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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq; London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 339-367.

CHAPTER CCXXX. — A WAR IN SPAIN BETWEEN THE KING, DON PEDRO OF CASTILLE, AND HIS BASTARD BROTHER HENRY — TO WHOSE AID THE LORD JOHN DE BOURBON AND SIR BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN LEAD THE PILLAGING COMPANIES. — HENRY, BY THEIR MEANS, IS CROWNED KING OF CASTILLE.

AT this period*, those companies of freebooters were so much increased in France that the government did not know what to do with them, since the wars in Brittany and those with the king of Navarre were now put an end to. These companies having been brought up to arms, and taught to live on pillage and plunder alone, neither could nor would abstain from it. Their great resource was France; and these companions called the kingdom of France their domain. They dared not, however, make any attempts on Aquitaine, for the country would not have suffered it; besides, to say the truth, the greater number of their captains were Gascons and English, or persons attached to the king of England or prince of Wales. Some lords of Brittany were among them, but they were few in number. On this account, many of the inhabitants of France murmured much, and complained secretly of the king of England and the prince, that they did not act well towards the king of France in not assisting him to drive these bad people out of the realm. They were better pleased to see them with their neighbours than among themselves. The wisest of the kingdom declared, that if something were not speedily done in this business, either by fighting or getting rid of them out of the country, by a handsome present in money, they would destroy the noble kingdom of France.

There was at the time a king in Hungary who was desirous of having their assistance, and would have given them full employment against the Turks, with whom he was at war, for they had done him much mischief. He wrote, therefore, to pope Urban V. (who was then at Avignon, and who would gladly have seen France delivered from these companies), and also to the king of France and to the prince of Wales. He wished to enter into a treaty with their leaders, and offered large sums of money to them and a free passage; but they would not listen to it, saying, that they would not go so far to make war. It was told them by their oldest captains, who were well acquainted with the country of Hungary, that there were such narrow passes, if they should in any combat be engaged in them, they would never be able to get out, but must infallibly be cut off. This report frightened them so much, that they had not any desire to go thither. When pope Urban and the king of France found these wicked people were not likely to come into their plan, and would not quit the kingdom, but, on the contrary, multiplied daily, they thought upon another method to free the country from them.

There was in these times a king of Castille, of the name of Don Pedro†, whose mind, full of strange opinions, was very rebellious and refractory to all the regulations and commands of the church: he wanted to subdue his Christian neighbours, more especially the king of Arragon, of the name of Peter‡, who was a good Catholic: he had even taken from him part of his possessions, and was preparing to seize the remainder.

This king, don Pedro of Castille, had three bastard brothers, children of the good Alphonso his father and a lady called la Riche Done§. The eldest was named don Henry; the second, don Tello; the third, don Sancho¶. Don Pedro hated them mortally; and, could he have laid hands on them, he would have had them beheaded. They had been, however, much loved by their father, who in his lifetime had given to Henry, the eldest, the county of Trastamare; but the king, don Pedro his brother, had taken it from him by force, and every day was harassing him. This bastard Henry was a very valiant and worthy knight: he had been a long time in France, where he followed the profession of arms, and had served under the king of France¥, whom he loved much.

The king don Pedro, as common report told the story, had by different means caused the death of their mother, which, as was natural, gave them great displeasure. He had banished and murdered many of the greatest barons of the realm of Castille. He was withal so cruel, and of such a horrid disposition, that all men feared, suspected and hated him, but dared not show it. He had also caused the death of a very good and virtuous lady, whom he had married, the lady Blanche, daughter of duke Peter de Bourbon, and cousin-german to the queen of France and to the countess of Savoy. All her relations, who are of the noblest blood in the world, were most exceedingly irritated by the manner of her death**. There was also a report current among the people, that king Peter had even formed an alliance with the kings of Benamarine††, Granada and Tremeçen‡‡, who were enemies to God, and infidels. Many were uneasy at wrongs he might do to his country, and lest he should violate the churches: for he had seized their revenues, and detained the priests of holy church in prison, where he vexed them with all sorts of tyranny.

Great complaints of these proceedings were sent daily to the pope, entreating him to put a stop to them. Pope Urban received and attended to these complaints. He sent ambassadors to the king, Don Pedro, ordering and enjoining him to come forthwith in person to the court of Rome, to purge and clear himself from all the villanous actions he was charged with.

Don Pedro, proud and presumptuous as he was, not only refused to obey the mandate, but even received with insults the ambassadors from the holy father, for which he felt grievously under his indignation. This wicked king still persevered in his sin. It was then considered how or by what means he could be corrected; and it was determined that he was no longer worthy to bear the title of king, or to possess a kingdom. He was therefore publicly excommunicated, in full consistory, held in the apartments of the pope, at Avignon, and declared to be a heretic and infidel. They thought they should be able to punish him by means of the free companies who were in France. They requested the king of Arragon, who hated very much this don Pedro, and Henry the bastard of Spain, to come immediately to Avignon. The holy father then legitimated the birth of Henry the bastard, so that he might be in a condition to obtain the kingdom from don Pedro, who had been cursed and condemned by the sentence of the pope.

The king of Arragon offered a free passage through the kingdom, with a supply of men at 341 arms, and all sorts of provision and aid, to whoever should enter Castille, and attack don Pedro to deprive him of his throne. The king of France was much pleased with this intelligence, and took great pains that sir Bertrand du Guesclin, whom sir John Chandos held as his prisoner, should be ransomed. This was fixed at one hundred thousand francs§§. The king of France paid one part, the pope and Henry the bastard the other. Soon after his liberty was obtained, they entered into a treaty with the chiefs of those companies, promising them great advantages if they would go into Castille. They readily assented to the proposal by means of a large sum of money, which was divided among them.

The prince of Wales was informed of this intended expedition, as well as his knights and squires, but particularly sir John Chandos, who was solicited to be one of the leaders of it, in conjunction with sir Bertrand du Guesclin. He excused himself, and said he could not go. This, however, did not put a stop to it: many knights who were attached to the prince, among whom were Sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, sir Hugh Calverly, sir Walter Huet, sir Matthew Gourney, sir Perducas d’Albret, and several others, were of the party. The lord John de Bourbon, earl of March, took the chief command, in order to revenge the death of his cousin the queen of Spain: but he was under the advice and control of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, as he was at that time a very young knight.

In this expedition were also the lord of Beaujeu, whose name was Anthony, and many worthy knights: such as lord Arnold d’Andreghen, marshal of France, the lords the bègue de Villaines, d’Antoin in Hainault, de Brisnel, John de Neufville¶¶, Guimars de Bailheul, John de Bergutes, the German lord de St. Venant, and others whom I cannot name. All these men at arms assembled together in order to begin their march at Montpellier in Languedoc.

These men at arms might be about thirty thousand. They all passed through Narbonne, in their march to Perpignan, in order to enter Arragon by that town¥¥. All the leaders of these companies were there: the lords Robert Briquet, John Carsneille, Nandon de Bagerant, La Nuit, le petit Meschin, le bourg Camus, le bourg de l’Esparre, Battiller, Espiote, Aymemon d’Ortige, Perrot de Savoye, and numbers more: all of one mind and accord, to dethrone don Pedro from his kingdom of Castille, and to place there in his room the bastard Henry, earl of Trastamare.

Don Pedro had received information that this army was marching against him: he collected his troops, in order to meet them, and fight boldly on their entering Castille. When they were about to enter Arragon, they sent to him, in order to cover and mask their real intentions, to ask a free passage through his country, and that provision might be supplied to some pilgrims of God, who had undertaken, through devotion, an expedition into the kingdom of Granada, to revenge the sufferings of their Lord and Saviour, to destroy the infidels, and to exalt the Cross. Don Pedro laughed at this request, and sent for answer, that he would never attend to such beggarly crew. When the men at arms and companions heard this reply, they thought him very proud and presumptuous, and made every haste to do him as much mischief as they could.

They marched through the kingdom of Arragon, where every accommodation was prepared for them, and they found all sorts of provision plenty and cheap; for the king of Arragon was very joyful on their arrival, because this army would soon re-conquer from the king of Castille the whole country which he had taken from him, and kept by force. Whenever 342 they won any towns, castles, cities or fortresses, which don Pedro had seized from Arragon, sir Bertrand and his army gave them back to the king of Arragon, who declared, that from that day forward, he would assist Henry the bastard against don Pedro. All the men at arms passed the great river*** which divides Castille from Arragon, and entered Spain.

News was brought to the king of Castille, that French, English, Bretons, Normans, Picards and Burgundians had crossed the Ebro, and entered his kingdom: that they had reconquered every place on the other side of the river that separates Castille from Arragon, which had cost him so much trouble to gain. Upon hearing this, he was in a great rage, and said things should not go on thus. He issued a special ordinance throughout his kingdom, ordering all those to whom it was addressed to meet him without delay, as he was determined to combat these men at arms, who had entered the kingdom of Castille.

Too few obeyed his mandate; for, when he thought to have assembled a large force, scarcely any came to the rendezvous. All the barons and knights of Spain fell off from him, in favour of his brother the bastard. This event forced him to fly, or he would have been taken; and so much was he hated by his subjects and enemies, that not one remained with him, save one loyal knight called Ferdinand de Castro†††. He was determined never to quit don Pedro, whatever ill-fortune might happen to him. The king of Castille went to Seville, the handsomest city in Spain; but, not thinking himself in security there, he ordered all his treasures and other things to be packed up in large coffers, which he embarked on board of ships, leaving Seville with his wife, his children, and Ferdinand de Castro. Don Pedro arrived that same evening‡‡‡ (like a knight that had been beaten and discomfited) at a town called Corunna, in Galicia, where there was a very strong castle. He immediately flung himself into it, with his wife and children; that is to say, two young damsels, called Constance§§§ and Isabella¶¶¶. None of his courtiers followed him, nor had he any of his council with him except the above-mentioned Ferdinand de Castro.

We will now return to his brother, Henry the bastard, and related how he persevered in his designs. I have before said, that don Pedro was much hated by all his subjects, for the great and numberless acts of injustice he had committed, and for the various murders by which he had cut off many of the nobility, some of them even by his own hands; so that, as soon as they knew his brother the bastard had entered Castille with a powerful army, they all joined him, acknowledged him for their lord; and, having increased his army, caused all the cities, towns, and castles to open their gates to him, and the inhabitants to do him homage. The Spaniards shouted with one voice, “Long live king Henry! down with don Pedro, who has treated us so cruelly and wickedly.” Thus they conducted Henry throughout the kingdom of Castille; that is to say, the lord Gomez Garilz¥¥¥, the grand master of the order of Calatrava****, and the master of the order of St. James, making all the 343 people obey him. They crowned him the king in the city of Burgos, where all the prelates, earls, barons, and knights paid him their homage, and swore they would serve and obey him as their king for evermore, and if there should be occasion, would sacrifice their lives for him. King Henry then passed from city to city, all the inhabitants of which treated him as their king.

