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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq; London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 563-575.

CHAPTER XXX. — THE EARL OF FLANDERS STOPS THE PROGRESS OF AN AMBASSADOR FROM THE KING OF FRANCE TO SCOTLAND: THIS CAUSES GREAT DISSENSIONS BETWEEN THEM.

KING CHARLES, who at this time governed France, was very sagacious and subtle, as his conduct showed; for, though he never quitted his closet or his amusements, he re-conquered all that his predecessors had lost in the field at the head of their armies, for which he was greatly to be commended. Now, because the king of France knew that king Robert of Scotland, and that whole kingdom, bore a mortal hatred to the English (for never can these two kingdoms love each other), that a better understanding between him and the Scots might be continued, he determined to send one of his knights, and a secretary to his council, to king Robert and the Scots, to treat with them; to examine the state of that country, 564 and see whether they were in a condition to carry on any effectual war: for Evan of Wales had during his life-time informed him, that the most certain way of disturbing England was through Scotland.

The king of France, having well considered this matter, had various ideas on the subject; and, having fixed his plan, he called to him one of his knights, a prudent man, named sir Peter lord de Bournezel, and said: “You will carry this message to Scotland, and salute the king and barons, with the assurance that we and our realm are willing to enter into treaties with them on the footing of good friends, in order that, when the season shall be favourable, we may send over troops, to be there admitted in the like manner as the practice has been with our predecessors in former times: and in your journeys thither and back again, as well as during your residence, you will take care to keep such state as shall become an ambassador from the king; for such is our will; and every expense shall be repaid you.” The knight answered, “Sire, your orders shall be obeyed.”

He did not delay his journey long after this; but, when his preparations were ready, he took leave of the king, and set out from Paris, continuing his route until he came to Sluys in Flanders. He waited there for a wind, which being unfavourable, detained him fifteen days. During this time he lived magnificently; and gold and silver plate were in such profusion in his apartments as if he had been a prince. He had also music to announce his dinner, and caused to be carried before him a sword in a scabbard, richly blazoned with his arms in gold and silver. His servants paid well for everything. Many of the townspeople were much astonished at the great state this knight lived in at home, which he also maintained when he went abroad. The bailiff of the town, who was an officer under the earl of Flanders, had noticed this conduct, and could not remain silent on the subject, for which he was to blame, but went and informed the earl of it, who at the time resided at Bruges, and his cousin the duke of Brittany with him. The earl of Flanders having considered a while, with the advice of the duke of Brittany, ordered the ambassador to be brought thither. The bailiff returned to Sluys, and came very uncourteously to the king’s knight; for he laid his hand on him, and arrested him in the name of the earl.

The knight was exceedingly surprised at this proceeding: he told the bailiff, that he was ambassador and commissioner from the king of France. The bailiff said, “that might be; but he must speak with the earl, who had ordered him to be conducted into his presence.” The knight could not by any means excuse himself from being carried to Bruges with all his attendants. When he was brought into the apartments of the earl, he and the duke of Brittany were leaning on a window which looked into the gardens. The knight cast himself on his knees before the earl, and said, “My lord, I am your prisoner.” At which words, the earl was mightily enraged, and replied with passion, “How, rascal, do you dare to call yourself my prisoner when I have only sent to speak with you? The subjects of my lord may very freely come and speak with me; but thou hast ill acquitted thyself by remaining so long at Sluys without coming to visit me, when thou knewest I was so near; but, I suppose, thou disdainedst it.” “My lord,” answered the knight, “saving your displeasure” —  He was interrupted by the duke of Brittany, who said, “It is by such tattlers and jesters of the parliament of Paris, and of the king’s chamber, as you, that the kingdom is governed; and you manage the king as you please, to do good or evil according to your wills: there is not a prince of the blood, however great he may be, if he incur your hatred, who will be listened to: but such fellows shall be hanged, until the gibbets be full of them.”

The knight who was still on his knees, was much mortified by these words: he saw that it was better for him to be silent than to make any reply: he did not therefore answer, but quitted the presence of the earl and his lords, when he found an opportunity. Some worthy people who were with the earl made way for him, and carried him to refresh himself. The knight afterwards mounted his horse, and returned to his hotel in Sluys, where I will tell you what happened to him. Although all his stores were embarked, and there was a favourable wind for Scotland, he would not sail and risk the dangers of the sea; for he was warned that he was watched by the English who resided in Sluys, and that, if he should sail, he would be taken, and carried to England. Through fear of this happening, he gave up his intended voyage, quitted Sluys, and returned to the king at Paris.

You may easily imagine, that the lord de Bournezel was not long before he told the king all that had befallen him in Flanders: he related every thing exactly as it happened. It was necessary he should do so by way of excusing himself for not having obeyed his orders, as the king was very much surprised at his return. When sir Peter was relating the events of this journey, there were present several knights of the king’s chamber: in particular, sir John de Guistelles of Hainault, a cousin to the earl of Flanders, who mutteringly repeated the words of sir Peter; so that, thinking the knight had spoken too freely of the earl of Flanders, he could not contain himself, but said: “I cannot thus hear my dear cousin the earl of Flanders so slightingly spoken of; and if, sir knight, you mean to affirm for truth all you have said, and assert that he by his act prevented you from fulfilling your orders, I challenge you to the field, and here is my glove.”

The lord de Bournezel was not slow to reply: “Sir John, I say that I was thus arrested and conducted by the bailiff to Sluys, and brought before the earl of Flanders; and that every word which I have spoken as from that earl and the duke of Brittany were said by them; and if you wish to say anything to the contrary, and that it was not so, I will take up your glove.” “I do say so,” replied the lord de Guistelles. At these words, the king looked very grave, and said, “Come, come; we will hear no more of this.” He then retired into his closet, attended by his chamberlains, very well pleased that sir Peter had so frankly spoken, and had so well answered sir John de Guistelles. He said to them smiling, “He has kept his ground well: I would not for twenty thousand francs it had not so happened.” Sir John de Guistelles, who was one of the king’s chamberlains, was afterwards so ill at court, and received with so much coldness, that he noticed it, and wished not to abide the consequences: he therefore took leave of the king, and went to Brabant to duke Winceslaus, who retained him in his service. With regard to the king of France, he was much angered with the earl of Flanders; for it appeared to several of the kingdom, that he had prevented the lord de Bournezel from continuing his journey to Scotland. He had also entertained his cousin the duke of Brittany, who was greatly out of favour with the king of France. Those who were near the person of the king easily saw that the earl of Flanders was not in his good graces. Shortly after this event, the king of France wrote very sharp letters to his cousin the earl of Flanders, which contained also menaces, for that he had supported and kept with him the duke of Brittany, whom he considered as his enemy.

The earl wrote back again, and made the best excuses he could. These were, however, of no avail; for the king of France sent him sharper letters, in which he declared, that if he did not send away his enemy the duke of Brittany, he would look upon him in the same light. When the earl of Flanders saw the manner in which the king took it, and that he would follow it up, he considered with himself (for he had a quick imagination), and resolved to show these menaces to his principal towns, more especially to Ghent, to know what answer they would wish him to send. He dispatched copies to Bruges, Ypres and Courtray; and he set out with the duke of Brittany for Ghent, where they were lodged at the postern gate. He was received by the citizens with very great joy, for at that time they were much pleased to have him among them. When the deputies from the other towns were arrived, according to their orders, the count had them assembled; and John de la Faucille harangued them, in his name, on the cause of his meeting them: he read to them the letters which had been received within the last two months from the king of France. After these letters had been read, the earl spoke as follows: “My children, and good people of Flanders, through God’s grace, I have been for a long time your lord: I have governed you in peace as much as was in my power; and you have never seen any thing in me but a desire to maintain you in prosperity, as a good lord should act in regard to his subjects. It must be very displeasing to me, and to you also who are my faithful subjects, that I should incur the hatred of my lord the king, because I keep with me my cousin-german the duke of Brittany, who at this time is not in favour with the court of France; nor, in truth, can he place any dependence on his vassals of Brittany, through the hatred of five or six of his barons. The king insists that I banish him my house and territories, which would be very extraordinary. I do not say but that if I should assist my cousin in opposition to France, the king might have cause to complain: but I have neither done so, nor have I any such 566 inclination. It is for this cause I have assembled you, to explain to you the dangers that might happen if you should be desirous for him to remain with me.” They answered unanimously, “My lord, we do wish him to remain with you: and we know not that prince, however great he may be, who should resolve to make war upon you, but who would find in your earldom of Flanders two hundred thousand men completely armed.”

This reply was very agreeable to the earl of Flanders, who said, “My good children, I thank you.” The assembly now broke up; and the earl was so well pleased that he gave them permission to return to their own homes in peace. The earl, at a proper time, returned to Bruges in company with the duke of Brittany. Things remained in this situation. The earl was very popular with his subjects, and the country continued in peace and prosperity: this, however, did not last long, through extraordinary wickedness, which brought on great tribulation, as you will hear related in this history.

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CHAPTER XXXI. — THE DUKE OF BRITTANY RETIRES FROM FLANDERS TO ENGLAND. — THE YOUNG COUNT DE ST. POL, WHILE A PRISONER IN ENGLAND, MARRIES.

