred spears. She passed through Ghent, where she reposed herself for a day, and the citizens did every thing in their power to show her honour. She then came to Bruges, where the earl of Flanders received her very magnificently, and stopped for three days. She continued her journey until she came to Gravelines, where the earls of Salisbury and Devonshire were waiting for her, with five hundred spears and as many archers. They conducted her to Calais, when the Brabanters returned, after they had delivered her to the barons of England. The young lady made no stay at Calais but until the wind became favourable. She embarked on a Wednesday morning when the vessels were manned, and the same day arrived at Dover, where she halted to repose herself two days: on the third, she set out for Canterbury, where the earl of Buckingham received her very grandly. The lady pursued her journey unto London, and was most honourably received by the citizens, the ladies and damsels of the town and country, who were all assembled to meet her. She was married to the king, in the chapel of the palace of Westminster, the twentieth day after Christmas. On the wedding-day, there were great feastings. That gallant and noble knight sir Robert de Namur had always accompanied her, 682 from the time she quitted Germany until she was married, for which the emperor and king of England held themselves much obliged.
The king carried his queen to Windsor, where he kept an open and noble house. They were very happy together. She was accompanied by the princess of Wales and the duchess of Brittany, aunt to the king, who at that time was separated from the duke her husband; for the barons and council of England would not consent to her return into Brittany, because he had changed to the French interest. The barons and knights were accustomed to say, — “Since the duke of Brittany has so ill and so treacherously acquitted himself to the earl of Buckingham, and to our men, the last time they were in France, whenever he shall demand back his duchess, let us not consent to it, but send him his two enemies, John and Guy of Brittany, children to St. Charles de Blois, and who have a better right to the duchy than himself: he is duke through our power, and an ungrateful return does he make for what he has had from us: we ought therefore to act in like manner to him, for his disgraceful conduct.” True it is, that these two lords, John and Guy de Bretaigne, sons of St. Charles of Blois, who were prisoners in England, and confined in a strong castle, under the guard of sir Peter d’Ambreticourt, were sent for, and brought before he council of the king of England, and they were informed, that if they would hold the duchy of Brittany from England, and acknowledge it by doing homage to the king, their inheritance would be recovered for them, and John should have the lady Philippa of Lancaster to wife. But they replied, they would not have any thing to do with it, and would prefer remaining in prison until death to acting otherwise than as good Frenchmen. Affairs continued on this footing, and they were never afterwards in any way spoken to on the subject, since they had shown the firmness of their intentions.
CHAPTER LXXXVII. — THE KING OF FRANCE CANNOT OBTAIN MONEY FROM THE RECEIVER OF PARIS. — THE DUKE OF ANJOU MARCHES INTO ITALY WITH A NOBLE ATTENDANCE OF KNIGHTS.
YOU have before heard how Paris had made its peace with the king, on its agreement of paying a certain sum of florins. The florins were paid weekly to a receiver whom they had appointed, but none came to the coffers of the king, nor were any of them sent out of Paris. It happened that the king was in great want of money to pay the men at arms he was sending to Castille, which by treaty he was bound to do. He ordered the receiver at Paris to prepare a sum of one hundred thousand francs; for he was anxious to assist, in his necessity, don John of Castille, and clearly showed for what use he intended this money. The receiver replied to the letters of the king, and to those who had brought them, in a very civil manner, saying, that in truth he had money sufficient, but that he could not pay any of it without the consent and permission of the town of Paris. These words did not please the king, who declared he would remedy all this as soon as he should be able. He found the money elsewhere, through the assistance of the principal towns in Picardy. This caused a great coolness between the king and the Parisians. He never came to Paris, but resided at Meaus, Senlis, Compiegne, and in those parts, to the great displeasure of the Parisians. The greatest resource they had was in the duke of Anjou for their safety: he already signed himself king of Sicily and Jerusalem, and had borne the arms.