Henry made large presents and gifts to the foreign knights who had put him in possession of the kingdom of Castille. They were so magnificent, that he was considered as a most generous and bountiful lord: the Normans, French, and Bretons, who had been partakers of his bounty, said he was deserving of a large fortune, and that he ought to reign with great prosperity. Thus the bastard of Spain found himself master of Castille. He created his two brothers, don Tello and don Frederick, earls, and gave them large estates, with other revenues. He continued king of Castille, Galicia, Seville, Toledo and Leon, until the forces of the Prince of Wales deprived him of them, replacing the king, don Pedro, in the possession of these realms, as you will find related in the following history.

When king Henry saw himself thus situated, and the business completed, so that all obeyed him, both nobles and serfs, as their king and lord; that there was not any appearance of opposition to his crown; he imagined it would add luster to his name, if he made an irruption into the kingdom of Granada with those free companies that had come from France, as a means of giving them employment. He mentioned it therefore to several of the knights who were about him, when they consented to it. He retained constantly near his person those knights who were attached to the Prince of Wales; namely, sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, sir Hugh Calverly and others, showing them the most marked attentions and kindness, in expectation of being aided by them in his intended expedition to Granada, which he was desirous of undertaking.

Soon after his coronation, the greater number of French knights took their leave, and departed. On their going away, he made them very rich presents. The Earl de la Marche, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, the lord de Beaujeu and many more returned to their own country. However, sir Bertrand du Guesclin, sir Olivier de Mauny and the Bretons, as well as the free companies, remained in Castille until other news arrived. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin was made constable of Castille by Henry, with the assent of all the barons of the realm. We will now return to don Pedro.

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*  This period, — 1365.

†  Don Pedro — the fourth, surnamed the Cruel.

‡  Peter — the fourth, surnamed the Ceremonious.

§  La Richa Donna, — Eleanora de Guzman.

¶  Sancho. In l’Art de Vérifier les Dates, the second son is called Frederick, and the third D. Tello. Frederick was murdered by Don Pedro, 1358.

¥  King of France, — John. Don Henry was at the battle of Poitiers.

**  She was poisoned, by Don Pedro’s orders, in the castle of Medina Sidonia, where he had confined her. — Choisy. Hist. Charles V. — Others say, smothered between two cushions.

††  Benamarine. Aben Jacob, king of Fez, sent his son Abomelique to take possession of lands given him by the king of Granada, as a barrier against Alphonso XI. He landed with his fleet at Algeziras 1331, with a number of Benamarine Moors, and formed a new kingdom in Spain, styling himself king of Algeziras and Ronda. — Dillon’s Hist. Peter the Cruel, vol. i. p. 14.

‡‡  Tremeçen. By Moreri, this appears to have been a town in Africa, dependent on the kingdom of Talensin.

§§  The abbé Choisy says, it was 30,000 francs.

In a note to the Mémoires de Du Guesclin, it is said, that “it cost Du Guesclin 100,000 francs for his ransom. As he had no ready money, the lord de Matignon, de Montbourcher and de Laval were his security to the general, Chandos. Charles V. paid of it 40,000 francs, the pope and Henry Trastamare, afterwards king of Castille, made up the remainder.” — Mémoires Historiques.

In a most curious history, called Les Faiz de Messier Bertrand du Guesclin, which I consider as the editio princeps (from the style and manner of printing) in the Hafod Library, no mention whatever is made of a ransom.

“Les Faiz du Messine Bertrand du Guesclin, in fol. figures, ancienne édition gothique.

“Je n’ai vu ce livre nulle part ailleurs que dans le catalogue du maréchal d’Estrées, num. 15052. On seroit porté à croire c’est le même que le manuscrit de Ménard, qu’il a publié comme inconnu jusqu’alors, ainsi qu’il dit dans son avis au lecteur.” — Extract from the Bibliotheque Historique de France du Père le Long.

In the Mémoires de Bertrand, by M. Guyard de Berville, 2 vols. 12mo. It is said that Charles V. paid part of the 100,000 francs of the ransom, and that Bertrand found the rest himself.

¶¶  “Neufville.” Sir John Neville.

¥¥  Choisy says, that one part embarked at Aigues-Mortes for Barcelona, and that the rest went by land.

***  The Ebro, — probably at Alfaro or Calahorra.

†††  “Ferdinand de Castro.” In the history of Spain by Ferraras, don Pedro publicly marries the daughter of a don Pedro Fernandez de Castro, widow of don Diego de Haro, during the life of his wife, Blanche de Bourbon, and of Maria di Padilla, in the year 1354; whether the daughter of this knight who accompanied him in his flight, I know not.

‡‡‡  Don Pedro retired first to Portugal, where he offered his daughter Beatrice to the infant of Portugal, in marriage, with a large portion of money he had brought with him. This proposal was rejected, for fear of embroiling the two kingdoms. He retreated to different castles, the governors of which refused to admit him, and stopped at the castle of Montéry in Galicia: from thence he went to San Jago, and murdered the archbishop, and thence to Corunna, where finding twenty-two vessels, he embarked for Bayonne. Don Ferdinand de Castro did not accompany him, but remained to support his interest in Biscay.

He could not at that time have any wife; for he had murdered Blanche de Bourbon, and Maria di Padilla died before this. He indeed owned his marriage with Maria very solemnly, but was not believed.

Don Pedro had entered into an alliance with the king of England and prince of Wales, as early as 1363, for fear of the vengeance of France, for the murder of queen Blanche.

For more particulars, see Ferraras’ Hist. Of Spain, Dillon, &c.

§§§  Constance married John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, who claimed the kingdom of Castille after don Pedro’s death.

¶¶¶  Isabella, — first wife of Edmund, duke of York, marred 1372, much lamented for her youthful wantonness, died 1392, — Anderson’s R. Gen.

¥¥¥  “Gomez Garilz.” Denys Sauvage cannot make out who this is; nor is the account correct, according to other historians. — Many of the king’s friends remained steady to him, as did the bulk of his army. Don Garcia Alvarez de Toledo, master of the knights of St. James, who commanded at Logrono; Garcia de Padilla, governor of Agreda; Fernando de Toledo, brother to the master of St. James; and Boccanegra, admiral of Castille, were among the number. — Dillon.

****  “Master of Calatrava.” Martin Lopez de Cordova, master of Calatrava, followed don Pedro’s fortunes, and went with him from Seville to Portugal. — Dillon.

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CHAPTER CCXXXI. — KING DON PEDRO SENDS TO ENTREAT THE PRINCE OF WALES’ ASSISTANCE AGAINST HIS BROTHER, HENRY THE BASTARD. — HE RETIRES INTO GUIENNE, WHERE HE IS WELL RECEIVED BY THE PRINCE.

YOU have heard how don Pedro had cast himself into the castle of Corunna near the sea, with only his wife, his two daughters, and don Fernando de Castro; whilst in the mean time, his brother, the bastard, through the assistance of the men at arms, whom he had drawn from France, was conquering Castille, to whom the whole country had surrendered. All this much alarmed him; and he did not think himself in perfect safety in the castle of Corunna; for he had a great dread of his brother the bastard, and well knew that, if he were informed where he was, he would come and seek him with his forces, to besiege him in the castle. He would not wait this danger, but embarked on board a vessel, with his wife, his daughters, don Fernando de Castro, and whatever he had amassed of money and jewels, and put to sea in the night. The wind, however, was so contrary, that they could not clear the coast, but were obliged to return, and again to enter the castle of Corunna. Don Pedro then demanded from his knight, don Fernando de Castro, complaining of his evil fortune, which was so much against him, what was best to be done. “My lord,” replied the knight, ’before you leave this place, I think it would be proper that you send some person to your cousin the prince of Wales, to know if he will receive you, and to entreat of him, for God’s sake, that he would attend to your distress. He is in a manner bound to it, from the strong connection that has subsisted between the king, his father, and yours in former times. The prince of Wales is of such a noble and gallant disposition that, when he shall 344 be informed of your misfortunes, he will certainly take compassion on you: and, if he should determine to replace you on your throne, there is no one, sir, that could oppose him, so much is he redoubted by all the world, and beloved by soldiers. You are now safe where you are; for this fortress will hold you out until some intelligence shall be brought you from Aquitaine.”

Don Pedro immediately assented to this: a letter, in a most lamentable and piteous strain, was written: and a knight, with two squires, having been instructed to undertake this employ, cheerfully accepted it, directly put to sea, and made sail for Bayonne, a city dependent on the king of England, where they safely arrived. They made enquiries after the prince, and learnt that at that time he was at Bordeaux. Upon this, they rode to Bordeaux, and took up their quarters at an inn. Soon afterward they made for the monastery of St. Andrew, where the prince resided.

The knight and squires who had come from Spain informed the knights of the prince, that they were Spaniards, and ambassadors from don Pedro, of Castille. The prince, when informed of it, wished to see them, and to know what business had brought them. They were, upon this, introduced, and after having cast themselves on their knees, saluted him according to their custom, recommending the king their lord to him, as they presented him his letter. The prince made them rise: having taken the letter, he opened it, and afterwards read it more at his leisure. He found that don Pedro had written a most melancholy account of himself, informing him of his hardships and distress, and in what manner his brother the bastard, by means of the great alliances he had made, first with the pope, then with the kings of France and Arragon, and the free companies, had driven him out of his inheritance, the kingdom of Castille. In that letter, he entreated the prince, for the love of God, and for pity’s sake, that he would attend to his situation, and find some remedy to it; for it was not a Christian-like act, that a bastard, through force, should disinherit a legitimate son, and seize his possessions.

The prince, who was a valiant and wise knight, having folded up the letter in his hands, said to the ambassadors, who had remained in his presence, “you are welcome to us from our cousin the king of Castille: you will stay here in our court, and will not return without an answer.” The knights of the prince were already prepared; for they well knew what was proper to be done, and took with them the Spanish knight and his two squires to entertain them handsomely. The prince had remained in his apartment, thinking much on the contents of the letter from the king of Castille. He immediately sent for sir John Chandos and sir William Felton, the chiefs of his council: one was high steward of Aquitaine, and the other constable.

When they were come, he said, smiling, “My lords, here is great news from Spain. The king, don Pedro our cousin, complains grievously of Henry his bastard brother, who has seized his kingdom, and driven him out of it, as perhaps you may have heard related by those who are come hither. He entreats of us help and assistance, as his letter will more fully explain to you.” The prince then again read it over, word for word, to the knights, who lent a willing ear. When he had read it, he said: “You, sir John, and you, sir William, who are my principal counsellors, and in whom I have the greatest confidence and trust; tell me, I beg of you, what will be the most advisable for us to do in this business.” The two knights looked at each other, but uttered not a word. The prince again appealed to them, and said, “Speak boldly, whatever be your opinion.” The prince was then advised by these two knights, as I have heard it told afterwards, to send a body of men at arms to king don Pedro, as far as Corunna, where he was, and whence he had dated his letter; to conduct him to Bordeaux, in order more fully to learn what were his wants and intentions: that then they should be better informed from his conversation how they were to act.