THE king of France was punctually informed of every thing that had passed, and the speech which the earl of Flanders had made. He did not love him the better for this: but, as he could not remedy it, he thought it more prudent to overlook it: he declared, however, that the earl was the proudest prince alive. From the king’s manner, it was visible he was the lord he would most willingly have humbled, both for his pride and for his opposition to his desires. The earl of Flanders, notwithstanding the king of France had written to say he was very much displeased at his keeping the duke of Brittany with him, did not send him away, but entertained him as long as he wished to stay, and gave him a handsome establishment. At last, the duke was advised to visit England, which he likewise wished to see: he took leave of the earl his cousin, and went to Gravelines, where he was met by the earl of Salisbury, with five hundred men at arms and a thousand archers, for fear of the French garrisons, and conducted to Calais: sir Hugh Calverley, the governor, received him with all respect.

When the duke had staid at Calais five days, having a favourable wind, he embarked with the earl of Salisbury, and landed at Dover, and from thence went to the young king Richard, who received them with much joy; as did also the duke of Lancaster, the earls of Cambridge and Buckingham, and the great barons of England.

You have before heard how sir Valeran de Luxembourg, the young count de St. Pol. had been made a prisoner in a battle between Ardres and Calais, and had been carried to England under the king’s pleasure, who had purchased him of the lord de Gommegines: for the lord de Gommegines had set on foot this expedition, in which the count had been made a prisoner by a squire, a good man at arms, from the country of Gueldres. The young count de St. Pol remained a long time a prisoner in England, without being ransomed: true it is, that the king of England, during the lifetime of the captal de Buch, offered him several times to the king of France and to his allies in exchange for the captal; but neither the king of France nor his council would listen to it, nor give up the captal in exchange, to the great dissatisfaction of the king of England.

Things remained for some time in this situation. The count de St. Pol had an agreeable prison in the beautiful castle of Windsor, and was allowed the liberty of amusing himself with hawking wherever he pleased in the environs of Westminster and Windsor: he was thus trusted on the faith of his word. The princess, mother of king Richard, resided at that time at Windsor, with her daughter, the lady Maude, the most beautiful woman in England. The young count de St. Pol and this lady fell loyally in love with each other: they frequently met at dancings, carollings, and at other amusements; so that it was suspected the young lady tenderly loved the count, and she discovered the whole to her mother. A treaty of marriage was then entered into between the count de St. Pol and the lady Maude Holland: the count was ransomed for six score thousand francs; of which one half was to be remitted on his marriage, the remainder he was to pay. When the treaty had been concluded between 567 the young people, the king of England granted permission for the count to cross the sea, in order to procure his ransom, on his promise to return within the year. The count went to France to see his friends, the king and his cousins of France, the earl of Flanders, the duke of Brabant, and also duke Albert.

In this year, a cruel charge was laid against the count de St. Pol: he was accused of an intention to deliver up to the English the strong castle of Bouchain. The king ordered him to be arrested and closely guarded, declaring that the count in fact meant to have entered into treaties inimical towards him; from which charge the count could never clear himself. On this occasion also, the lord canon de Robesart, the lord de Vertaing, sir James du Sart and Gerard d’Obies, were imprisoned in the castle of Mons in Hainault. This charge at length came to nothing; for, the king of France not being able to prove anything against them, they were set at liberty. The young count returned to England, to acquit himself of his engagement to the king, and to marry his bride. He paid the sixty thousand francs according to his obligation, and re-crossed the sea, but did not enter France, for the king disliked him much.

The count and countess went therefore to reside at the castle of Han-sur-Heure, which the lord de Moraine, who had married his sister, lent them; and there they remained during the life of the king of France; for the count could never regain his love. We will now leave these things, and return to the affairs of France.

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CHAPTER XXXII. — THE DUKE OF ANJOU MAKES WAR ON BRITTANY. — SIR WILLIAM DES BORDES IS TAKEN PRISONER BY THE GARRISON OF CHERBOURG.

AT this period, all Brittany was armed, as well against the duke as against the French. Several of the principal towns had a good understanding with the duke, and wondered he was not sent for back: there were also many knights and squires of Brittany of the same opinion; and, by means of a treaty, the countess de Penthievre, mother to the children of Charles de Blois, was not averse to his return. But sir Bertrand du Guesclin, constable of France, the lords de Clisson, de Laval, the viscount de Rohan, and the lord de Rochefort, kept the country in a state of warfare with the force sent them from France. At Pontorson, St. Malo, and in that neighbourhood, were great numbers of men at arms from France, Normandy, Auvergne, and Burgundy, who committed very great devastation.

The duke of Brittany, who was in England, received full information of all this, and that the duke of Anjou, who resided at Angers, was carrying the war into his country: he heard also that the principal towns had armed themselves against the French, as well as several knights and squires, in his name, for which he felt himself much obliged. But, notwithstanding all these favourable symptoms, he was afraid to return to Brittany with full confidence in them, for he was always suspicious of some treason: neither did his own council, the king of England, nor duke of Lancaster advise him to go thither.

Sir William des Bordes maintained the garrisons in Normandy and Valognes of which he was captain: he had with him the deputy séneschal of Eu, sir William Marcel, sir Braque de Braquemont, the lord de Torcy, sir Percival d’Ayneval, the bègue d’Yury, sir Lancelot de Lorris, with many other knights and squires, who, day and night, employed their thoughts in devising how they could damage Cherbourg, of which sir John Harlestone was governor. The garrison of Cherbourg made as frequent sallies as they pleased; for they could do so without any one knowing of it, through the extensive forest with which they were surrounded. They had made a road through the wood in such a manner that they could overrun part of Normandy without danger from the French.

It fell out that both garrisons made an excursion the same day without the knowledge of each other, and by accident met at a place called Pastoy-ès-Bois. When they met, like knights and squires desirous of fighting, they all dismounted except sir Lancelot de Lorris, who remained on horseback, his lance in his rest, and his target on his neck, requesting a tilt in honour of his lady. Several heard his demand; for there were also among the English some knights and squires who had bound themselves in like manner by vows of love to their 568 ladies. I believe it was sir John Copeland, a hardy knight, who accepted his challenge. Then, spurring their horses, they charged each other very gallantly, and gave dreadful blows on their targets. Sir Lancelot was, however, so severely struck by the English knight that his shield and other armour were pierced through, and himself mortally wounded. It was a great pity, for he was an expert knight, young, handsome, and much in love. He was there and elsewhere sincerely lamented.

The French and English then attacked each other, fighting hand to hand. On the part of the French, sir William des Bordes, the deputy séneschal of Eu, sir William Marcel, sir Braque de Braquemont, and the others, showed themselves good knights, and fought manfully. Sir John Harlestone, sir Philip Picourde, sir John Burley, sir John Copeland, and the rest of the English behaved as well; and, from their superior fighting, they at last won the day. The French knights and squires were either taken or slain: in particular, a squire from Hainault, called William de Beaulieu, and sir William des Bordes were made prisoners. They were conducted to Cherbourg, where they met sir Oliver du Guesclin, who was a prisoner also.

Thus ended the business, as I was informed.

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CHAPTER XXXIII. — GODFREY TETE-NOIRE AND AIMERIGOT MARCEL, CAPTAINS ATTACHED TO ENGLAND, TAKE SEVERAL STRONG PLACES IN AUVERGNE AND LIMOUSIN FROM THE FRENCH.

THERE happened daily in Auvergne and Limousin feats of arms, and wonderful enterprises; more especially in the neighbourhood of the castle of Ventadour, in Auvergne, which is one of the strongest places in all that country. It was sold or betrayed to the most cruel of all Bretons, called Geoffry Tête-noire. I will relate how this happened.

The count de Ventadour de Montpensier was an ancient knight and honourable man, who no longer took part in the wars, but remained peaceably in his castle: this knight had a squire or varlet, called Ponce du Bois, who had served him for a length of time without having profited much by his service: seeing that henceforward he should have no opportunities of gaining riches, he determined, by bad advice, to enrich himself, and in consequence entered into a secret treaty with Geoffrey Tête-noire, who resided in Limousin, to deliver up the castle of Ventadour to him for the sum of six thousand francs. This was agreed to; but he had inserted among the conditions that no harm should be done to his master, the count de Ventadour, and that he should be put out of his castle in a courteous manner, and that everything of his should be restored to him. This was complied with, for the Bretons and English who entered the castle did not in the smallest degree hurt the count nor his people, and only retained the stores and artillery, of which there were great plenty.

The count de Ventadour went to reside at Montpensier*, with his wife and children, beyond Aigueperse in Auvergne. Geoffry Tête-noire and his troops kept possession of Ventadour; from whence they ravaged the country, and took many strong castles in Auvergne, Rouergue, Limousin, Quercy, Gevaudan, Bigorre, and in the Agenois, one after the other.

With this Geoffry Tête-noire, there were other captains, who performed many excellent deeds of arms, as Aimerigot Marcel, a Limousin squire attached to the English party, who took the strong castle of Cassuriel, situated in the bishopric of Clermont in Auvergne; from whence the above-mentioned Aimerigot and his companions overran the country at their pleasure. Captains of other castles were also in his company, such as the bourg Calart, the bourg Anglois, the bourg de Champagne, Raymond de Force, a Gascon, and Peter de Béarn, a Béarnois.