The duke commonly resided at Paris, because there was much money kept there; and to prevent the king from receiving any of it, that he might be the better supplied for his projected enterprise in Italy, he was collecting money from all parts, and it was said the sum he had at Roquemaur*, near Avignon, was not less than two millions of florins. He treated with the Parisians, and used such fine language, having words at command, and besides being from his birth the regent of the kingdom, as the eldest of the king’s uncles, that he obtained one hundred thousand florins, when the king and his two uncles of Berry and Burgundy could not procure one penny from them. The duke of Anjou, having now finished his preparations and collected all his stores, began his march early in spring, and the magnitude of his array surprised every one. He passed through France to Avignon, where he was much feasted by the pope and cardinals. The barons and principal lords of Provence came thither to wait on him as their lord, did him homage, and put themselves under his obedience.
The gallant earl of Savoy, his cousin, came to meet him, attended by barons and knights, who were also well received by the pope and cardinals. During his stay at Avignon, he arranged and settled the pay and stores for the Savoyards, who were in considerable numbers, and delivered the money to the earl of Savoy. This being done, the duke of Anjou and the earl of Savoy took their leave of the pope, and set off from Avignon, following the road to Savoy and Piedmont. The earl was the duke’s conductor, and paid him the utmost respect in all the great towns through which they passed. Men at arms were continually advancing, or followed in their rear, so that Lombardy was quite open and ready to receive them. On the duke’s entrance into Lombardy, he was most honourably received in all the principal towns, more especially in Milan, where sir Galeas and sir Bernabo Visconti loaded him with honours; he received from them such rich presents and jewels as would astonish, if related. The duke of Anjou kept a kingly state: he had his mint with him, where he coined florins and white money, with which he made his payments all through Lombardy and Tuscany.
When they began to approach Rome, they marched in a more compact body than they had hitherto done; for the Romans, being informed of the duke’s march, had thrown up strong fortifications to oppose him. They had for commander a valiant English knight, called sir John Hawkwood†, who had resided a long time in that part of Italy: he was well acquainted with the frontiers, and had under him a huge body of men at arms, of 684 Germans, English and other nations in the pay of the Romans, for the defence of Urban, at that time called pope, and who resided at Rome. This pope was not alarmed at the arrival of the duke of Anjou. When they told him he was on his march, attended by the earl of Savoy and the count of Geneva, with full nine thousand lances of good men at arms, and that it was uncertain if he would not come to Rome to dethrone him, for they were all Clementines, he replied by saying, “CHRISTUS protegat nos.” That was all the alarm they gave him, and the only answer he made to those who spoke to him on the subject.
The duke of Anjou, who styled himself king of Naples, Sicily and Jerusalem, duke of Calabria and la Puglia, accompanied by the earl of Savoy, continued the march of his army through Tuscany, the territory of Ancona, and the patrimony of St. Peter, but did not enter Rome; for the duke wished not to make war on Rome, nor on the Romans, but solely aimed to accomplish his enterprise on the terms according to which he had left France, He kept up kingly state wherever he passed, and all men at arms praised him for the punctuality of his payments.
At this period his adversary, the lord Charles de Durazzo, resided in the city of Naples. He also signed himself king of Naples, Sicily and Jerusalem, duke of la Puglia and Calabria, and considered himself as the lawful king, since the queen of Naples was dead without leaving any heirs by marriage. He looked on the gift which the queen had made to the pope as null, and maintained this opinion by two arguments: the first was, that besides being supported and obeyed by the Neapolitans and Sicilians, the queen of Naples could not resign the inheritance of another; secondly, that supposing this resignation to have been good and the gift in force to the court of Rome, and that the popes were entitled to it, she had not legally done it, for those kingdoms considered Urban as the true pope, and not Clement.
This is the question which they disputed, and the defence Charles de Durazzo made. He also at the beginning took very wise precautions, for he amply provided with stores the castel del Ovo, which is one of the strongest castels in the word, and stands by enchantment in the sea, so that it is impossible to take it but by necromancy or by the help of the devil ‡.