This answer pleased the prince. Sir William Felton was ordered to take the command of the expedition; and the prince asked sir Richard Pontchardon, sir Nêle Loring, sir Simon Burley* and sir William Trousseaux to accompany it into Galicia, to escort from Corunna the king, don Pedro, and the remnant of his army. The armament for this expedition was to consist of twelve vessels, which were to be filled with archers and men at arms. The 345 above-named knights made proper purveyances for the occasion, and set out from Bordeaux, accompanied by the ambassadors from don Pedro. They continued their journey to Bayonne, where they remained three or four days, waiting for a favourable wind, and to load the ships. On the fifth day, as they were on the point of sailing, don Pedro, king of Castille, arrived there. He had left Corunna in great suspense, being afraid to stay there longer, and had brought with him a few of his people, and as much of his treasure as he could carry away.

This was great news for the English. Sir William Felton and the other knights waited on him, on his landing, and received him handsomely. They informed him, that they had prepared themselves, and were on the point of sailing to Corunna, or farther, had it been necessary, to seek for him, by orders from the prince their lord. Don Pedro heard this with great joy, and returned his warmest thanks to the prince, as well as to the knights then present. Sir William Felton immediately sent the prince information of the arrival of the king of Castille at Bayonne, who was much pleased thereat. These knights did not make any long stay at Bayonne, but, taking the king with them, made for the city of Bordeaux, where they safely arrived.

The prince, who was anxious to see his cousin the king, don Pedro, and also to do him the more honour, rode out of Bordeaux, attended by his knights and squires, to meet him. When they met he saluted him very respectfully, and paid him every attention by speech and action; for he knew perfectly well how so to do: no prince of his time understood so well the practice of good breeding. After their meeting, when they had refreshed themselves as was becoming them to do, they rode towards Bordeaux. The prince placed don Pedro on his right hand, and would not suffer it to be otherwise. During their return, don Pedro told the prince his distresses, and in what manner his brother the bastard had driven him out of the kingdom of Castille. He complained bitterly of the disloyalty of his subjects; for all had deserted him except one knight, don Fernando de Castro, then with him, and whom he pointed out to the prince. The prince comforted him by a most courteous and discreet answer: he begged of him not to be too much cast down; for, if he had lost everything, it was fully in the power of God to give him back what he had lost, and more, as well as vengeance upon his enemies.

Conversing on this subject, as well as on other topics, they rode on to Bordeaux, and dismounted at the monastery of St. Andrew, the residence of the prince and princess. The king, don Pedro, was conducted to an apartment which ha been prepared for him. When he had dressed himself suitably to his rank, he waited on the princess and the ladies, who all received him very politely. I could enlarge much on the feasts and entertainments which were made; but I will briefly pass them over, and relate to you how don Pedro conducted himself towards his cousin the price of Wales, whom he found courteous and affable, and willing to attend to his request of aid, notwithstanding some of his council had given him the advice I will now mention.

Before the arrival of don Pedro at Bordeaux, some lords, as well English as Gascons, who had much wisdom and forethought, were of the prince’s council, and by inclination as well as duty, thought themselves bound to give him loyal advice, spoke to the prince in words like the following: — “My lord, you have often heard the old proverb of ‘All covet, all lose†.’ True it is, that you are one of the princes of this world the most enlightened, esteemed, and honoured, in possession of large domains and a handsome principality on this side of the sea, and are, thank God, at peace with every one. It is also well known, that no king, far or near, at this present moment dares anger you; such reputation have you in chivalry for valour and good fortune. You ought, therefore, in reason, to be contented with what you have got, and not seek for enemies. We must add, likewise, that this don Pedro, king of Castille, who at present is driven out of his realm, is a man of great pride, very cruel, and full of bad dispositions. The kingdom of Castille has suffered many grievances at his hands: many valiant men have been beheaded and murdered, without justice or reason; so that to these wicked actions, which he ordered or consented to, he owes the loss of his kingdom. In addition to this, he is an enemy to the church, and excommunicated by our holy father. He has been long considered as a tyrant, who, without any plea of justice, has always made war upon his neighbours; such as the kings of Arragon and Navarre, whom he was desirous 346 to dethrone by force. It is also commonly reported, and believed in his kingdom, and even by his own attendants, that he murdered the young lady, his wife, who was a cousin of yours, being daughter to the duke of Bourbon. Upon all these accounts, it behoves you to pause and reflect before you enter into any engagements; for what he has hitherto suffered are the chastisements of God, who orders these punishments as an example to the kings and princes of the earth, that they should never commit such like wickedness.”

With similar language to this was the prince also addressed by his councils, on the arrival of the king of Castille at Bordeaux: but to this loyal advice they received the following answer: — “My lords, I take it for granted and believe that you give me the best advice you are able. I must, however, inform you, that I am perfectly well acquainted with the life and conduct of don Pedro, and well know that he has committed faults without number, for which at present he suffers: but I will tell you the reasons which at this moment urge and embolden me to give him assistance. I do not think it either decent or proper that a bastard should possess a kingdom as an inheritance, nor drive out of his realm his own brother, heir to the country by lawful marriage; and no king, or king’s son, ought ever to suffer it, as being of the greatest prejudice to royalty. Add to this, that my lord and father and this don Pedro have for a long time been allies, much connected together, by which we are bounden to aid and assist him, in case he should require it.” These were the reasons that instigated the prince to assist the king of Castille in his great distress, and thus he replied to his council. No one could afterwards make the smallest change in his determination, but every day it grew firmer.

When don Pedro arrived at Bordeaux, he humbled himself to the prince, offering him many rich presents, and the promise of further advantage; for he said, he would make his eldest son, Edward, king of Galicia, and would divide among him and his people the great riches he had left in Castille, where it was so well secured and hidden that no one could find its situation except himself. The knights paid a willing attention to these works; for both English and Gascons are by nature of a covetous disposition. The prince was advised to summon all the barons of Aquitaine to an especial council at Bordeaux, so that there might be a grand conference held; when the king don Pedro might lay before him his situation, and his means of satisfying them, should the prince undertake to conduct him back to his own country, and to do all in his power to replace him upon his throne. Letters and messengers were therefore sent to all parts, and the lords summoned: first, the earl of Armagnac, the earl of Comminges, the lord d’Albret, the earl of Carmaing, the captal de Buch, the lord de Tande, the viscount de Châtillon, the lords de l’Escut, de Rosem, de l’Esparre, de Chaumont, de Mucident, de Courton, de Pincornet, and other barons of Gascony and Guienne. The earl of Foix was requested to attend; but he would not come, and excused himself, having at the time a disorder in one of his legs, which prevented him from mounting on horseback: he sent, however, his council in his stead.

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*  Sir Simon Burley, — knight of the Garter, &c. — beheaded in the reign of Richard II.

†  He that to moche embraseth, houldeth the wekelyer. — Lord Berners.

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CHAPTER CCXXXII. — THE PRINCE OF WALES HOLDS A GRAND CONFERENCE AT BORDEAUX ON THE AFFAIRS OF THE KING OF CASTILLE. — HE RECIEVES LETTERS FROM THE KING OF ENGLAND, TO ASSENT TO THE PROPOSALS OF ASSISTING DON PEDRO. — HE MAKES OVERTURES TO THE KING OF NAVARRE, FOR A FREE PASSAGE THROUGH HIS KINGDOM, TO ENABLE HIM TO CONDUCT DON PEDRO BACK TO CASTILLE.

TO this conference, which was holden at Bordeaux, there came all the counts, viscounts, barons, and men of abilities, in Saintonge, Poitou, Quercy, Limousin, Gascony, and Aquitaine. When they were all assembled, they formed a parliament; and, having entered upon the business of their meeting, they for three days discussed the situation and future prospect of this don Pedro, king of Castille, who was all the time present, placing himself near his cousin the prince, who spoke in his behalf, and gave the best account he was able of his affairs. It was at last resolved, that the prince should send sufficient ambassadors to the king, his father, in England, to know his opinion on the subject; and that, as soon as they should have the king’s answer, they would then assemble, and give the prince such good advice as reasonably ought to be satisfactory to him.

The prince immediately named four knights; the lord Delawar, sir Nêle Loring, sir John and sir Hely de Pommiers; and ordered them to set out for England. This conference then broke up, and each returned to his home. The king, don Pedro, remained at Bordeaux with the prince and princess, who entertained him handsomely, and with due honour.

These four knights began their journey, according to their orders, for England; and, having embarked on board two ships, they arrived safely at Southampton, through God’s good will and favourable winds. They remained there one day, to refresh themselves and to disembark their horses and equipage. On the second day, they mounted their horses, and rode on to the city of London, where they enquired after the king, and where he was. They were told he was at Windsor. They set out for that place, and were very well received by the king and queen, as much through love for the prince their son, as because they were lords and knights of great renown.

These lords and knights gave their letters to the king, who opened them and had them read. After having for a short time considered their contents, he said: “My lords, you may retire: I will send for some of my barons and learned men of my council: we will then give you our answer, that you may return back soon.” This reply was very pleasing to the ambassadors, who went the next day to London. It was not long before the king of England came to Westminster, where he was met by the greater part of his council; that is to say, his son the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Arundel. The earl of Salisbury, sir Walter Manny, sir Reginald Cobham, earl Percy, lord Neville, and many others. Among the prelates were the bishops of Winchester, Lincoln, and London. They deliberated for a long time on the letters from the prince, and on the request he had made to the king his father. It appeared reasonable to the king and his council, that the prince should attempt to conduct back and replace the king of Spain on his throne and in his inheritance, which was unanimously agreed on. Upon this, they drew up excellent answers, from the king and council of England, to the prince and all the barons of Aquitaine. They were carried back by the same persons who had brought the letters, to the city of Bordeaux, where they found the prince, and the king don Pedro; to each of whom they gave other letters which the king of England had sent by them.

Another conference was determined upon: and, a day being fixed for holding it in the city of Bordeaux, all those who were summoned attended. The letters from the king of England were publicly read, who clearly and decidedly gave his opinion, that the prince his son, in the names of God and St. George, would undertake the restoration of don Pedro to his heritage, from which he had been driven unjustly, and, as it would appear, fraudulently. In these letters, mention was also made, that the king thought himself obliged, from certain treaties which had been formerly entered into between him and his cousin don Pedro, to grant him help and succour, in case he should be required so to do. He ordered all his vassals, and entreated his friends to help and assist the prince of Wales, by every means in their power, throughout this affair, in the same manner as if he himself were present. When the barons of Aquitaine had heard these letters read, and the commands and requests of the king and of the prince their lord, they cheerfully made the following answer: “Sir, we will heartily obey the commands of the king our sovereign lord. It is but just that we should be obedient both to him and to you: this we will do, and will attend you and don Pedro upon this expedition; but we wish to know from whom we are to have our pay, as it is not customary for men at arms to leave their habitations to carry on a war in a foreign country without receiving wages.”