Aimerigot made one day an excursion, with only twelve companions, to seek adventures: they took the road towards Aloise, near St. Flour, which has a handsome castle, in the bishopric of Clermont: they knew the castle was only guarded by the porter. As they 569 were riding silently towards Aloise, Aimerigot spies the porter sitting on the trunk of a tree withoutside of the castle: a Breton, who shot extraordinarily well with a cross-bow, says to him, “Would you like to have that porter killed at a shot?” “Yes,” replied Aimerigot; “and I beg you will do so.” The cross-bowman shoots a bolt, which he drives into the porter’s head, and knocks him down: the porter, feeling himself mortally wounded, regains the gate, which he attempts to shut, but cannot, and falls down dead. Aimerigot and his companions hasten to the castle, which they enter by the wicket, and see the porter lying dead and his wife distracted beside him: they do her no harm, but enquire where the constable of the castle is: she replies that he is at Clermont. They promise to spare her life, if she will give them the keys of the castle and of the dungeon; which when she had done, for she could not any way defend herself, they shut her out, having given her what belonged to her, and indeed as much as she could carry away. She went to St. Flour, which is but a league off: the inhabitants were much frightened, as well as all the adjoining country, when they heard that Aloise was become English.

Soon after this, Aimerigot Marcel re-captured the strong castle of Balon by surprise; the governor was asleep in the great tower, when he scaled the walls, for the place was not easy to be taken by force; but, by means of this tower, the castle might be gained. Aimerigot, therefore, thought of a subtle trick: having possession of the father and mother of the governor, he ordered them to be led in sight of the tower, making every preparation to behead them, if the son did not surrender himself. These good people thought they were instantly to be murdered, and cried out to their son to take compassion on them, bewailing most lamentably their unfortunate lot.

The governor was much affected: he could not suffer his parents to be put to death: he therefore surrendered the tower, when the whole family were thrust out of the castle. Thus did Balon belong to the English, a circumstance which, in its consequences, much harassed the country; for all sorts of people who wished to do evil retired thither, or to Cassuriel, two leagues from Limoges, to Carlat, to Aloise, to Ventadour, or to some other such castles. When these garrisons were all collected in a body, they might amount to five or six hundred lances: they overran the whole country, and the territories of the count dauphin d’Auvergne, situated at no great distance from their garrison; for none ventured to oppose them when thus collected together. It is true, the lord de Chupier was a great enemy to them; as were the lord de Forterel and the bastard de Forterel, his brother, and a squire from the Bourbonnois called Gordomes. This Gordomes, one day meeting Aimerigot Marcel, by a gallant exploit, took him prisoner, and ransomed him for five thousand francs: so much did he gain for him. Thus was the war carried on in Auvergne, Limousin, and the adjoining countries.

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*   “Montpensier,” — a town in Auvergne, diocese of Clermont, near Aigueperse.

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CHAPTER XXXIV. — A SCHISM IN THE CHURCH. — THE CAUSE OF IT. — THE BRETONS MAKE WAR ON THE ROMANS. — THE QUEEN OF NAPLES GIVES UP HER TERRITORIES TO POPE CLEMENT VII.

I HAVE been a long while silent on the affairs of the church: I now return to them, for it is become necessary. You have before heard how the cardinals, to appease the Roman populace, who were very much enraged against him, had chosen for pope the archbishop of Bari, whose name, before his elevation, was Bartholomew Prignano: he afterwards assumed that of Urban VI. and gave indulgences according to the usual custom. The cardinals intended, on a proper opportunity, to make another election: for this pope, being choleric and obstinate, was neither profitable to them nor to the church; so that when he found himself invested with the powers of papacy, in consequence of which many princes of Christendom had written to him to acknowledge their obedience, he became very haughty, and desirous of retrenching the powers of the cardinals, and depriving them of several of their rights and accustomed prerogatives.

This conduct was highly displeasing to them: they held a meeting, and declared that he would never do them any service, and was beside unfit to govern the Christian world. Several proposed to elect another, more wise and prudent, and better able to govern the church. The whole body were eager for this, more especially that cardinal who was afterwards elected pope. During the whole summer, the affair continued in suspense; for those who wished a new election dared not publicly declare their intentions for fear of the Romans. About the time of the vacations, many cardinals left Rome to amuse themselves in different places in the neighbourhood. Urban went to a city called Tivoli, where he remained a considerable time. During these vacations or terms, (that lasted not long, for there were many clergy from different parts of the world at Rome, waiting for graces which had been promised, some of whom had been collated to churches,) the refractory cardinals assembled to elect a pope, and their unanimous choice fell on sir Robert de Geneva, son to the count of Geneva, whose first promotion had been to the bishopric of Terouenne, then to the archbishopric of Cambray, and at last cardinal of Geneva. The greater number of cardinals attended this election. The new pope took the name of Clement.

At this period, Silvester Budes, a valiant knight from Brittany, was in the country near Rome, and had under him upwards of two thousand Bretons, who in the late years had done much against the Florentines, whom pope Gregory had made war upon and excommunicated for their rebellion; but, through the intercession of Silvester Budes, they had been pardoned. Pope Clement and the cardinals of his party, sent secretly for him and his troops. He marched directly into the strong castle of St. Angelo, in the village of St. Peter, the better to check the Romans.

Pope Urban, and the cardinals attached to him, were afraid to quit Tivoli, though they very much wished it, on account of these Bretons; for they were determined men, who murdered all whom they met in opposition to them. The Romans, on finding how dangerously they were situated, sent for other soldiers, Germans and Lombards, who daily skirmished with the Bretons. Clement granted indulgences to all the clergy who wished for them, and published his election throughout the world.

When king Charles of France was informed of this, he was much astonished: he summoned his brothers and all the great barons, the prelates, the rector and principal doctors of the university of Paris, to know which of the two popes, the first or the last, he ought to pay obedience to. This matter was not soon determined, for the clergy were of divided opinions: but, in the end, all the prelates in France inclined to Clement, as did the king’s brothers and the majority of the university of Paris. The king received so much instruction and information at this assembly from the most learned of the clergy, that he had put himself under the obedience of Clement, whom he held for the true and loyal pope. He then published an edict throughout his realm for every person to consider Clement as pope, and to obey him as a god upon earth. The king of Spain was of the same opinion; as were the earl of Savoy, the duke of Milan and the queen of Naples.

Clement having gained the king of France, his cause acquired great credit; for the kingdom of France is the fountain of faith and of excellence, from the grand churches which are established there and the noble prelatures. Charles of Bohemia, king of Germany and emperor of Rome, was still living: he resided at Prague in Bohemia, where he had heard of all these things to his great astonishment. However, his empire of Germany, excepting the bishopric of Trect*, was so strongly inclined in their faith to Urban, that they would not hear mention made of another. The emperor dissembled as long as he lived, and replied so courteously, whenever any conversation passed on this subject, that his barons and prelates were quite satisfied. Notwithstanding this, the churches in the empire obeyed Urban; but the whole of Scotland acknowledged Clement.

Earl Lewis of Flanders oppressed very much the Clementists in Brabant, Hainault, and Liege; for he was a determined Urbanist, and said that this pope had been scandalously treated. The earl was so much believed and loved in the parts where he resided that, on his sole account, the churches and landholders followed his opinion. But those of Hainault, 571 with the churches and their appendages, as well as their sovereign, called Albert, remained neuter, and obeyed neither one nor other of the popes; for which reason the archbishop of Cambray at that time, called John, lost his temporalities in Hainault.

Pope Clement, about this time, sent the cardinal de Poitiers, a very prudent and wise man, to France, Hainault, Flanders and Brabant, to preach and to instruct the people; for he had been present at the first conclave, and could well explain that through fear they had elected the archbishop of Bari to the papacy. The king of France, his brothers and the prelates of that realm, received him very graciously, and listened attentively to his words and doctrines, which seemed to carry truth with them, and to be of a nature to engage their whole faith. On leaving France, he went to Hainault, where he was received with joy. He was also received in the same manner by the duke and duchess of Brabant, but gained nothing more. He thought of calling at Liege on his return, but was advised to the contrary, and therefore returned to Tournay, intending to visit Flanders from thence, and converse with the earl: however, he did not; for it was signified to him from the earl, that he would have nothing to say to him, considering Urban as pope, and in that opinion would live and die.

The cardinal went from Tournay to Valenciennes, and from thence to Cambray, where he staid a long time in hopes of receiving good news. Thus was the christian world divided, and the churches differed in regard to which was the legal pope. Urban had the larger number; but the most profitable in revenue and obedience fell to Clement.

Clement, by the advice of his cardinals, sent to have the palace at Avignon prepared for him; for it was his intention to retire thither as soon as he was able. In the interim, he resided at Fondi, where he granted his indulgences to all such clergy as were desirous of having them. Large bodies of soldiers occupied the plains and villages near Rome, and made war upon that city and the village of St. Peter, which they attacked day and night; whilst those who were in the castle of St. Angelo; gave much disturbance to the Romans. The inhabitants, having strengthened themselves by many German soldiers, collected together, and in one day conquered the village of St. Peter: such Bretons as were able, secured themselves in the castle of St. Angelo; but they were so much harassed, as to surrender the castle on having their lives spared, and retreat towards Fondi, and to the flat country thereabouts. The Romans dismantled the castle of St. Angelo, and burnt the village of St. Peter.