685When he had provided this castle with a sufficiency to last three or four years, he collected a body of men at arms and threw himself into it, having made all the entrances very secure, leaving the duke of Anjou to act as he pleased. He well knew the Neapolitans would never desert him, and that, if la Puglia and Calabria should be lost for two or three years, they could easily regain it. He expected the duke of Anjou would soon find himself at the end of his resources in maintaining such a large army as he had brought, and which it was impossible for him to continue to support. They would be in want of provision or pay, which would tire them out in the course of two or three years; and, when they should be well worn down, he might combat them to his advantage. Charles de Durazzo was full of these ideas, some of which were afterwards realised. In truth, no prince in Christendom, except the kings of France or England, would have been able to have kept up such an immense force as the duke of Anjou did, without hurting his finances; for they reported he had brought over the mountains thirty thousand combatants: and the undertaking such an enterprise required much thought and consideration.
* “Roquemaur.” — two leagues from Avignon.
† “Sir John Hawkwood.” — See his life in Nichol’s Bib. Top. Brit.
‡ Denys Sauvage adds a marginal note, that “if the good man Froissart believes this, his mind must be very simple.”
CHAPTER LXXXVIII. — THE EARL OF SAVOY, WHO HAD ACCOMPANIED THE DUKE OF ANJOU TO NAPLES, ORDERS A MAN TO BE BEHEADED, WHO HAD BOASTED THAT HE WOULD GIVE THEM POSSESSION OF THE CASTEL DEL OVO BY ENCHANTMENT.
WHEN the duke of Anjou and his army entered la Puglia and Calabria, the whole country was their own, and the people testified that they wished not for any other lord than him: in a short time, all the barons, principal towns and others, put themselves under his obedience. Those who have been in these countries, which are the richest in the world, report, that from the great abundance of everything, the people are perfectly indolent, and do no manner of labour. The men at arms, on entering so rich a country, felt themselves very comfortable; but the duke of Anjou, the earl of Savoy, the count of Vendôme, the count of Geneva*, and all the knighthood of France, Savoy, and Brittany, marched on into the territories of Naples.
The citizens of Naples, not fearing these men at arms, deigned not to shut their gates, but kept them always open, as they never imagined the duke of Anjou could reside there longer than it was agreeable to them; for the moment they should be inclosed in the town, whatever numbers they might be, they would be lost, as the houses were not easy to be taken, having before their doors planks which may be removed, and the sea underneath, on which they would not perhaps like to adventure themselves.
An enchanter, master of necromancy, who had resided for some time in the Neapolitan territory, came to the Duke of Anjou, and said, “My lord, if you will, I can cause the castel del Ovo and its garrison to surrender to you.” “How can that be?” replied the duke. “My lord, I will tell you,” answered the enchanter: “I can, by enchantment, make the air so thick over the sea, that those in the castle shall think it a large bridge, on which ten men may march in front: and, when they shall see this bridge, they will be so frightened they will surrender themselves to you, lest, if you attack them, they be taken by storm.” The duke, much astonished at what he had heard, called his knights, the count de Vendôme, the count de Genéve, sir John and sir Peter de Beuil, sir Morice de Maumi, and others, to whom he related what the enchanter had just told him. They were very much surprised, but seemed willing to give him faith for it. The duke then asked, “Fair master, can our people march on this bridge of which you speak as far as the castle, and attack it?” “My lord,” replied the magician, “of this I dare not assure you; for if any one of them, while on the bridge, should make the sign of the cross, all would disappear, and those on it would fall into the sea.” The duke, upon this, began to laugh, and some of the young knights present said, “Ha, my lord, for God’s sake, let him do it: we will not make any sign of the cross, and by this means we shall easily capture our enemies.” The duke said he would consider it.