The prince, on hearing this, turned towards don Pedro, and said: “Sir king, you hear what our people say: it is for you to give them an answer; for it behoves you to do so who are about to lead them into action.” Don Pedro made the following reply to the prince: “My dear cousin, as long as my gold, my silver, and my treasure will last, which I have brought with me from Spain, but which is not so great by thirty times as what I have left behind, I am willing it should be divided among your people.” Upon which the prince said: “My lord, you speak well: and for the surplus of the debt, I will take that upon myself towards them, and will order whatever sums you may want to be advanced you as a loan, until we shall be arrived in Castille.” “By my head,” replied don Pedro, “you will do me a great kindness.”

Several of the most experienced among them, such as the earl of Armagnac, the lord de Pommiers, sir John Chandos, the captal de Buch, and some others, having considered the business, said, the prince of Wales could not well undertake this expedition without having gained the consent and good-will of the king of Navarre; for he could not enter Spain without traversing his kingdom, and by the pass of Roncevaux*. This entrance to Spain they were not quite sure of obtaining; for the king of Navarre had lately formed fresh alliances with the bastard Henry. It was therefore debated for a long time, in what manner they could succeed in gaining this important point. The wisest were of opinion, that another meeting should be appointed, and that it should be held in the city of Bayonne; and that the prince, when there, should send able ambassadors to the king of Navarre, to entreat he would come to this conference at Bayonne. This resolution was adopted; and the conference broke up. They had all a wish to attend the meeting at Bayonne, and a day was fixed for holding it.

During this interval, the prince sent sir John Chandos and sir William Felton to the king of Navarre, who was at that time in the city of Pampeluna. These two knights, having wisdom and eloquence, exerted themselves so effectually with the king of Navarre that he agreed to their request, and gave it under his seal that he would attend the conference at Bayonne. Upon which they returned to the prince, and related to him what they had done. On the appointed day for this meeting in the city of Bayonne, the king of Spain, the prince, the earl of Armagnac, the lord d’Albret, and all the barons of Gascony, Poitou, Quercy, Rouergue, Saintonge, and Limousin came thither. The king of Navarre was also there; to whom the king of Spain and the prince paid every attention, thinking they should not lose by it.

This conference in the city of Bayonne was long. It lasted five days. The prince and his council had many difficulties before they could get the king of Navarre to consent to their wished; for it was not easy to make anything of him whenever he found that his services were wanted. However, from the great influence which the prince had over him, he brought him at last to swear, promise and seal a treaty of peace, alliance, and confederation with don Pedro. The king of Castille entered into certain engagements with the king of Navarre, which had been proposed to him by the prince of Wales. These engagements were, that don Pedro, as king of both Castilles, should give, under his seal, to the king of Navarre and his heirs, to hold as their inheritance, all the domain of Logrono, with the lands on each side of the river, and also the town, castle, territory, and dependencies of Salvatierra, with the town of St. Jean Pied du Port and its surrounding country; which lands, towns, castles, and lordships he had in former times taken possession of, and held by force. In addition to this, the king of Navarre was to receive twenty thousand francs, for laying open his country, and permitting the army to pass peaceably through, finding them provisions upon being paid for them: in which sum he acknowledged himself debtor to the king of Navarre†.

When the barons of Aquitaine learnt that these treaties were made, and that don Pedro and the king of Navarre were friends, they made inquiry who was to pay them their wages: the prince, who was very eager for this expedition, took that upon himself, king don Pedro having promised punctual repayment.

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*  Roncevaux, — a village in Navarre, made famous by the defeat of Charlemagne, in which Orlando and Rinaldo, so much celebrated by the old romances, were slain.

†  See the Fœdera for the underneath treaties, which relate to these transactions.

The first treaty between Edward III. And don Pedro, king of Castille, appears to be the 22d June, 1362. — Confirmed 1st February, 1363, — and 1st March, 1363.

“Forbidding all soldiers to enter Spain as enemies,” addressed to sir John Chandos, sir Hugh Calverly, &c. — December 6th, 1365.

A treaty, in which don Pedro acknowledges himself debtor to the prince of Wales in 56,000 gold florins, of good weight, &c., which the prince, by the king’s directions had paid to the king of Navarre, &c., dated Libourne (a city on the Dordogne, ten leagues distant from Bordeaux,) Sept. 23d. 1366. The number of witnesses to this deed shows that Froissart was misinformed when he says that don Pedro was solely attended by don Fernando de Castro.

Articles of convention between Pedro king of Castille, Charles king of Navarre, and Edward prince of Wales, — dated Libourne, Sept. 23d, 1366.

There are various other treaties between the king and prince, as well as the prince’s letter to Henry de Trastamare, and the answer, before the battle of Navarette. — See Rymer.

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CHAPTER CCXXXIII. — THE PRINCE OF WALES MAKES PREPARATIONS FOR REPLACING DON PEDRO ON HIS THRONE OF CASTILLE — HENRY THE BASTARD, THOUGH LATE INFORMED OF IT, ENDEAVOURS TO PREVENT IT.

WHEN all those things had been so ordered and settled that every one knew what he was to do, and they had remained in the city of Bayonne twelve days amusing themselves together, the king of Navarre took his leave, and set out for the kingdom of Navarre whence he had come. The other lords departed also, and each returned to his own home. Even the prince came back to Bordeaux; but the king of Castille remained at Bayonne. The prince immediately sent his heralds into Spain, to the knights and other captains who were English or Gascons attached to or dependent on him, to signify his orders to take their leave of the bastard, and to return as speedily as possible; for he had need of them, and should find them employment elsewhere. When the heralds who were the bearers of these orders to the knights in Castille came to them, they guessed they were sent for home: they immediately took leave of king Henry in the most courteous manner they could, without discovering either their own or the prince’s intentions. King Henry, who was liberal, courteous, and honourable, made them very handsome presents, thanking them most gratefully for their services. Sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, sir Hugh Calverly, sir Walter Huet, sir Matthew Gournay, sir John Devreux, with their men, left Spain, and returned as speedily as possible. They were followed by several other knights and squires of the prince’s household, whose names I cannot remember.

The free companions were at this time scattered in different parts of the country, and did not receive this intelligence so soon as the other knights. Upon their receiving the information, sir Robert Briquet, John Treuelle*, sir Rabours†, sir Perducas d’Albret, sir Garsis du Chastel, Nandon de Bagerant, the bastard de l’Esparre, the bastard Camus, the bastard de Breteuil, assembled together and set out on their return.

King Henry had not heard of the prince’s intentions to bring his brother, don Pedro, back to Castille, so soon as these knights; and well it was for them he had not; otherwise if he had received this intelligence, they would not have been suffered to depart so easily; for he had the power to detain and vex them. However, when he knew the truth of it, he did not seem much affected by it: nevertheless, he spoke to sir Bertrand du Guesclin, who was still with him, as follows: “Sir Bertrand, think of the prince of Wales: they say, he intends to make war upon us, to replace by force this Jew, who calls himself king of Spain, upon our throne of Castille. What do you say to this?” To which sir Bertrand replied: ’He is so valiant and determined a knight that, since he has undertaken it, he will exert himself to the utmost to accomplish it. I would therefore advise you to guard well all the passes and defiles on every side, so that no one may enter or go out of your kingdom without your leave. In the mean time, keep up the affections of your subjects. I know for a truth, that you will have great assistance from many knights in France, who will be happy to serve you. I will, with your permission, return thither, where I am sure of finding several friends: and I will bring back with me as many as I possibly can.” “By my faith,” replied king Henry, ’you say well; and I will, in this business, follow everything you shall order.”

Not long after, sir Bertrand took leave of king Henry, and went to Arragon, where he was received with joy by the king; with whom he remained fifteen days, and then departed. He continued his journey to Montpelier, where he found the duke of Anjou, who was very happy to see him, as he loved him much. When he had passed some time there, he took his leave, and went to France, where he had a most gracious reception from the king.

When it was publicly known through Spain, Arragon and France, that the intentions of the prince of Wales were to replace don Pedro in the kingdom of Castille, it was a matter of great wonder to many, and was variously talked of. Some said, the prince was making this expedition through pride and presumption; that he was jealous of the honour sir Bertrand du Guesclin had obtained, in conquering Castille in the name of king Henry, and 350 then making him king of it. Others said, that both pity and justice moved him to assist don Pedro in recovering his inheritance; for it was highly unbecoming a bastard to hold a kingdom, or bear the name of king. Thus were many knights and squires divided in their opinions. King Henry, however, was not idle: he sent ambassadors to the king of Arragon, to entreat of him that he would not enter into any treaty or convention with the prince and his allies; for that he was, and would continue to be, his good neighbour and friend.

The king of Arragon, who esteemed him much, for in former times he had found don Pedro very overbearing, assured him, that upon no account, no, not for the loss of one half of his kingdom, would he enter into any treaty with the prince nor with don Pedro, but would lay open his kingdom to all sorts of men who should wish to enter Spain to his assistance, and would shut it up from all who had evil intentions against him. This king of Aragon kept faithfully all he had promised to king Henry; for as soon as he knew that don Pedro was aided by the prince, and that the companies were marching that way, he ordered all the passes of Arragon to be closed, and caused them to be strictly guarded. He posted men at arms and watchmen on the mountains and in the defiles of Catalonia, so that no one could pass that way without great danger.

The companies, however, on their return, found out another road; they had much to endure from famine and other evils before they could be free from danger in Arragon. They advanced to the frontiers of the country of Foix, but could not obtain permission to pass through it; for the earl was not desirous that such people should enter his territories. News was brought of their distress to the prince, who was then at Bordeaux, occupying his mind night and day on the best means of executing this expedition with honour. He saw that these companies could neither pass nor return into Aquitaine, for the defiles of Arragon and Catalonia were well guarded, and they were now on the borders of the country of Foix very ill at their ease. He was therefore alarmed, lest the king of Arragon or don Henry should gain by force, or by large gifts and promises, these companies (who were upwards of twelve thousand men, from whom he expected great assistance), and they might be engaged to fight against him. The prince, therefore, determined to send sir John Chandos to meet and to retain them. He at the same time ordered him to wait on the earl of Foix, to beg that, for his love to him, he would allow these companies to pass through his country, and that he would pay double the value for any mischief they might commit in their march. Sir John Chandos undertook this journey most willingly, to oblige his lord: he set out from Bordeaux, and rode on to Dacqs‡; thence he continued his route until he arrived in the country of Foix, where he waited on the earl.