When sir Silvester Bude, who was still in that country, heard that his people had lost the village of St. Peter and the castle of St. Angelo, he was much vexed, and thought how he could revenge himself on the Romans. He learnt from his spies, that the principal persons from the city were to meet in council at the capitol; upon which he planned an enterprise of men at arms, whom he had retained near him, and rode that day through bye-roads to Rome, which he entered by the gate leading to Naples. On his arrival, he made directly for the capital, and came there so opportunely that the council had just left their hall, and were in the square. These Bretons, couching their spears and spurring their horses, charged the Romans full gallop, and slew and wounded numbers of the principal persons of the city. Among those that lay dead in the square were seven banners and two hundred other rich men: a great many were wounded. When the Bretons had performed this exploit they retreated, as it was evening: they were not pursued, on account of the night, and because the Romans were so frightened that they could only attend on their friends. They passed the night in great anguish of heart, burying the dead, and taking care of the wounded.

The next morning, they bethought themselves of an act of cruelty, which they put into execution: they attacked the poor clergy who resided in Rome, and who had not been guilty of the smallest fault, slew and wounded upwards of three hundred, but in particular, they showed no mercy to any Bretons who fell into their hands. In this miserable situation was Rome and its neighbourhood, on account of two popes; and those who had not been any way concerned in the business paid dearly for it.

Pope Clement and his cardinals resided at Fondi, where the queen of Naples came to visit and encourage him; for she and her subjects were attached to him as pope, and anxious 572 to support him as such. The queen of Naples† had entertained an idea for a considerable time of surrendering the kingdom of Sicily and county of Provence, which were dependencies on her crown, into the hands of the pope, for him to give according to his will, as an inheritance, to any prince of high birth in France, but who must have the means of defending her against those of the house of Hungary, whom she mortally hated.

On the queen’s arrival at Fondi, she humbled herself before the pope, and, having confessed herself to him, related all her affairs without disguise, adding; “Holy father, I possess several great and noble inheritances; the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, la Puglia, Calabria, and the county of Provence. In truth, king Lewis of Sicily, duke of la Puglia and Calabria, my father, during his life-time, acknowledged holding these territories from the church, and, taking my hand on his death-bed, said to me: My good child, you are heiress of a very extensive and rich country; and I believe that many princes will endeavour to obtain you for a wife on account of the handsome territories you will possess. Now, I would recommend you to follow my advice, which is, to unite yourself with a powerful prince, who will be able to keep your kingdoms in peace; and should it so happen that, through God’s will, you have not any heirs, yield to whoever may be at the time pope all your territories; for king Robert, my father, so charged me on his death-bed, which is the reason, my dear daughter, I order you so to do, and discharge myself from it. Holy father, I promised to comply with his wishes, and pledged my faith, in the presence of all who were in the chamber, to fulfil his last request. In truth, holy father, after his decease, with the consent of the nobles of Sicily and Naples, I wedded Andrew of Hungary, brother to Lewis king of Hungary, by whom I had not any children; for he died a young man, at Aix in Provence‡. After his death, they married me to Charles prince of Taranto, by whom I had a daughter. The king of Hungary, being angry that his brother died, made war on my husband, the lord Charles, and took from him la Puglia and Calabria: he also made him prisoner in battle, carried him to Hungary, where he died during his confinement.

“After this, with the consent of my nobility, I was united to James king of Majorca, who went to France for the lord Louis de Navarre to come and marry my daughter, but he died on the road. The king of Majorca left me with the intention to re-conquer his kingdom of Majorca, which the king of Arragon kept from him by force; for he had put his father to death in prison, and disinherited the son. I told the king, my husband, that I was sufficiently rich to maintain him in as pompous a style as he should please; but he insisted so much, and gave such plausible reasons for recovering his inheritance, that I consented, with a half-willing mind, for him to act as he pleased; but, on his departure, I particularly enjoined him to go to king Charles of France, and explain to him his business, and to follow what he should advise: this, however, he totally neglected to do, and ill consequences resulted from it; for he went to the prince of Wales, in whom he had greater confidence than in the king of France, who is my relation, and who promised to assist him in his undertaking. However, during the time he was on this expedition, I wrote and sent ambassadors to the king of France, to desire he would send me a nobleman of the blood royal, to whom I might give my daughter, that our territories should not be without heirs. The king of France attended to my proposals, for which I thank him, and sent me his cousin Robert d’Artois, whom I married to my daughter.

“Holy father, my husband, the king of Majorca, died during his expedition: I then married the lord Otho of Brunswick. The lord Charles Durazzo, seeing that the lord Otho would enjoy my inheritance during my life, made war upon us, and took us prisoners in the Castle del Ovo, when the sea was so high that it seemed to cover us. We were all so much frightened that we surrendered ourselves. on our lives being spared. The lord Charles detained in prison my husband, myself, my daughter, and her husband, so long that the two last died. We gained our liberty afterwards by a treaty, which gave up to him la Puglia and Calabria; and he now looks to inherit Naples, Sicily, and Provence; for which reason 573 he seeks alliances everywhere, and will set aside the rights of the church as soon as I shall be dead, or at least he will do everything in his power to accomplish it.

“Wherefore, holy father, as I wish to acquit myself towards God, you, and the souls of my predecessors, I now place in your hands all the territories which belong to me, of Sicily, Naples, la Puglia, Calabria, and Provence, and give them up to you to dispose of to whomsoever shall be to you the most agreeable, and who shall be able to conquer them from our enemy Charles Durazzo.”

Pope Clement heard this speech with pleasure, and received the gift in great reverence, replying, “My daughter of Naples, we will take such measures that your territories shall have an heir of your noble and powerful blood, and who shall be fully able to resist all who may wish to oppose him.” Public and authentic acts were drawn up of all these gifts, so that they might in future establish the right, and make everything clear to those who in times to come may hear of them§.

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*   “Trect.” Q. Trent.

†   “The queen of Naples,” — the celebrated Joan. — Her history is differently related from Froissart’s account.

‡   She had him murdered, and thrown out of a window at Aversa, where he lay for several days, and was at last interred secretly by his nurse, who was very fond of him, and a canon of St. Januarius, in the cathedral of Naples. The whole tale which she relates is very incorrect.

§   For further accounts of her life, see Bayle’s Dictionary.

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CHAPTER XXXV. — POPE CLEMENT GOES TO AVIGNON. — HE MAKES THE DUKE OF ANJOU MAGNIFICENT PRESENTS. — SIR SILVESTER BUDES AND HIS COMPANIONS ARE BEHEADED.

WHEN the queen of Naples and the lord Otho of Brunswick had concluded with the pope the object of their journey to Fondi, and had remained there to amuse themselves as long as they chose, they took leave, and returned to Naples. Pope Clement thought it would not be for his advantage to remain longer so near Rome. Having learnt that Urban and the Romans were labouring hard to gain the love of the Neapolitans and the lord Charles Durazzo, he was alarmed lest the roads to Avignon should be so blocked up by sea and land that he would not get thither, which he was very desirous to accomplish. What made him the more eager to arrive at Avignon was his wish to present as a gift, without 574 prejudice or violation, those rights which the queen of Naples had given him over the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, to the duke of Anjou, and which had been legally signed and sealed.

He therefore prudently arranged his affairs in secret, and embarked on board the galleys which had been sent from Arragon, attended by his cardinals and their families: having favourable winds, they arrived, without accident, at Marseilles, to the great joy of the people in those parts: thence the pope went to Avignon, and sent information of his arrival to the king of France and his brothers, who were much pleased thereat. The duke of Anjou, who at that time resided at Toulouse, waited on him. The pope immediately on his arrival, presented him with all those powers with which the queen of Naples had invested him. The duke of Anjou, who was ever ambitious to be possessed of honours and large possessions, received these gifts most gratefully, and accepted them for himself and his heirs, telling his holiness, that as soon as he was able, he would visit those countries with such a force as should enable him to resist all the enemies of the queen of Naples. The duke remained with the pope about fifteen days, and then returned to Toulouse to the duchess and his children. The pope gave the command of his men at arms to sir Bernard de la Salle and to Florimond Guerrier.

At this period, there was in Tuscany a right valiant English knight, called sir John Hawkwood*, who had there performed many most gallant deeds of arms; he had left France at the conclusion of the peace of Bretigny, and was at that time a poor knight, who thought it would not be of any advantage to him to return home; but when he saw, that by the treaties, all men at arms would be forced to leave France, he put himself at the head of those free companions called late-comers, and marched into Burgundy. Several such companions, composed of English, Gascons, Bretons, Germans, and of men from every nation, were collected there. Hawkwood was one of the principal leaders, with Bricquet and Carnelle, by whom the battle of Brignais was fought, and who aided Bernard de la Salle to take the Pont du St. Esprit.

When they had harassed the country for some time, the marquis de Montferrat made a treaty with them to assist him in his war with the lords of Milan. This marquis led them over the Alps, after he had paid them sixty thousand francs, of which Hawkwood received, for himself and his troops, ten thousand. When they had finished the war for the marquis, the greater part of them returned to France; for sir Bertrand du Guesclin, the lords de la Marche, de Beaujeau, and sir Arnold d’Andreghen marshal of France, wished to lead them into Spain, to don Henry de Trastamare, against don Pedro king of Spain.