The earl of Savoy was not present at this conversation, but came soon afterwards. When the earl entered the duke’s tent, the magician had just left it; but the duke told him all that had passed, and what offers he had made. The earl, having mused a while, said, “Send 686 him to my quarters, and I will examine him. He is that master magician by whose means the queen of Naples and sir Otho de Brunswick were taken in the castel del Ovo, for he caused the sea to swell so high that it seemed as if it would swallow the castle: those within it were so much frightened they looked on themselves as dead. One ought never to put too great a confidence in such people; for you see the wickedness of the wretches in this country: in order to please you, and to obtain your benefactions, he will betray Charles de Durazzo, to whom he formerly gave up the queen of Naples and her husband.” “Well,” replied the duke, “I will send him to you.” The conversation took another turn, and, after they had well considered their situation, the earl returned to his quarters.
On the morrow morning, when the lords were risen, the magician waited on the duke, bowing most lowly. As soon as the duke perceived him, he ordered a valet to conduct him to the earl of Savoy. The valet, taking his hand, said, “Master, my lord’s will is, that you go to the earl of Savoy.” He answered, “God’s will be done.” When arrived at the tent of the earl, the valet said, “My lord, here is the doctor whom my lord sends to you.” The earl was much pleased on seeing him, and said, “Doctor, do you assure us for a certainty, that you will gain us the castel del Ovo at so cheap a rate?” “Yes, by my troth, my lord,” replied the enchanter, “for by a similar trick I got it for him who is now within it, namely, the lord Charles de Durazzo, from the queen of Naples, her daughter and husband, sir Robert d’Artois† and sir Otho de Brunswick. I am the man in the world of whom the lord Charles has the greatest dread.” “By my faith,” replied the earl, “you speak well; but I wish the lord Charles to know, that he is in the wrong to fear you so much, for I will make him easy on that head: you shall not henceforward perform any enchantment to deceive him or any one else. I will not have it reproached to us in times to come, that such knights and squires and valiant men at arms here assembled should have been obliged for our success to magic, nor do we desire to conquer our enemies by such means.” He then ordered a servant to call the headsman, and have his head struck off. The earl’s commands were instantly obeyed, and his head was cut off on the outside of the tent. Such was the end of this enchanter, and such his recompense.
We will now leave the duke of Anjou, his army, and his marches, and return to the affairs of Portugal, and relate how the English and Gascons prospered.
* “Count of Geneva.” Giannone says he was brother to pope Clement.
† “Robert d’Artois.” Denys Sauvage, in his 24th annotation, says, “The history of Naples often speaks of this Robert d’Artois, making him the husband of Mary, daughter to Joan queen of Naples; but no mention whatever is made of these enchantments. They seem to come from the romances of Morgante and Urganda; so that I am surprised Froissart could suffer himself to be thus deceived, and wish to deceive posterity.”
CHAPTER LXXXIX. — THE CANON DE ROBERSAC MAKES ANOTHER EXCURSION CONTRARY TO THE WILL OF THE KING OF PORTUGAL, AND TAKES SEVERAL PLACES ADJOINING TO SEVILLE.
THE knights in garrison at Besiouse, and who had been there for so considerable a time, having made but one excursion, when they took the castle of Fighiere, resolved, about the middle of April, to make another: for they were very much surprised at the conduct of the king of Portugal and earl of Cambridge, who had let them remain idle the nine months they had now been in Portugal, without having formed any expedition but the one for which they had been blamed. They determined to send to and remonstrate with the earl of Cambridge on this subject: I believe the envoy was the souldich de la Trane. He came to Estremez, where the earl was quartered, and said to him, “My lord, my companions send me to you, to know what you would wish them to do; for they much wonder why they have been brought to this country, to remain so long in indolence, which displeases them much. You will let me know what you would have them do, for they are very desirous of making an excursion.”
“Souldich,” replied the earl, “you know, that when I left England, my lord and brother the duke of Lancaster promised me, on his faith, that on his return from Scotland, whither he was then going, he would join us with men at arms, to the amount of three thousand, and as many archers. Upon this engagement, I came merely to reconnoitre the country. In a 687 short time we shall have intelligence from him; for it is equally unpleasant to me to have remained so long in this country. You will therefore salute your companions in my name, and tell them what I have just said to you. I cannot wish to prevent them from making an excursion, since they have such an inclination for it; but you know the king of Portugal gives us our pay, and therefore we ought to conform to his orders.”