He found these companies in a country called Basques§, where he entered into a treaty with them, and managed it so well that they all agreed to serve the prince, in his intended expedition, upon having a handsome sum of money paid down to them, which sir John Chandos swore to see done. He again returned to the earl of Foix, and entreated him most earnestly that he would permit those companies, who now belonged to the prince, to pass through one end of his domain. The earl, who was desirous of pleasing the prince, and firmly attached to him, in order to gratify his wishes, complied with the request, provided they did no damage to him or to his lands. This sir John Chandos promised to be answerable for, and sent back one of his squires, attended by a herald, with the treaty he had made with the earl of Foix, to the commanders of the companies. He then returned to Bordeaux, and related to the prince his journey, and the successful issue of it. The prince, who loved him and had great confidence in him, was well pleased with both. The prince was at this time in the full vigour of youth, and had never been weary or satiated with war, since the first time he bore arms, but was always looking forwards to some achievement of high renown. This Spanish expedition occupied his mind entirely. Both honour and compassion urged him to replace on his throne, by force of arms, a king who had been driven from it.

He conversed frequently on this subject with sir John Chandos and sir William Felton, who were his principal advisers, and asked them their opinions. These two knights truly said: ”My lord, this undoubtedly is, without comparison, a much more difficult enterprise than driving him out of his realm; for he was detested by his subjects, insomuch that they all fled from him when he most wanted their help. The bastard king at this moment possesses the kingdom from the affection which the nobility, prelates and commonalty bear him; and therefore they will do everything in their power to keep and maintain him as their king, whatever may be the consequences. It behoves you then to have a sufficient number of archers and men at arms; for you will find, on your entering Spain, work enough for them. We advise you also to melt the best part of your plate and treasure, of which you are abundantly furnished, that it may be coined into money, for you to distribute liberally among the companions who are to serve under you in this expedition, and who, from affection to you alone, will engage to do so; for as to don Pedro, they will do nothing on his account. You should send likewise to the king your father, to beg of him to allow you to receive the hundred thousand francs which the king of France is bound to send to England in a short time. You ought also to collect money wherever you can procure it (for you will have need of an immense quantity), without taxing your subjects or country; by which means you will be more beloved of them.”

These and such like counsels, equally good and loyal, were at times given by those two knights, and followed by the prince. He had his plate, both gold and silver, broken and coined into money, which he liberally distributed among the free companies. He also sent to England, to request that he might obtain from the king the hundred thousand francs before mentioned. The king of England, who knew the wants of the prince, immediately complied, wrote to the king of France on this subject, and sent him proper acquittances for the sum he was to pay him. The hundred thousand francs were by this means paid to the prince, who divided them among different men at arms.

During the time the prince passed at Angoulême, he was one day amusing himself in his apartment with many knights of Gascony, Poitou and England, joking each other alternately upon this Spanish expedition, (sir John Chandos was at the time absent, on his journey to retain the companies), when he turned himself towards the lord d’Albret, and said; “My lord d’Albret, how many men can you bring into the field for this expedition?” Lord d’Albret was quick in his answer, replying, “My lord, if I wished to ask all my friends, that is, all my vassals, I can bring full a thousand lances, and leave a sufficiency behind to guard the country.” “By my head, lord d’Albret, that is handsome,” returned the prince: then looking at sir William Felton and other English knights, he added in English, “On my faith, one ought to love that country well where there is a baron who can attend his lord with a thousand lances.” Then, again addressing himself to the lord d’Albret, he said: “Lord d’Albret, with great willingness I retain them all.” “Let it be so, then, in God’s name, my lord,” answered the lord d’Albret. This engagement was the cause of much mischief hereafter, as you will see in the course of this history.

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*  “John Treuelle.” — Barnes calls him sir John Charnelle.

†  “Sir Rabours.” Sir Robert Cheney. — Barnes.

‡  Dacqs, or Dax, — an ancient city of Gascony, on the Adour, forty-two leagues and a half from Bordeaux, fifteen from Pau. Denys Sauvage thinks it ought to be Auch. This town is certainly more in a direct line to Foix, from Bordeaux, than Dax. It is d’Ast in his edition; but my MSS have Dax.

§  “Basques.” Le pays de Basques is a small country of France, near the Pyrénées, between the river Adour, the frontiers of Spain, the ocean and Béarn. It comprehends le Lahour, la Basse Navarre, and the county of Soule. Bayonne is the capital.

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CHAPTER CCXXXIV. — THE VISCOUNT OF NARBONNE, THE SENESCHAL OF TOULOUSE, WITH OTHER FRENCH LORDS, HAVING ATTACKED SOME OF THE FREE COMPANIES, THAT WERE COME INTO FRANCE ACCORDING TO THE ORDERS OF THE PRINCE, ARE DISCOMFITED NEAR MONTAUBAN. — THE POPE FORBIDS THE PRISONERS WHOM THE COMPANIES HAD TAKEN, AND SET FREE ON THEIR PAROLE AFTER THE COMBAT, TO KEEP THEIR FAITH, OR TO PAY ANY RANSOM.

WE must now return to those free companies who had become allied and connected with the prince. I have already said, that they had suffered very great hardships before they entered his principality. As soon as they found themselves clear of all danger from Arragon and Catalonia, they divided themselves into three bodies, with the consent of the earls of Foix and Armagnac and the lord d’Albret. One of these divisions marched along the borders of the countries of Foix and Toulouse; another through the country of Armagnac, and the 352 third towards Albret. The first division consisted chiefly of Gascons; and they might, in the whole, amount to three thousand; but they had again divided themselves into companies of three and four hundreds, and thus advanced towards Toulouse and Montauban.

At this time, there was a knight of France, high steward of Toulouse, whose name was Guy d’Asai*. When he learnt that these companies were near at hand, that they were advancing in division, and did not amount, in the whole, to more than three thousand combatants, who were pinched by hunger, badly armed and mounted, and still worse clothed and shod, he declared that no such persons should enter Toulouse, nor the kingdom of France, to recruit themselves: and that, if it pleased God, he would march out, to offer them battle. He directly gave notice of his intentions to the lord Aimeri, viscount of Narbonne, to the high stewards of Carcassonne and of Beaucaire, and to all knights, squires and officers in that quarter, commanding them to give him aid and assistance to defend the borders against these wicked companions. Those who had been sent to, obeyed, and came with all speed to the city of Toulouse. They amounted to five hundred men at arms, knights and squires, with upwards of four thousand infantry, who immediately took the field, and marched towards Montauban, seven leagues distant from Toulouse. Those who arrived first, and the others as they came in, instantly quitted the town, to wait until the whole were assembled together.

When the viscount of Narbonne and sir Guy d’Asai, who were the commanders of these men at arms, had left Toulouse, they fixed their quarters near to Montauban, which was at that time dependent on the prince of Wales, who had appointed for its governor a knight called sir John Combes. These French lords ordered their scouts, with the vanguard, to advance to Montauban, in hopes of drawing out some of the companions who had lately arrived there, and who were entertained by sir John Combes. The governor of Montauban was much surprised, on hearing that the French were come with a numerous army so near to his town, because the territory belonged to the prince: he ascended, therefore, the battlements of the gates, and, having obtained a hearing from these scouts, demanded who had sent them thither, and for what reason they had thus come upon the lands of the prince, who was their neighbour, and who had sworn friendship to the king and knights of France.

They answered him, that they were not charged by the lords who sent them thither to give any reasons for so doing; but that, in order to be satisfied, he might come himself, or send any one to their commanders, who would give him an answer. “Indeed,” replied the governor of Montauban, “I shall beg of you then to go back, and tell them to send me a passport, that I may safely come to them and return, or let them send to inform me fully for what reasons they have marched in this warlike manner against me; for did I think they were in earnest to make war, I would immediately inform my lord the prince of it, who would speedily provide a remedy.” They willingly accepted his proposal, and returned to their lords, to whom they exactly repeated the governor’s words.

The passport was made out in sir John’s name, and sent to Montauban. Upon the receipt of it, he set out, attended only by four persons, and went to the quarters of these lords, who were ready dressed to receive him, and prepared with their answers. He saluted them, which they returned: he then asked them their reasons for ordering troops to advance to the fortress, which was a dependency on the prince. They replied, “We wish not to invade the rights of any one, nor to make war; but we are determined to pursue our enemies where we know they are.” “Who are your enemies? and where are they?” demanded the knight. “In God’s name,” answered the viscount of Narbonne, “they are at this moment in Montauban. They are robbers and pillagers, who have severely oppressed the kingdom of France. And you, sir John, if you had been courteous to your neighbours, ought not thus to have supported them in their robberies of poor persons, without a shadow of justice; 353 for these are the causes that give rise to hatred between the great. If you do not therefore drive them out of your fortress, you are neither a friend to the king nor kingdom of France.”

“My lords,” replied the governor, “it is true there are men at arms in my garrison, whom my lord the prince has ordered thither, and whom I retain for him. I am not therefore inclined to send them away thus suddenly. If they have given you any cause of displeasure, I do not see from whom you can right yourselves; for they are men at arms, and they will support themselves in their usual manner, either on the territories of the king of France or on those of the prince.” The lord of Narbonne and sir Guy d’Asai made answer by saying: “They are indeed men at arms, but of such a sort that they cannot exist without pillage and robbery, and have very unbecomingly trespassed on our boundaries, for which they shall pay dearly, if we could but once meet with them in the open plains. They have burnt, stolen, and done many shameful acts within the jurisdiction of Toulouse, complaints of which have been made to us, which if we suffer to go unpunished, we shall be traitors to the king our lord, who has appointed us to watch over and guard his country. You will therefore tell them from us, for, since we know where their quarters are, we can find them, that they shall make us amends for their proceedings, or they will fare the worse for it.”

The governor could not, at that time, get any other answer from them. He returned very ill pleased, and said that all their menaces would not make him change his mind. Upon his return, he told the companions all that had passed, as well as the message he was to deliver to them. The leaders on hearing it, were not much satisfied; for they were unequal in numbers to the French, so that they kept themselves on their guard as much as they could.

Now it chanced, that exactly five days after this conversation, sir Perducas d’Albret with a large body of companions were on their march to pass through Montauban, for that was the direct road into the principality. He sent information of it to the governor: which when sir Robert Cheney and the other companions who had shut themselves up in the town heard, they were mightily rejoiced. They secretly made sir Perducas acquainted with the arrival of the French, and how they kept them besieged, threatening them much: they also informed him of the numbers of the French, with the names of their commanders.

When sir Perducas learnt this, he was no way frightened, but, collecting his men in a body, galloped into Montauban, where he was joyfully received. Upon their arrival, they discussed, among themselves, what would be most advisable to do: they unanimously resolved, that on the morrow they would arm, issue out of the town, and address themselves to the French, to request they would allow them peaceably to pass on. If they would not agree to this, and it were absolutely necessary to fight, they would then exert themselves, and risk the event of a battle.