Sir John Hawkwood and his companions remained in Italy, and were employed by pope Urban as long as he lived in his wars in the Milanese. Pope Gregory, successor to Urban, engaged him in the same manner. Sir John had also a profitable employment, under the lord de Coucy, against the count de Vertus and his barons; in which, some say, the lord de Coucy would have been slain, if sir John Hawkwood had not come to his assistance with five hundred combatants, which he was solely induced to do because the lord de Coucy had married one of the king of England’s daughters. This sir John Hawkwood was a knight much inured to war, which he had long followed, and had gained great renown in Italy from his gallantry.

The Romans, therefore, and Urban, who called himself pope, resolved, on Clement leaving Italy, to send for Hawkwood, and appoint him commander-in-chief of all their forces: they made him large offers of retaining him and his whole troop at a handsome subsidy, which he accepted, and acquitted himself loyally for it. In company with the Romans, he defeated a large body of Bretons under the command of Silvester Budes; the greater part of whom were either slain or taken: Silvester Budes was carried prisoner to Rome, where he was in great danger of being beheaded. To say the truth, it would have been more for his honour, and for that of his friend, had he been so the day he was brought there; for he and another squire of Brittany, called William Boileau, were afterwards beheaded in the city of Mascon by order of pope Clement. They were suspected of treachery, on account of having escaped 575 from the prisons in Rome, no one knew how, and had come to Avignon, where they were arrested.

The cardinal of Amiens was the author of their arrest; for he hated them ever since the wars in Italy, when they had killed some of his baggage-horses, and seized a large quantity of money and gold and silver plate, which Silvester had distributed among his followers, by way of pay, being unable otherwise to satisfy them. The cardinal was much enraged at this conduct, and secretly charged them with treason. On their arrival at Avignon, they were seized, and accused of treacherously intending to betray the pope: they were then sent to Mascon, where both were instantly beheaded.

In this state were affairs in those distant countries. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin was indignant against the pope and cardinals on account of the death of his cousin Silvester Budes; and, if he had lived a little longer, he would have shown, or have caused it to have been shown, them, that it was very displeasing to him. We will, for the present, leave these matters, and speak of the war in Flanders, which began about this time. The people were very murderous and cruel, and multitudes were slain or driven out of the country. The country itself was so much ruined, that it was said a hundred years would not restore it to the situation it was in before the war.

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*   “Sir John Hawkwood.” For an account of him, see vol. vi. of the Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica, where there is a life of him, his engraved portrait and tomb. See also Mr. Shepherd’s life of Poggio Bracciolini.

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CHAPTER XXXVI. — THE STATE OF FLANDERS BEFORE THE WAR. — THE CAUSES OF THE DISPUTES BETWEEN THE EARL OF FLANDERS AND THE FLEMINGS. — JOHN LYON INTRODUCES THE DISTINCTION OF WHITE HOODS.

BEFORE the commencement of these wars in Flanders, the country was so fertile, and everything in such abundance, that it was marvellous to see; and the inhabitants of the principal towns lived in very grand state. You must know, that this war originated in the pride and hatred that several of the chief towns bore to each other: those of Ghent against those of Bruges, and others, in like manner, vying with each other through envy. However, this could not have created a war without the consent of their lord the earl of Flanders, who was so much loved and feared that no one dared to anger him.

The earl, being wise and prudent, carefully avoided encouraging a war between his vassals; for he foresaw, that if any difference should arise between him and them, he would be much weakened and less formidable to his neighbours. He carefully avoided war for another reason, considering it as destructive to all possessions, although at last he was forced to it: he had hitherto reigned in great prosperity and peace, and had as many pleasures and enjoyments as any earthly lord can have. The wars which ensued were caused by so trifling an event, that if the earl had possessed any prudence, it ought not to have produced that effect; and those who read this book, or who may have it read to them, will say, that it was the work of the devil. You know wise men think the devil, who is subtle and full of artifice, labours night and day to cause warfare wherever he finds peace and harmony, and seeks by distant means, and by degrees, how to accomplish his ends. And thus it fell out in Flanders, as you will clearly see and learn from the different treaties and ordinances which follow relative to these matters.

During the time that earl Lewis of Flanders was in his greatest prosperity, there was a citizen of Ghent called John Lyon; he was wise, subtle, and bold, but cruel, enterprising and cool in business, and very much in favour with the earl, as it should seem; for he employed him to assassinate, in a secret way, a man of Ghent that was disagreeable to him, and who acted contrary to the wishes of the earl. John Lyon sought a quarrel with him, and killed him. This man was greatly lamented by all; and, for grief of what he had done, John Lyon went and resided at Douay, where he lived for three years, keeping a handsome state, for which the earl paid.

John Lyon, on account of this murder, was instantly deprived of everything he had in the city of Ghent, and banished from it for four years. The earl managed to make up the matter and recover for him the freedom he had lost of Ghent, which was a circumstance not before heard of, and several in Ghent and Flanders were much astonished at it, but so it 576 happened. In addition to this, the earl, that he might enrich himself and live well, made him deacon of the pilots: this office might be worth to him a thousand francs a-year, doing honestly his duty. Thus was John Lyon so much in the good graces of the earl that no one was equal to him.

At this time, there was a family in Ghent called the Matthews: they were seven brothers, and the most considerable of all the pilots. Among those seven brothers was one named Gilbert Matthew, who was rich, wise, subtle, and more enterprising than any of his family. This Gilbert bore in secret a great hatred to John Lyon, because he saw him so much in favour with the earl; and he occupied his thoughts, day and night, how he could supplant him. He sometimes inclined to have him slain by his brothers, but gave it up for fear of the earl. He thought so much on this subject that at last he hit upon a plan to accomplish it: however, I will first tell you the real cause why they hated each other, that you may the more fully understand it. There existed formerly, in the town of Deynse, a mortal hatred between two pilots and their families: one was called Peter Guillon, and the other John Barbé. Gilbert Matthew and his brothers were connected by blood to one of these families, and John Lyon, by similar ties, to the other. This hatred was for a long time nourished in secret, though they sometimes spoke, and even ate and drank with each other; and Gilbert made more of this connexion than John Lyon did. Gilbert, without striking a blow, bethought himself of a cunning contrivance.

The earl of Flanders resided sometimes at Ghent: Gilbert, during these residences, got acquainted with one of the earl’s chamberlains, who was attached to his person, and said to him: “If my lord of Flanders pleased, he might gain, every year, a handsome revenue from the pilots, who now pay nothing: it might be levied on the foreign trade, provided John Lyon, who is deacon of the pilots, would acquit himself honestly.” The chamberlain said he would inform the earl of it, which he did. The earl (like other great lords, who naturally wish for gain, and who do not foresee the consequences, but only seek to get the money into their hands) told his chamberlain to bring Gilbert Matthew to him, and he would hear what he had to say.

Gilbert was introduced, and, in conversation, made use of such arguments as appeared reasonable to the earl, who replied, “It is well: let it be so.” John Lyon was immediately called into the apartment, in presence of Gilbert Matthew, quite ignorant of what had passed, when the earl opened the business to him, and added, “John, if you choose, we may gain much wealth by this scheme.” John was indeed loyal in his employment, but saw this was not a reasonable demand: being unwilling to speak to the contrary, he replied, “My lord, what you have required, which it seems Gilbert has proposed, I cannot execute myself, for it will be too heavy upon the mariners.” “John,” answered the earl, “if you will exert yourself, the business will be done.” “My lord,” replied John, “I will then do every thing in my power.”

The conference broke up, when Gilbert Matthew (whose only aim was to ruin John Lyon in the mind of the earl, to deprive him of his office, so that, being turned out, it might profit him) went to his six brothers, and said to them’; “It is now time to assist me, which I hope you will do, like good friends and brothers, for it is your cause I am fighting. I will discomfit John Lyon without striking a blow, and so ruin him in the opinion of the earl that he shall be more disliked by the earl than he had before been liked. Now, notwithstanding all I may say or argue at the meeting to be holden, you must refuse to comply: I will dissemble, and argue that if John Lyon would faithfully acquit himself, this ordinance would be obeyed. I know so well our lord, that sooner than give up his point, John Lyon will lose his favour, as well as his office, which will be given to me; and, when I am in the possession of it you will comply with the demand. We are very powerful with the mariners of this town, so that none of them will dare oppose us. I will afterwards so manage that John Lyon shall be slain, and we have our revenge without appearing in the matter.”

All his brethren complied with this request. The meeting was held of the mariners, when John Lyon and Gilbert Matthew explained the will of the earl, who proposed, by a new statute, to lay a tax on the navigation of the Lys and the Scheld. It appeared very burdensome, and too great a stretch of power, particularly to the six brothers of Gilbert, who 577 were more firm and unanimous in their opposition to it than all the rest. John Lyon, their deacon, was secretly rejoiced at this; for he was desirous of maintaining all their ancient rights and privileges, and flattered himself that the brothers were in his favour, while they were acting just the contrary. John Lyon reported to the earl the answer of the mariners, adding, “My lord, it is a thing which cannot be done: much evil may result from it: let things remain as they are, and do not attempt to introduce any novelties.” This answer was not very pleasing to the earl, for he perceived that if the impost were laid, and collected in the manner he had been told, he should have received every year from six to seven thousand florins of revenue: he therefore made no reply, but did not think less upon it, and had those mariners whom John Lyon found rebellious sued by actions and otherwise.