“By my faith, my lord,” answered the souldich, “he pays badly, and our companions complain much of it; he owes us now six months’ pay.” “He will pay you well,” replied the earl: “money never comes disagreeably.” On this, the souldich left the earl, and returned to his companions, to whom he related what you have heard. “Gentlemen,” said the canon, “I will not desist from making an excursion, notwithstanding what has been said, for I see clearly they wish to put off all such attempts. They do not desire we should commit hostilities, that we may not have cause to demand our pay: but my opinion is, that we take the field.” They selected those who should form this expedition, and resolved to undertake it on the morrow, having their arms quite ready.
The lord John de Ferrande, one of the knights of the king of Portugal, who had learnt they were desirous of performing some enterprise, came to them, and brought letters to the canon de Robersac. He read them, and found that the king of Portugal forbid him to quit his quarters; adding, that he was well informed it was through his means all these expeditions were thought of. The canon was much enraged at this order, and said to the knight, “John, I see plainly the king will not permit me to make any excursion. Now, suppose I remain in my house, do you think that the others, who are better knights and more valiant than I, will also stay at home and give up their enterprise? Oh no, by my troth, as you will see to-morrow; for they are determined and prepared to take the field.” “My lord,” replied Ferrande, “command them, in the king’s name, not to do so.” “By my faith,” said the canon, “I will do no such thing: do you, who belong to the king, order them yourself.”
Things remained in this state all night. In the morning, the trumpets sounded, when the knights and squires, being armed and mounted, came before the canon’s house, who had not put on his armour. On the English and Gascon knights drawing up, he came to the window, and told them the king of Portugal would not allow him, nor any of his party, to make an excursion. “By my faith,” answered they, “we will have a ride, since we are so well inclined to it: and so shall you too, for it shall never be reproached you, that when we had taken the field, you staid at home.” The canon was then obliged to arm himself, and mount his horse. The Portuguese knight, the lord Ferrande, was obliged to do the same; as much was he pressed by the others, but it occasioned him to stand in the ill graces of the king, and he was near being hanged. They marched out of Besiouse to the amount of about four hundred spears and as many archers; and, taking the Seville road towards a castle and town called Ban*, continued their march until they arrived, and surrounded the part which seemed most easy to be taken. They dismounted, formed themselves in order of attack, entered the ditches, which were dry, and began the assault vigorously.
At this time, there were no men at arms in the town of Ban. The inhabitants, though badly armed, mounted the walls and defended themselves as well as they were able with lances and javelins, but this could not last long. They therefore began to treat with the assailants, and at length surrendered, on having their lives and fortunes spared, declaring they would put themselves under the obedience of don Fernando, king of Portugal. They were well received in the town, which they entered to refresh themselves; when they began to examine by what means they could gain the castle. They saw it might be taken; and that same evening, some of the army began to skirmish. On the morrow, a more regular attack commenced.
The governor of the castle was a gentleman of the country, called Peter Jagouses, but he was not an able man at arms, as he showed; for as soon as he saw himself thus attacked, and so many men at arms advancing, he took fright, entered into terms, and surrendered the castle on his and the garrison’s lives being spared. They strengthened it with good men at arms and archers, and then departed towards another castle, seven leagues distant, called la Courtisse†. On their arrival, they instantly began the attack very sharply; but those within defended themselves to the utmost of their power, and disdained to surrender. At the first 690 attack, which was severe, the governor of the castle, called Radulph, was slain. He was an expert and valiant man at arms, but, having adventured himself too rashly on the bulwarks, was killed by an arrow. On his death the others lost courage: the castle was taken, and the greater part of the garrison put to the sword. Thus did the canon and his companions gain the castle of la Courtisse. They strengthened it with a new garrison; and, having well supplied it with everything, they marched towards the city of Seville the grand.
* “Ban.” Q.
† “Courtisse.” Q.
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