What they had determined the preceding day, they put in execution the following. On the morning, having armed they and mounted their horses, their trumpets sounded, when they sallied out of Montauban. The French had already drawn up before the town, from the alarm of what they saw and heard the preceding evening, so that the companies could not pass but through them. Upon this, sir Perducas d’Albret and sir Robert Cheney stepped forward, to demand a parley of the French, and to beg of them to allow them quietly to pass. But these lords sent to inform them, they would have nothing to say to them, and that they should not pass but over the points of their spears and swords. They instantly began to shout their war-cry, and to call out, “Advance, advance upon these robbers, who pillage the world, and who live upon every one, without reason or justice.”

When the companions saw that they must fight in earnest, or die with dishonour, they dismounted and formed their line, to wait for the French, who advanced very boldly on foot to meet them. Much fighting and pursuing now commenced: many hard blows were given, which knocked down several on each side. The combat was severe and long; many gallant deeds were performed, and several knights and squires unhorsed. The French, however, were more in number than the companions by at least two to one. They had not, therefore, any cause of fear, and by valiantly fighting, drove the companions far back, even within the barriers. When they were in that situation, the combat became more hot: many were killed and wounded on both sides. It would have been very hard with the companions, if the 354 governor had not ordered all the towns-people to take arms and assist, to the utmost of their power, those who were attached to the service of their prince. The inhabitants immediately took to their arms, and united themselves with the companies in the fray. Even the women, having collected stones, ascended their garrets, whence they flung so many on the French that they had sufficient employment in shielding themselves from them, and by wounding many made them retreat. The companions upon this took courage (for they had been for a considerable time in great peril), and boldly attacked the French. Many as gallant deeds were performed by captures and rescues as had been seen for some time, though the companies were but few in comparison of the French: every man exerted himself to do his duty well, and to drive the enemy by force out of the town.

It happened, that during this engagement, the bastard de Breteuil and Nandon de Bagerant, with about four hundred men whom they commanded, entered the back way into the town. They had marched all night with the greatest expedition; for they had had information how the French were besieging their comrades in Montauban. The battle was now renewed with fresh vigour; and the French were sadly beaten by these new comers. All those combats lasted from eight o’clock in the morning until four in the afternoon. At last, the French were completely discomfited and put to flight: happy were those who could find horses to mount and escape.

The viscount de Narbonne, sir Guy d’Asai, the earl of Uzés, the lord de Montmorillon, the sénéschal de Carcassonne, the sénéschal de Beaucaire, with upwards of a hundred knights, as well of France as of Provence, and the adjoining countries, many rich squires, and others of large property in Toulouse and Montpellier, were made prisoners. They would have taken more, if they had pursued them; but, as they were few in number and badly mounted, they were afraid to follow them, contenting themselves with what they had got.

This battle was fought before Montauban, the vigil of the feast of our Lady, in August 1366. After this defeat, sir Perducas d’Albret, sir Robert Cheney, sir John Combes, the bastard de Breteuil and Nandon de Bagerant, divided the booty they had gained among themselves and their companies. All those who had made any prisoners were to keep them, in order to gain by their ransom, or to give them their liberty, as they pleased. They were very attentive to them, accepting moderate ransoms, suitable to their rank, or the state of their affairs. They were the kinder to them, because this affair had turned out fortunately, and through their own gallantry. Those who had pledged their faith went away, having fixed a time for bringing their ransoms to Bordeaux, or other places more agreeable to them. Each now departed, and returned to his own country. The companies marched to join the prince, who received them very graciously, and sent them to their quarters in a country, called Basques, which is among the mountains.

I will now relate the end of this business, in what manner the viscount of Narbonne, the high steward of Toulouse and the other prisoners, paid their ransoms. Pope Urban V., who at this time reigned, hated mortally these free companies, whom he had for a long time excommunicated on account of their wicked deeds. Upon being informed of this engagement, and how the viscount of Narbonne, having exerted himself to the utmost to succeed in his attack upon them, had been miserably defeated, he was in a great rage. This was increased on learning that, having given pledges for their ransoms, they were returned home. He immediately sent expresses to them, strictly forbidding them to pay any ransom, and at the same time dispensations and absolutions from all engagements on this subject.

Thus were these lords, knights and squires, who had been made prisoners at Montauban, acquitted of their ransoms; for they dared not disobey the orders of the pope. It turned out luckily for some, but quite the contrary to the companions, who were expecting the money: indeed they were in want of it, and intended out of it to equip themselves handsomely, as soldiers should do who have a sufficiency, but they never received any thing. This order of the pope was so hurtful to them that they made frequent complaints of it to sir John Chandos, who, being constable of Aquitaine, had the superintendence of such affairs by right of office: but he turned them off as well as he could, because he was fully acquainted that they were excommunicated by the pope, and that all their thoughts and acts were turned to pillage. It do not believe they ever received any of this debt at any time afterwards.

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*  “Guy d’Asai.” When Bertrand saw the duke d’Anjou at Montpelier, he requested him to prevent those companies from returning to Aquitaine: he thereupon assembled the militia of the country, and collected a force of five hundred lances and four thousand archers. He gave the command of this army to Guy d’Asai sénéschal de Toulouse, Arnold d’Espagne, sénéschal de Carcassonne, Guy de Prohins sénéschal de Beaucaire, and Aimeri viscount de Narbonne. — Hist. De Languedoc, vol. iv. p. 323.

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CHAPTER CCXXXV. — DURING THE TIME THE PRINCE OF WALES IS PREPARING FOR HIS EXPEDITION INTO CASTILLE, THE KING OF MAJORCA SEEKS REFUGE WITH HIM AGAINST THE KING OF ARRAGON — THE PRINCE DISPLEASES THE LORD D’ALBRET.

WE will now return to the prince of Wales, and shew with what perseverance he continued to make preparations for his expedition. He had, as I have before related, gained over all the free companies, who might be about twelve thousand fighting men. It had cost him much to retain as well as to subsist them, which he did at his own expense, from the end of August until they quitted the principality the beginning of February. In addition to these, the prince accepted the services of men at arms from every quarter whence he could obtain them, under his dependence.

From the kingdom of France, there came none; for king Henry had every person from that kingdom, on account of the alliances that existed between their sovereign and king Henry, who had also some of the free companies that came from Brittany, and were attached to sir Bertrand du Guesclin; of these sir Bertrand de Budes, sir Alain de St. Pol, sir William de Brueix, and sir Alain de Couvette, were the leaders. The prince might have foreign men at arms, such as Flemings, Germans and Brabanters, if he had chosen it; but he sent away numbers, choosing to depend more on his own subjects and vassals than on strangers. There came, therefore, to him a great reinforcement from England; for, when the king his father found this expedition was near taking place, he gave leave for his son, the duke of Lancaster, to go to the prince of Wales, with a large body of men at arms; that is to say, four hundred men at arms, and four hundred archers. As soon as the prince heard that his brother was coming to him, he was much rejoiced, and gave orders accordingly.

At this period, the lord James, king of Majorca, came to visit the prince in the city of Bordeaux; for such was his title, though he possessed nothing, the king of Arragon having kept his kingdom from him by force, and caused his father to be put to death in prison, in a city of Arragon called Barcelona. On which account, this king James, to revenge the death of his father, and to recover his inheritance, had left the kingdom of Naples, whose queen was at that time his wife.*

The prince of Wales received the king of Majorca very kindly, and entertained him handsomely. After he had heard from him the reasons of his coming, and the cause why the king of Arragon did him so much wrong, in keeping his heritage from him, and destroying his father, the prince replied: “Sir king, I promise you most loyally, that upon our return from Spain, we will undertake to replace you on your throne of Majorca, either by treaty or by force of arms.” These promises were highly pleasing to the king. He remained at Bordeaux with the prince, waiting for his departure for Spain with the others. The prince, through respect, equipped him as handsomely as he could; because he was a stranger, far distant from his own country, and his finances were but low.

Great complaints were daily made to the prince of the bad conduct of the free companies, who were doing all possible mischief to the inhabitants of the countries where they were quartered. They pressed the prince to hasten his march, who would willingly have complied, if he had not been advised to let Christmas pass over, so that he should have winter in his rear. The prince listened to this counsel the more, because his lady the princess, being far gone with child, was melancholy and sorrowful at the thoughts of his absence. He was desirous to wait until she should be brought to bed, as she wished to detain him.

During this time, he was collecting great quantities of purveyance of all kinds; and well he had need to do so, for he was about to enter a country where he would find little enough. Whilst he remained at Bordeaux, the prince and his council held many consultations together. It seems to me, that the lord d’Albret and his thousand lances were countermanded, and that the prince, by the advice of his council, wrote to him in such terms as 356 these. “My lord d’Albret, whereas, out of our liberal bounty, we have retained you with a thousand lances, to serve under us in the expedition which through the grace of God, we intend speedily to undertake, and briefly to finish: having duly considered the business, and the costs and expenses we are at, as well for those who have entered into our service as for the free companies, whose number is so great that we do not wish to leave them behind, for fear of the dangers which may happen, we have resolved that several of our vassals should remain, in order to guard the territories. For these causes it has been determined in our council, that you shall serve in this expedition with two hundred lances only, as has been written to you. You will choose them out from the rest; and the remainder you will leave to follow their usual occupations. May God have you under his holy protection! — Given at Bordeaux, the eighth day of December.”

These letters were sealed with the great seal of the prince of Wales, and sent to the lord d’Albret, who was in his own country, busily employed making his preparations; for it was daily reported that the prince was on the point of setting out.

When he received these letters from the prince, he opened them deliberately, and read them twice over, in order the better to comprehend them; for what he saw of their contents astonished him greatly. Being mightily vexed, he exclaimed, “How is this? My lord, the prince of Wales laughs at me, when he orders me to disband eight hundred knights and squires, whom, by his command, I have retained, and have diverted from other means of obtaining profit and honour.” In his rage, he called for a secretary, and said to him, “Write;” and the secretary wrote as follows from his dictating: — “My dear lord, — I am marvelously surprised at the contents of the letters you have sent me; and I neither know nor can imagine what answer to make to them. Your orders will be to me of the greatest prejudice, and subject me to much blame; for all the men at arms, whom I have retained by your commands, are ready prepared to do you service, and I have prevented them seeking for honour and profit elsewhere. Some of these knights were engaged to pass the sea, to Jerusalem, to Constantinople or to Prussia, in order to advance themselves. They will, therefore, be much displeased if left behind. I am equally so, and cannot conceive for what reason I have deserved this treatment. My dear lord, have the goodness to understand I cannot separate myself from them. I am the worst and least among them; and, if any of them be dismissed, I am convinced they will all go their ways. May God keep you in his holy protection! — Given,” &c.