On the other hand, Gilbert Matthew came to the earl and his council, to say that John Lyon did not act well in this business; that if he had his office, he would so manage the mariners that the earl of Flanders should have this revenue hereditarily.

The earl did not see clear, for this revenue, with his avarice, blinded him; and, without asking for advice, he deprived John Lyon of his office, which he gave to Gilbert. When Gilbert thus saw himself deacon of the pilots, he turned his brothers according to his will, and gave the earl satisfaction in regard to this impost, for which he was not the more beloved by the majority of the mariners; but they were forced to submit, for the seven brothers, assisted by the earl, were too many for them, and it behoved them to do so in silence.

Thus did Gilbert Matthew, by this wary method carry his point, and obtain the favour of the earl of Flanders. Gilbert made very handsome presents to the officers and chamberlains of the earl; by which means he blinded then, and gained their friendship. All these fine gifts were paid for by the mariners, which dissatisfied many, but they dared not complain. John Lyon, by the above mentioned means and intrigues of Gilbert, entirely lost the good graces of the earl: he lived quietly on his fortune, suffering patiently whatever was done to him. Gilbert, being now deacon, and secretly hating John Lyon, took away from him a third or fourth of the profits which were his due from the navigation. John Lyon did not say one word, but, prudently dissembling, and with an apparent good will, took whatever they gave him; for, he said, there were times when it was better to be silent than to talk.

Gilbert Matthew had a brother named Stephen, a cunning fellow, who had watched all the actions of John Lyon: he said to his brothers (for he prophesied to them all that was to happen); “Certainly, gentlemen, John Lyon suffers at this moment, and keeps his head very low; but he acts with good sense, and will contrive to throw us as low as we are now high. I will give you one piece of advice, which is, to kill him while we continue in favour of my lord the earl: I can very easily do it, if you charge me with this business, by which we shall escape all the danger, and can easily get acquitted for his death.” His brothers refused to consent to this, saying he had not done them any wrong, and that no man ought to lose his life but by the sentence of a judge.

Things remained in this situation for some time, when the devil, who never sleeps, put it into the heads of the people of Bruges to make a canal from the river Lys: the earl agreed in their plans, and sent a number of pioneers, with a body of men at arms to guard them. They had in former times attempted to do this, but the citizens of Ghent had by force made them desist. News was brought to Ghent, that the inhabitants of Bruges were now intending to carry by force their old scheme of making a canal to obtain the waters of the Lys, which would be very prejudicial to them; so that great murmurs arose in Ghent, more particularly among the mariners, who were much affected by it. They said, that the people of Bruges should not thus make a canal to draw off the course of the river, as it would be the ruin of the town. Some others said, in an underhanded manner, “Now God save John Lyon! had he been our deacon, such an attempt would not have been made, nor the people of Bruges have had the courage to have undertaken this business.”

John Lyon was duly informed of all these things: he began to awaken, saying, “I have for some time slept; but it seems this trifling affair in appearance has roused me, and shall create such troubles between this town and the earl as will cost a hundred thousand lives.” Intelligence of these diggers was brought, with great additions, that much inflamed men’s minds; for it chanced, that a woman on her return from a pilgrimage to our Lady of 578 Boulogne, being weary, seated herself in the market-place, where there were crowds of people. They asked her, where she came from: she said, “From Boulogne; and I have seen in my road the greatest curse that can ever befal the town of Ghent: for there are upwards of five hundred diggers, who are labouring day and night to open a course for the Lys; and, if they be not immediately prevented, they will turn to their town the current of that river.”

This speech of the woman was heard, and repeated in different parts of the town. The townsmen rose, and said, such things were not to be suffered nor borne quietly. Many of them went to John Lyon to ask advice in the matter, and how they should act. When John Lyon saw himself thus appealed to by those whose love and favour he wished to gain, he was much rejoiced, but took care not to show any signs of it; for it would not be a fit opportunity until the business should be more fully ascertained: he therefore made them greatly entreat him before he would speak, or give any opinion on the subject. When he was prevailed on to speak, he said: “Gentlemen, if you wish to risk this business, and put an end to it, you must renew an ancient custom that formerly subsisted in the town of Ghent: I mean, you must first put on white hoods, and choose a leader, to whom every one may look, and rally at his signal.”

This harangue was eagerly listened to, and they all cried out, “We will have it so! now let us put on white hoods.” White hoods were directly made, and given out to those among them who loved war better than peace, and had nothing to lose. John Lyon was elected chief of the white hoods. He very willingly accepted of this office, to revenge himself on his enemies, to embroil the towns of Ghent and Bruges with each other, and with the earl their lord. He was ordered, as their chief, to march against the pioneers and diggers from Bruges, and had with him two hundred such people as preferred rioting to quiet.

When Gilbert Matthew and his brothers saw the numbers of these white hoods, they were not too well pleased: Stephen said to his brothers, “Did not I well forewarn you, that this John Lyon would discomfit us? It would have been better if I had been believed, and had been allowed to have killed him, than to have seen him in the situation he is in, or will be, through these white hoods which he has re-established.” “No, no,” replied Gilbert, “let me but speak with my lord, and they shall be put down. I am willing they should accomplish their enterprise against the pioneers from Bruges, for the good of our town; for, in truth, it will be completely ruined, if they be suffered to proceed.”

John Lyon and his rout, when they had all their white hoods, marched from Ghent, with the intention of killing the diggers and those who guarded them. News was soon carried to the pioneers, that a large force from Ghent was coming against them: they were so much afraid of the consequences they left their work, and retired to Bruges; and none were bold enough to return to their digging. John and his white hoods, not seeing any one, returned to Ghent: but they did not remain quiet, for they went up and down the town. looking at and examining every thing. John Lyon kept them in this state, and told some of them in private to make themselves comfortable, to eat and drink, and not to mind expense; for those should pay their score at a future time who would not now give them a farthing.

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CHAPTER XXXVII. — BY THE EXHORTATIONS OF JOHN LYON, THE INHABITANTS OF GHENT SEND SOME OF THEIR PRINCIPAL CITIZENS TO THE EARL OF FLANDERS, TO DEMAND THE PRESERVATION OF THEIR LIBERTIES AND FRANCHISE. — THE EARL REQUESTS THESE CITIZENS TO ABOLISH THE WHITE HOODS.

DURING the time of these white hoods, and in the same week that they had marched, under the conduct of John Lyon, to Deynse, in search of the pioneers from Bruges, another cause of distrust originated in Ghent, by some who were alarmed for its franchises: they complained to those who, by the constitution, were their magistrates, that at Erclo* (a dependency on Ghent) one of their burgesses was confined in the prisons of the earl, and that they 579 had summoned the bailiff of the earl to surrender him up, but he had refused, which was directly contrary to their privileges, and thus by little and little they were encroached upon. In former times, they were held so high and of such consequence, and were then so well defended, that the noblest knight of Flanders thought himself honoured by being a burgess of Ghent. The magistrates replied, “We will cheerfully write to the bailiff of Ghent on the part of the burgess whom he detains in prison, for him to send him to us; for, in truth, the powers of his office do not extend so far as to confine one of our burgesses in the prisons of the earl.”

They acted accordingly, and wrote to the bailiff for the burgess who was prisoner at Erclo. The bailiff, Roger d’Auterme, was advised to send the following answer: “Ha! what a noise is this about a mariner? Were my prisoner ten times as rich as the one I have, I would never let him out of my prison without orders from the earl. I have powers to arrest, but none to set free.” This speech was carried back, which gave much displeasure: they said, he had proudly answered. By such replies, and such unlucky accidents as the pioneers from Bruges wanting to dig on the lands of Ghent, and the encroachments on the privileges of Ghent, were that cursed crew called White Hoods introduced, and they became by degrees more feared and renowned. It behoveth such a set to have among them madmen and firebrands, to work upon the more peaceable.

This story of the burgess of Ghent being detained in the earl’s prison at Erclo, and of the bailiff having refused to give him his liberty, was soon spread through the town of Ghent. Many began to murmur, and to say it ought not to be suffered; and that, from being too quiet about it, all the franchises of Ghent, which were so noble, would be lost. John Lyon, who only aimed at the embroiling the town of Ghent in such a manner with its lord that it would be impossible to settle it without loss, was not sorry when he heard these words, and wished they had been still stronger: he continued to spread secret rumours in different parts of the town, “that never could the jurisdictions or privileges of any town be properly maintained when once offices are put to sale.” He intended this in allusion to Gilbert Matthew, meaning to say that he had bought the deaconship: he had also added a new debt to the navigation, which was greatly against the franchises of Ghent and their ancient privileges.

The earl now received, every year, three or four thousand florins, besides what he had from ancient custom, which caused many complaints from merchants as well as from the mariners; insomuch that those of Valenciennes, Douay, Lille, Bethune, and Tournay, began to think of giving up their commerce with Ghent, by which greater ruin would be brought upon the town, and very soon their franchises would be so neglected as to be worth nothing, if no one stood forward in the support of them. Gilbert Matthew and the deacon of the small craft, who was his relation, had such speeches daily rung in their ears: they knew they came from John Lyon, but they dared not attempt to remedy it; for John had posted white hoods in various parts of the town, and had inlisted among them the boldest and most outrageous, so that they were afraid to attack them: besides, John Lyon never went abroad alone, for when he quitted his house he was surrounded by two or three hundred white hoods, and never went down the town but in cases of absolute necessity. He always mad himself be much entreated before he would give any advice on events which happened, at home or abroad, against the privileges of the town.