When the prince of Wales received this answer, he looked upon it as a very presumptuous one; as did also some knights from England, who were present, and of his council. The prince shook his head, and said in English (as I was told, for at the time I was not at Bordeaux); “This lord d’Albret is too great a man for my country, when he thus wishes to disobey the orders of my council: but, by God, it shall not be as he thinks to have it. Let him stay behind, if he will; for we will perform this expedition, if it please God, without his thousand lances.” Some English knights added; “My lord, you are but little acquainted with the thoughts of these Gascons, nor how vain-glorious they are: they have but little love for us, nor have they had much for some time past. Do you not remember how arrogantly they behaved to you when king John of France was first brought to Bordeaux? They then declared publicly, that it was by their means alone you had succeeded at Poitiers, and made the king of France your prisoner. It is apparent that they had intended carrying things farther; for you were upwards of four months negociating with them before they would consent that king John should be carried to England, and it was first necessary for you to comply with their demands in order to preserve their attachment.” Upon hearing this, the prince was silent, but did not the less occupy his thoughts with what had just been said.

This was the first ground of the hatred between the prince of Wales and the lord d’Albret. The lord d’Albret was at the time in great peril: for the prince was of a high overbearing spirit, and cruel in his hatred: he would, right or wrong, that every lord who was under his command should be dependent on him: but the earl of Armagnac, uncle to the lord d’Albret, hearing of this quarrel between the prince and his nephew, came to Bordeaux to wait on the prince. Sir John Chandos and sir William Felton (by whose advice and counsels the prince 357 solely acted) managed the matter so well that the prince was appeased, and said nothing more. However, the lord d’Albret received orders to join with only two hundred lances which was equally disagreeable to him and to his vassals: they never afterwards were so affectionate to the prince as they had formerly been. They were forced, nevertheless, to bear this disappointment as well as they could, for they had no remedy for it.

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*  Don Jayme, king of Majorca, married Jane, queen of Naples, 1363. — Ferraras.

Towards the end of this year, the infant Philip of Navarre died. Idem. — If, as before-mentioned, he married Jane, don Jayme must have married the widow.

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CHAPTER CCXXXVI. — THE BIRTH OF RICHARD, SON OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. — THE ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF LANCASTER, TO ACCOMPANY HIS BROTHER ON HIS INTENDED EXPEDITION. — NEW TREATIES WITH THE KING OF NAVARRE, FOR THE SECURITY OF PASSING THROUGH HIS KINGDOM. — SIR BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN RETURNS TO THE ASSISTANCE OF KING HENRY.

Time passed away so quickly while the prince was collecting his stores, and waiting the arrival of his brother the duke of Lancaster, that the princess was taken in labour, and, through God’s grace, delivered of a fine boy on a Wednesday, the feast of the Epiphany, in the year 1367. The child was born about eight o’clock in the morning*. The prince and his whole household were very much rejoiced at this event. On the following Friday, he was baptized, about noon, at the holy font of St. Andrew’s church, in the city of Bordeaux. The archbishop of Bordeaux performed the ceremony: the bishop of Agen and the king of Majorca were his godfathers. They gave him the name of Richard: he was afterwards king of England, as you will hear in the continuation of the history.

On the ensuing Sunday, the prince set out from Bordeaux, with a grand army, about eight o’clock in the morning: he carried with him all the men at arms who had been quartered there. The greater part of his force had already marched forward, and were cantoned in the city of Dax in Gascony. The prince arrived that Sunday evening at Dax, where he halted and remained for three days; for he was there informed that his brother the duke of Lancaster was on the road to him, having crossed the sea to Brittany, where he had landed a fortnight since, at St. Mahé de fine Pôterne: he went thence to Nantes, where he was magnificently entertained by the duke of Brittany.

The duke of Lancaster continued his route, through Poitou and Saintonge, to Blaye, where he crossed the river Gironde, and landed at the quay of Bordeaux. He went to the monastery of St. Andrew, where the princess lay in, and was joyfully welcomed by her and by all the ladies of her court. At this time, however, the duke would not remain in Bordeaux: but, having bid adieu to his sister the princess, he and all his troops departed, never halting until they were arrived in the city of Dax, where he found his brother the prince of Wales. The two brothers were very happy in this meeting, for they had a mutual affection for each other; and many proofs of friendship passed between them and their men. Soon after the arrival of the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Foix came thither, who paid much court and respect, at least in outward appearance, to the prince and his brother, offering himself and vassals for their service.

The prince, who knew how to pay every honour and attention according as they were due, shewed him all respect, thanking him much for his obliging offer, and for having come to visit them. He afterwards gave him in charge the government of the country, and desired that, during his absence, he would be attentive to guard it. The earl very willingly accepted this charge: having taken his leave of the prince and the duke, he returned to his home. The prince, however, remained, at Dax, with his army, which was spread all over the country, as far as the entrance of the defiles which lead to Navarre; for they were uncertain if they could pass through them or not, or if the king of Navarre would lay open his country to them according to his treaty.

It had been currently reported, that he had entered into new conventions with king Henry, which had much astonished the prince and his council, and made don Pedro very melancholy. Whilst these reports were believed, and during the stay at Dax, sir Hugh Calverly and his men entered Navarre, and took the city of Miranda and the town of Puenta della Reyna, which alarmed the whole country, so that information was immediately sent of it to the king of Navarre. Upon hearing that the companies were forcibly entering his kingdom, he was much enraged and wrote to the prince, who made very light of it, because he thought the king of Navarre did not perform the articles of his treaty with don Pedro: he therefore wrote back to him to come himself, or to send some person to explain those things which were laid to his charge, as it was publicly reported he had changed sides, and had joined king Henry.

When the king of Navarre heard that he was accused of treachery, he was more enraged than before, and sent an experienced knight, called don Martin de la Carra, to wait on the prince. When he arrived in the city of Dax, to exculpate the king of Navarre, he spoke so ably and eloquently to the prince that he satisfied him. It was then agreed that he should return to Navarre to his king, and induce him to come to St. Jean Pied de Port†, where, when he should be arrived, the prince would consider whether he would meet him in person or not. Upon this, don Martin de la Carra quitted the prince, and returned to Navarre, where he related to the king all that had passed, in what disposition he had left the prince and his council, and upon what terms he had been sent back. Don Martin exerted himself so much that he brought the king to St. Jean Pied de Port: he himself went to wait on the prince at Dax. When it was known that the king of Navarre was on his road, the prince was advised to send, to meet him, his brother the duke of Lancaster and sir John Chandos. These two lords, with a few attendants, set out, accompanied by don Martin, who conducted them to St. Jean Pied de Port to the king of Navarre, who very graciously received them, and they had a long conference together. It was after some time settled, that the king of Navarre should advance, to meet the prince, to a place called in that country Peyre Hourarde‡, where the prince and don Pedro should be; and that then and there they should renew their treaties, so that each party might for a certainty know on what he was to depend. The king of Navarre was thus dissembling, because he wished to 359 be more sure of the articles of the treaty being complied with than he was at that moment; for he was afraid, that if these companies should once enter his territories before what he demanded was fully signed and agreed to, it would never be thought of afterwards.

The duke of Lancaster and sir John Chandos, having finished their business, returned, and related what they had done to the prince and don Pedro. This agreement was satisfactory to both of them. They kept the appointment, and went to the place fixed on, where they met the king of Navarre and his privy council. There were at Peyre Hourarde these three princes, the prince of Wales, don Pedro, and the duke of Lancaster, on one part, and the king of Navarre on the other, where long conferences were held between them. At last, it was finally settled what each party was to receive and to perform; and the treaties which had been made before, at Bayonne, were renewed. The king of Navarre then knew for certain what was to be given up to him in the kingdom of Castille. He swore to maintain and preserve faithfully peace and friendship with don Pedro. They broke up their conferences very amicably, having settled that the prince and his army might pass through his country whenever he pleased, as all the defiles were left unguarded; and provision would be had for the men, upon paying for it. The king of Navarre returned to the city of Pampeluna, and the king don Pedro, the prince, and his brother, to their quarters at Dax.

There were at this time many great barons from Poitou, Gascony, and Brittany, who had not joined the army of the prince. They had remained behind, because, as has been before said, it was not quite clear, until after this last conference, if the prince would have a free passage through Navarre. It was even thought in France, that it would be refused him, and that the king of Navarre would cause this expedition to fail. However, the contrary happened. When the knights and squires of each party found that the passage was open, they hastened their preparations, and made speed to join their friends; for they knew the prince would pass soon, and that he would not return without a battle. Sir Olivier de Clisson came with a handsome company of men at arms; and also, but very unwillingly, came last, the lord d’Albret, with two hundred lances: he was accompanied in this expedition by the captal de Buch.

Everything which had passed in these conferences was known in France; for there were messengers constantly going and coming, who carried with them all the news they could pick up. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin (who was with the duke of Anjou) was no sooner informed that the passes in Navarre were open, and that the prince was on his march, than he hastened his departure, and reiterated his summons; for he knew now, that this business would not be settled without an engagement. He took the road to Arragon, in order to join king Henry as speedily as possible. He was followed by all sorts of men at arms to whom him he had sent his orders. Many came from France and other countries, who were attached to him, or who were desirous of acquiring honour. We will now return to the prince, and relate what befel him and his army in his passage through Navarre.

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*  Heure de tierce — Heure de prime (canonical hours). These do not both point out the same hour at the same season of the year. The former, according to Cotgrave, is “in summer eight of the clock, in winter ten;” the latter, “in summer four o’clock, in winter eight.” — The Dict. De l’Académie explains “tierce” as equivalent to nine o’clock of our calculation of time, but does not state the hour to which “prime” corresponds. — ED.

†  St. Jean Pied de Port — a small town in Navarre, on the Nive, and at the foot of the Pyrénées.

‡  Peyre Hourarde, — a town in Gascony, diocese of Dax.

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CHAPTER CCXXXVII. — THE PRINCE OF WALES AND HIS ARMY PASS THE MOUNTAINS OF NAVARRE, AND ARRIVE AT PAMPELUNA. — KING HENRY OF CASTILLE WRITES LETTERS TO HIM. — SIR WILLIAM FELTON COMMANDS AN ADVANCED PARTY OF THE ARMY.

BETWEEN St. Jean Pied de Port and Pampeluna are the defiles and strong passes of Navarre, which are very dangerous: for there are a hundred situations among them which a handful of men would guard and shut up against a whole army.

It was very cold in these countries when the army passed, for it was the month of February. But before they began their march, though very eager to get forward, the principal leaders held a council to determine in what numbers and in what manner they should march through these mountains. They learnt that the whole army could not pass together; for which reason, they ordered it to be divided into three bodies, and to pass one at a time three days successively; that is to say, on the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday.