Whenever he did give advice or harangue the people, he spoke so well, and with so much art, that his auditors were highly pleased with his language: they commonly were unanimous in believing all he spoke as truth. John Lyon, with much art, thus harangued: “I do not say that we should in any way weaken or diminish the inheritance of my lord of Flanders; for, if we wished it, we are not able to do it: reason and justice forbid it. I am, therefore, of opinion, that we should be cautious how by any event we may incur his displeasure; for every subject ought to be on good terms with his lord. The earl of Flanders is our good lord, much feared and renowned: he has always maintained us in full peace and prosperity, which we should ever acknowledge, and endure the more (as we are bounden to do) than if he had harassed us, and made it difficult for us to keep our own. True it is, that at this present moment, he is wickedly advised against us and the franchises of the good town of 580 of Ghent: that we of Ghent are no more in his good graces is apparent by the diggers (he residing in Bruges), who came to break in on our inheritance, and carry away our river, by which measures our good town would have been quite ruined. In addition to this, he intends to build a castle at Deynse in opposition to us and to harass us; and we know that the people of Bruges have promised him, for some time past, that they would pay him from ten to twelve thousand francs a-year, if they could have the advantage of the river Lys. I would therefore advise, that the good town of Ghent should send to him some learned men, well informed of our affairs, who would remonstrate wisely and boldly with him on all these matters, and also respecting the burgess who is in prison at Erclo, whom his bailiff will not give up, at which the town is not pleased, as well as on other affairs respecting our town. After having remonstrated with him on these things, let them inform him, that neither himself nor advisers must imagine that we are so disheartened, that, it there should be occasion, we are not able and determined to resist; and that, after the town shall have had his answers, the good men of Ghent will take proper measures to punish those who shall act with hostility towards them.” When John Lyon had concluded this oration in the square of the market-place, each man said, “He has well spoken; he has well spoken;” and then they all retired to their own homes.

Gilbert Matthew was not present at this harangue of John Lyon; for he already was afraid of the white hoods: but his brother, Stephen, had been there, who was ever foretelling what was to happen: he said on his return, “I have told you truly, and I have always so said, that, by God, John Lyon will be the ruin of us all. Cursed be the hour when you would not consent to my proposal; for, had you suffered me to have killed him, I could then have easily done it; but now he is out of our reach, and we dare not attempt even to hurt him, for he has more power in this town than the earl himself.” Gilbert, replying, said: “Hold thy tongue, fool; whenever I please, with the assistance of my lord, I can put down these white hoods; and some of them who now wear them will not, in a short time, have heads to put them on.”

Several of the most discreet men of the town were ordered to wait on the earl as ambassadors; and I believe that Gilbert Matthew, the deacon of the pilots, was one of those chosen to go thither. John Lyon was the cause of this, because, if they should bring back any harsh answer, he would share the disgrace of it. They departed, and found the earl at Male† and managed the business so well that at last the earl assented to all their demands, as well in regard to the prisoner detained at Erclo, as in his intentions to preserve inviolate all their franchises, and also in forbidding the people of Bruges ever again to dig on the territories belonging to Ghent. All this he promised; and, the more to please the citizens of Ghent, he engaged to command the canal which the men of Bruges had dug to be completely filled up again. They quitted the earl very amicably, and returned to Ghent; when they related all that had passed with their lord, and how willing he was to maintain all their franchises; but he requested, as a proof of their friendship, that the white hoods should be laid aside. As these words were speaking, the officers of the earl brought in their prisoner from Erclo, and surrendered him up, by way of re-establishing peace according to the orders they had received, which caused great joy in the town of Ghent.

John Lyon, the chief of the white hoods, was present when the above answer was received, attended by ten or twelve of the principal of his rout. When they heard the earl’s request for the white hoods to be laid aside, they were silent; but John Lyon addressed the meeting, and said, “My good people, you know and see clearly at present the value of these white hoods: have they not preserved for you, and do they not guard better your franchises, than those of red and black, or hoods of any other colour? Many are they who are afraid of them; but be assured, and remember I tell you so, that as soon as the white hoods shall be laid aside, according to the ordinance which my lord wishes to have issued against them, I will not give three farthings for all your privileges.” This speech so deceived the people that they separated, and the greater part returned to their homes, saying, “Let him manage the 581 business; for he speaks truth, and we have never seen anything in him but what was for the advantage and honour of the town.”

Things remained in this state, and John Lyon in greater danger of his life than before: upon which he formed a plan, which he afterwards executed; for he clearly saw that Gilbert Matthew had, in this embassy to the earl, instigated some mischief against him and his companions, notwithstanding the friendly answers which the earl had sent. He therefore resolved to counterwork his enemies, and gave secret orders to the leaders of the white hoods, and to those who commanded the companies of hundreds and of fifties, to keep their men day and night on their guard well armed, and, on the first appearance of any movement, to march to him; for it would be better to kill than to be killed, since affairs were brought to such a pass. These orders were punctually observed, and they were exact in keeping themselves in readiness.

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*  Probably Eccloo.

†  It would seem from Bleau’s grand atlas, that the domain and park of Male had been drowned by the sea since this time. The earl of Flanders was born there, and thence called Louis de Male.

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CHAPTER XXXVIII. — THE WHITE HOODS MURDER THE BAILIFF OF GHENT IN THE MIDST OF THE MARKET. — THE HOUSES AND GOODS OF THE FAMILY OF THE MATTHEWS ARE DESTROYED. — A GRAND CONFUSION IN GHENT.

NOT long afterwards, the bailiff of Ghent, Roger d’Auterme, came to town with full two hundred horse, in order to execute what had been planned between the earl, Gilbert Matthew, and his brothers. The bailiff, with his two hundred men, galloped up the streets, with the banner of the earl in his hand, unto the market-place, where he halted, and posted his banner before him. Gilbert Matthew, his brothers, and the deacon of the small craft, immediately went thither. It had been determined that these men at arms should march instantly to the house of Jack Lyon, and arrest him as chief of the white hoods, with six or seven others, the most culpable, carry them to the castle of Ghent, and immediately cut off their heads.

John Lyon suspected some such thing; for he had received secret intelligence from his spies, scattered over different parts of the town. He knew of the arrival of the bailiff, and saw it was a thing determined upon. The other white hoods were informed that this day had been fixed to arrest them, and were therefore ready prepared and assembled near the house of John Lyon, who was waiting for them: they came in bands of ten and twenty, and, as they marched up, they formed in the street: when they were all assembled, they were full four hundred. John Lyon marched off as fierce as a lion, saying, “Let us advance against these traitors, who wish to ruin the town of Ghent. I thought all those fine speeches which Gilbert Matthew brought back the other day were only meant for our destruction, and to lull us asleep; but we will make him pay dearly for them.” He and his rout advanced hastily: they increased very much by the way; for there were those who joined him that had not as yet put on the white hoods, who cried out, “Treason! treason!”

They marched, by a roundabout way and a narrow street, to the corn market, where the bailiff, who represented the earl, had posted himself. Gilbert Matthew and his brothers, the moment they saw John Lyon and the white hoods enter the market-place, left the bailiff, and ran away as fast as they could; and neither order nor array was observed, except by the men at arms whom the bailiff had brought thither. Immediately on the arrival of John Lyon in the market-place, with the white hoods, a large body of them advanced towards the bailiff; and, without saying a word, he was seized, thrown on the ground and slain. The banner of the earl was then dragged through the dirt, and torn to pieces; but not one man, except the bailiff, was touched. They then collected round John Lyon. When the earl’s men at arms saw the bailiff dead, and their banner torn to pieces, they were thunderstruck, and, like men defeated, took to flight, and left the town.

You may easily imagined that Gilbert Matthew and his brethren, who were known to be the enemies of John Lyon and the white hoods, did not think themselves very safe in their houses: they therefore set out as speedily as they could, and quitted the town through bye streets, leaving their wives, children, and goods behind them. They made what haste they could to the earl of Flanders, to whom they related all that had happened, and the death of 582 the bailiff. The earl was sorely afflicted at this intelligence, as well he might, for they had treated him with great contempt: he was much enraged, and swore that he would have ample revenge before he ever returned to Ghent, and before they should have peace from him, so that all other towns should take an example from it. Gilbert Matthew and his brothers remained with the earl.

John Lyon and the white hoods persevered in their outrages: after the death of the bailiff, and the flight of the men at arms, as no one offered to revenge this murder, John, who wished to ruin the Matthews (for he bore them deadly hatred), said, “Come, let us go after those wicked traitors who this day intended to have destroyed the town of Ghent.” They hastened down the streets to the residence of the Matthews, but found none, fro they had all gone off. They were sought for in every room throughout the houses of the adjoining streets; and, when they were convinced they were gone, John Lyon was much vexed. He gave up to his companions all their goods, when the houses were completely pillaged and razed to the ground, so that no vestige remained, as if they had been traitors to the whole body of the town.

When they had done this deed, they retired to their homes; nor was there a sheriff, or any other officer belonging to the earl or to the town, who said they had acted wrong: indeed, at that time all were afraid to say a word against them: for the white hoods were so numerous that none dared to provoke them, and they paraded the streets in large bodies without any opposition. It as said, both within and without the town, that they were connected with some of the sheriffs and rich men in Ghent, which was not unlikely; for such a ruffianly crew would never have dared to slay so noble a man as Roger d’Auterme, bailiff of Ghent, holding the banner of the earl in his hand at the time, if they had not depended on some good and able supporters in their wicked acts. They afterwards increased so much as to want no foreign aid, and became so powerful that none were bold enough to oppose any thing they thought proper to undertake. Roger d’Auterme was carried away by the Friar Minors to their church, where he was by them buried.

After this event, several of the wisest and richest citizens in Ghent began to murmur, and were much vexed: they said among themselves, that a great outrage had been committed when the earl’s bailiff had thus been murdered in the execution of his office; and that their lord would be justly offended, and never grant them peace: that these wicked people had put the town to the hazard of being totally destroyed, if God did not speedily afford a remedy. Notwithstanding all these words, there was not one among them who had courage personally to correct or reprove the authors of these atrocities. John de Faucille, who at that time was a man much renowned for his wisdom in Ghent, on finding things carried to such lengths as the murdering of the earl’s bailiff, thought it must end badly: that he might not be suspected by the earl, he left the town privately, and went to a handsome country-house which he had near Ghent, and there remained, having given orders to tell every one he was very unwell and melancholy, and could see none but his own people. Every day, however, he had news from Ghent; for he had left there the greater part of his family, his wife, his children and his friends; and thus he dissembled for a considerable time.

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CHAPTER XXXIX. — TWELVE CITIZENS OF GHENT ARE DEPUTED TO THE EARL OF FLANDERS. — THE WHITE HOODS PILLAGE AND BURN THE CASTLE OF ANDREGHIEN*, OF WHICH THE EARL WAS VERY FOND.

THE good people of Ghent who were rich and industrious, and had wives, families and fortunes in the town and neighborhood, wishing as they did to live in an honourable way, were not well pleased to see things in this situation, and were very sensible how ill they had acted towards their lord: they therefore consulted among themselves how they could best remedy this ill deed, and throw themselves on his mercy, for it was better to do so soon than late. They called a council, in which it was debated what most profitable means they 583 could use to save their own honours, and to promote the advantage of the town. John Lyon and the other leaders of the white hoods were invited to this council; otherwise they would not have dared to have holden it. Many proposals were made, and long debates ensued; but at last they determined unanimously to elect twelve of the most respectable of the inhabitants, who should solicit mercy and pardon for the murder of the bailiff: and if by this they could obtain peace, it would be a good thing; but every person must be included in this peace, and nothing moved in the business hereafter.

This resolution was acted upon, and twelve citizens elected to wait on the earl. John Lyon kept always saying, that it was right to be on good terms with their lord; but his wishes were just the contrary, for he thought and said internally, “Things are not yet in the situation I wish to put them in.” The determination of the council soon became public: the twelve deputies set off, and journeyed on until they came to Male, where they found the earl, who on their approach was wondrous angry, and in a cruel passion against the inhabitants of Ghent. The twelve deputies acted well their parts by appearing contrite, and, with uplifted hands, entreated him to have pity on them. They pleaded their excuse for the death of his bailiff, adding, “Dear lord, have mercy on us, so that we may carry peace back to the town of Ghent, which loves you so much; and we engage, that for the time to come, this outrage shall be amply atoned for by those who have done it or excited it, so that you shall be satisfied, and that all large towns shall take example from it.” They so long and affectionately solicited the earl, that he restrained his anger; and, by other good arguments which they urged, the affair was arranged and articles of peace drawn up. The earl was on the point of pardoning all the outrages committed against him by those of Ghent, on their making the reparation agreed on, when other intelligence arrived that I will now relate.

John Lyon, who had remained at Ghent, thought directly the reverse of what he had said in the council, that it was proper to be on good terms with their lord. He knew for a certainty he had already so much irritated the earl, that he would never forgive him, and if his pardon were promised, it would be through dissimulation, which would end in his being put to death. He therefore chose rather to throw aside all shame, since he had entered so far in the business, than to continue daily in fear of his life; and thus he acted. During the time the deputation was gone to the earl to solicit peace, he collected all the white hoods under his command, and the different handicrafts in the town the most inclined to his way of thinking, and gained his end by great artifice; for, when they were assembled, he said to them, “Gentlemen, you well know how much we have angered my lord of Flanders, and upon what grounds we have sent a deputation to him. We do not know what answer they will bring back; whether peace or war; for he is not of a temper easily appeased, and he has near his person Gilbert Matthew and his brethren, who will not fail to excite his anger. It is, therefore, a hundred to one that we have peace. It behoves us, if we should have war, to look to ourselves, and see from whom we may get assistance, and by whom we may be supported. You, deacons of the different trades, do you draw out into the fields to-morrow your men; and we will see what appearance they make; for it is proper we take measures against surprise. This will not cost us any thing, and will make us more feared.” They all answered, that he had well spoken. This measure was followed; and, on the morrow, they marched out of the gate leading to Bruges, and drew up on a handsome plain without Ghent, called Andreghien. When they were all arrived, John Lyon looked at them with great pleasure; for they were full ten thousand, well armed; and said, “Here is indeed a handsome company.” When he had examined them for a short space, and had been all round them, he added, “I would propose that we visit my lord’s house, since we are so near to it. I have been told that he has laid therein many stores and provision, which may be of great prejudice to the town of Ghent.”

This was agreed to; and they marched to Andreghien, which at the time was without guards or defence. They entered the house, and began to search it every where. The white hoods and their ribald crew which had entered, very soon despoiled it, taking away whatever they could lay their hands on. There were many rich jewels and clothes, for the earl kept there his wardrobe. John Lyon affected to be in a violent passion at this conduct, 584 but was not so in reality, as it afterwards appeared; for, after they had left the castle and marched into the plain, on looking behind them, they saw the mansion in flames in twenty different places; and, if they had entertained the inclination, it was not in their power to extinguish it. John Lyon, who pretended to be so much surprised, cried out, “How has this fire happened in my lord’s house?” They answered, “By accident.” “Well,” replied he, “it cannot now be helped; and it is still better that accident should have burnt it, than that we should. Every thing considered, it was but a dangerous neighbour; and my lord might have established a garrison therein, which would have annoyed us much.” They all answered, “What you say is true.”

They then returned to Ghent, and did nothing more that day; but what they had done was mischief enough, for it cost afterwards two hundred thousand lives, and was one of the principal causes which enraged the earl of Flanders the most. John Lyon had done it, because he wished not for peace: he well knew, that whatever treaty was entered into, it would be sealed with his blood. This castle of Andreghien had cost the earl of Flanders, in building and ornamenting, two hundred thousand francs; and he loved it in preference to all his other residences. The well-intentioned inhabitants of Ghent, who were desirous of peace, were exceedingly hurt at this business; but help it they could not, nor did they dare to show any symptoms of anger, for the white hoods said the castle had been burnt accidentally.

News of this was brought to the earl at Male: those who came said, “My lord, you do not know that your beautiful house of Andreghien, which has cost you such sums to build, and of which you are so fond, is burnt to the ground.” “Burnt?” replied the earl, who was much enraged at this intelligence. “Yes; help me, God, if it be not true.” “And by what means?” “By an accidental fire, as they say.” “Ha, ha,” answered the earl, “now it is all over: there shall never be peace in Flanders as long as John Lyon lives; he has had this house burnt in an underhand manner, but he shall dearly pay for it.” He then ordered the deputation from Ghent to come to him, and said, “Ah, wretches! you supplicate my favour with sword in hand. I had acceded to every proposal you had made, according to your wish; and your people have set fire to and burnt the house I loved in preference to all my others. Do you think there had not been sufficient contempt shown me when they murdered my bailiff, while he was executing my orders, tore my banner, and trod it under foot? Know, that if my own honour were not concerned, and if you had not already obtained passports from me, I would now have you all beheaded. Quit my presence, and tell those wicked and outrageous men of Ghent, that they shall never have peace, nor will I listen to any negotiation, until I shall have given up to me all those whom I shall point out, and whom I will have beheaded without mercy.”

These citizens were exceedingly hurt at the news they heard, and, like people who were perfectly innocent, endeavoured to excuse themselves; but in vain, for the earl was so much enraged he would not hear them: he made them leave his presence, when they mounted their horses and returned to Ghent, and there related what they had done, and how well they had managed the business; that they had succeeded in obtaining an amicable settlement with the earl, when the unfortunate event of the castle being burnt came to his ears. After this, the earl threatened them greatly, and declared he would never consent to any peace until such of the townsmen as he should choose were given up to him. The well-meaning inhabitants saw things were taking a bad turn, and that the white hoods had ruined all; but there were none bold enough to speak out.

The earl of Flanders set off with his attendants from Male, and came to his hôtel at Lille, whither he summoned all the knights of Flanders, and every gentleman dependent on him, to have their advice how he should act on this occasion, and by what means he should revenge himself on the inhabitants of Ghent for the contempt they had shown. All the gentlemen of Flanders swore to be true and loyal to him, as every one ought to be towards their lord. The earl was much pleased at this, and sent reinforcements to the garrisons in all his castles at Dendremonde, Russelmonde, Alost, at Courtray and Oudenarde.

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*  “Q. if not Adeghem, which is near Eccloo.

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