On the Monday, the van-guard marched, under the command of the duke of Lancaster. 360 He was accompanied by the constable of Aquitaine, sir John Chandos, who had under him full twelve hundred pennons, all ornamented with his arms, which were a sharp pile gules on a field argent*. It was a handsome sight to behold. The two marshals of Aquitaine were also in this first division, namely, sir Guiscard d’Angle and sir Stephen Cossington, with whom was the pennon of St. George. There were also in this division, with the duke, sir William Beauchamp†, son of the earl of Warwick, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Ralph Neville‡, who served under sir John Chandos with thirty lances at his own expense and charges, out of what he had gained at the battle of Auray. There were likewise the lord d’Aubeterre, sir Garses du Châtillon, sir Richard Causton, sir Robert Cheney, sir Robert Briquet, sir John Tyrrel, sir Aimery de Rochechouart, sir Gaillart de la Moitre, sir William Clayton, Villebos le Bouteiller et Pannetier§. All these, with their pennons, were under the command of sir John Chandos, and might amount in the whole to ten thousand cavalry, who all crossed the mountains, as before related, on the Monday

On the Tuesday, passed the prince of Wales and don Pedro, accompanied by the king of Navarre, who had returned to them, in order to serve as their guide. In this division of the prince were the lord Louis de Harcourt, the viscount de Châtelleraut, the viscount de Rochechouart, the lords de Partenay and de Pinane, sir William Felton, high steward of Aquitaine, sir Thomas Felton his brother, sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, the high stewards of Saintonge, of la Rochelle, of Quercy, of Limousin, of Agenois, of Bigorre, the lord de Cannaibouton and all the men of Poitou, sir Richard de Pontchardon, sir Nêle Loring, the 361 earl of Angus, sir Thomas Banaster¶, sir Louis de Merval, sir Aymon de Marnel, the lord de Pierre-Buffiere, and four thousand men at arms at least: there were in the whole about ten thousand horse. This Tuesday was bitter cold, with a sharp wind and snow, so that their march was very painful: however, they passed the mountains, and took up their quarters in the valley of Pampeluna. The king of Navarre, indeed, conducted the prince of Wales and don Pedro to the city of Pampeluna to supper, and entertained them handsomely, as he was enabled to do.

The king of Majorca crossed these mountains on the Wednesday, accompanied by the earl of Armagnac, the lord d’Albret his nephew, sir Bernard d’Albret, lord de Gironde, the earl of Perigord, the viscount de Carmaing, the earl of Comminges, the captal de Buch, sir Olivier de Clisson, the three brothers de Pommiers, sir John, sir Elias, and sir Edmund, the lords de Chaumont, and de Mucident, sir Robert Knolles, the lords de l’Esparre, de Condon, de Rosem, the souldich de la Trane¥, sir Petiton de Courton, sir Aimery de Tarse, the lord de la Barde, sir Bertrand de Caude, the lord de Pincornet, sir Thomas Winstanley, sir Perducas d’Albret, the bastard de Breteuil, Nandon de Bagerant, Bertrand de la Salle, Ortingo, La Nuit, and all the other captains of the free companies, amounting to full ten thousand horse. They had much better weather than the preceding division which crossed on the Tuesday. All these different bodies of men at arms were encamped in the vale of Pampeluna, to recruit their horses. They remained in the country about Pampeluna (where they found abundance of provision, such as meat, bread, wine, and all sorts of food for themselves and horses) until the following Sunday.

I must say, that all these companies did not pay the demands which were made upon them; nor could they abstain from pillaging as heretofore; they also caused great disturbances in the country round Pampeluna, as well as on their march. The king of Navarre was much vexed at this; but better himself he could not: he repented more than once that he had ever consented to the passage of the prince and his army through his dominions, or that he had left unguarded the defiles; for there was more loss than profit by what he had done. This, however, was not the time to show what his thoughts were; for he was not then master of his own country. He daily received great complaints from his subjects on this head, which, though the circumstance grieved him much, he could not remedy. Nevertheless, he entreated the men at arms of the prince, by means of some of his principal barons, who had served longest with them in Normandy and in other places in France, that they would refrain robbing the country in the manner they were doing, which they promised and engaged to do.

King Henry was duly informed of the march of the prince of Wales through Navarre, for he had his messengers and spies constantly upon the look-out. He was therefore increasing his forces as much as possible by earnest and kind entreaties to the knights of Castille (of which he had assumed the title of king) in order to have a sufficient army to resist the attack. He also impatiently expected the arrival of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, with great reinforcements from France. He had besides issued special orders throughout the kingdom, to all his vassals, under pain of death, that each, according to his rank, should immediately come to his assistance, and defend the realm. This king Henry was much beloved, as the Castillians had exerted themselves in aiding him to drive don Pedro out of the kingdom: they therefore willingly obeyed his summons, and flocked in great numbers every day to the rendezvous he had appointed at St. Domingo de la Calçada. They amounted in all to upwards of sixty thousand, as well horse as foot, ready to act for him, and resolved to live or die for his service.

Upon king Henry having sure intelligence that the prince of Wales, with his whole army, had passed the straits of Roncesvalles, and was in the kingdom of Navarre, whence he was about to advance towards him, he knew that a battle must be the consequence. This seemed to give him great pleasure, and he said aloud: “The prince of Wales is a valiant and worthy knight: and in order that he may know that I am waiting for him, to defend my right, I will write him a part of my mind.” He then called for a secretary, who advancing into his presence, “Write,” said king Henry to him, “a letter in such terms as these:

“To the high, puissant, and honorable lord, the prince of Wales and of Aquitaine.

“My lord, — We have been informed, that you have with an army passed the mountains, and have entered into treaties and alliances with our enemy, to make war upon and to harass us: all this has caused in us much astonishment: for we have not done anything, nor ever had the smallest hostile intentions against you, that should justify your advancing hitherward with a large army, to deprive us of the small inheritance which it has pleased God to give us. But as you are the most powerful and most fortunate prince of the age, we flatter ourselves and hope that you glorify yourself in it. Since we have received certain intelligence that you seek us in order to offer us battle, if you will have the goodness to inform us by what road your intentions are to enter Castille, we will advance to meet you, in order to guard and defend our realm. — Given,” &c.

When this letter was written, king Henry had it sealed, and calling his own herald to him, said: “Go thou as fast as possible, by the nearest road, to the prince of Wales, and give him from me this letter.” The herald replied, “Willingly, my lord.” He left the king, and taking the road to Navarre, came up to the prince; when, bending on his knee, he delivered to him the letter from king Henry. The prince made the herald rise, and taking the letter, opened it, and read it twice over, the better to understand it. When he had read, and considered a little its contents, he ordered part of his council to be summoned, telling the herald to quit the place where the council was to be held.

When the council was assembled, he read again the letter, and explained it to them word for word: after which, he asked their advice upon it. Whilst they were thinking what advice to give, the prince said: “This bastard is a gallant knight, and of good prowess; for he must be a valiant gentleman to write me such a letter.” The prince and his council were a considerable time together, for they could not agree as to what answer they should send. They said to the herald: “My friend, you cannot yet set out on your return. When it shall suit my lord the prince, he will write back by you, and by no one else: you will, therefore, tarry with us until you have your answer, for the prince wishes it to be so.” The herald answered, “Please God, it shall be as you say.” He remained, therefore, with them quite at his ease.

The evening of the same day that the herald brought this letter, sir William Felton came to the prince, and asked him a favour. The prince, who was ignorant what he wanted, demanded what favour he had to request: “My lord,” replied sir William, “I entreat permission to quit the army, and make an excursion into the enemy’s country; for I have many knights and squires under my command, as good men as myself, that are anxious to do something worthy of notice. I promise you, if you will permit us to ride forward, we will see what appearance the enemy makes, and where their quarters are.” The prince immediately granted his request, as he was pleased with him for having made it. Sir William Felton left the prince’s army, as the leader of this expedition, accompanied by the following knights: sir Thomas Felton, his brother, sir Thomas Hufford, sir Robert Knolles, sir Gaillard Viguier, sir Ralph Hastings, the earl of Angus, and several other knights and squires. They were in all one hundred and sixty lances well mounted, and three hundred archers. There were also with him, sir Hugh Stafford, sir Richard Causton, and sir Simon Burley, who are not men to be forgotten.

This body rode on through the kingdom of Navarre, under the direction of guides, who conducted them to the river Ebro, which, at Logrono, is very deep and rapid. They, however, advanced beyond it, and took up their quarters at a village called Navarretta**: there they halted, in order to be the better informed where king Henry was, and to learn the state of his army.

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*  Barnes. — See the arms in Ashmole.

†  Barnes says, he was lord Abergavenny, and fourth son to the earl of Warwick.

‡  Lord Ralph Neville. — Barnes.

§  “Villebos le Bouteiller et Pannetier.” Barnes calls him sir William Botelor, or Butler, of Oversley in Warwickshire; but I see no authority for it. Some of the other names I have altered from Barnes, as being probable: but lord Berners, who ought to have been better informed, keeps the very names in Froissart, who, from being a foreigner, might easily mistake them.

¶  Sir Thomas Banaster, — fifty-sixth knight of the Garter. — See his life in Anstis’ Garter.

¥  Souldich de la Trane. — See Anstis.

**  A small village on the frontiers of Navarre. — ED.

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CHAPTER CCXXXVIII. — THE KING OF NAVARRE IS MADE PRISONER BY SIR OLIVIER DE MAUNY, A BRETON AND PARTISAN OF KING HENRY — THE PRINCE OF WALES ADVANCES TO SALVATIERRA, IN SPAIN — SIR WILLIAM FELTON SKIRMISHES WITH THE ENEMY NEAR THE QUARTERS OF THE KING OF SPAIN — THE TWO ARMIES ADVANCE TOWARDS EACH OTHER.

WHILST all these things were going on, the knights remained at Navarretta, and the prince and his army in the country round Pampeluna. The king of Navarre, in riding from one town to another on the side where the French lay, was made prisoner by sir Olivier de Manny. The prince and all the English were much astonished at it: some in the army thought it might have been done designedly, in order to prevent his accompanying the prince farther in this expedition, as he was uncertain what would be the issue of the business between Henry and don Pedro*. Although there was no one who was not clear as to the cause of this capture, the lady his queen was much alarmed and dispirited at it. She cast herself at the feet of the prince, exclaiming, “For God’s mercy, my dear lord, have the goodness to inquire about the king my lord, who has been treacherously made prisoner by some means unknown to us; and exert yourself in such a manner that, through pity to us, and the love of God, we may have him back again.” The prince courteously replied as follows: “Certainly, fair lady and cousin, this capture is highly displeasing to us; and we will provide shortly a remedy for it. I beg, therefore, you will not be cast down, but take comfort; for when once this expedition is over, he shall be delivered: this I faithfully promise, for I will attend to nothing else: immediately on our return, you shall have him restored to you.”

The queen of Navarre then departed. But one of her noble knights, called don Martin de la Carra, undertook to conduct the prince through the kingdom of Navarre, and to procure guides for the army; otherwise they would not have been able to have found the roads, or the easiest passes through the mountains.

The prince broke up his encampment, and began his march. They came to a place called Echarriaranas, where they met with many difficulties, for it was a narrow pass, with very bad roads. In addition to this, there was a great scarcity of provision; for they found nothing on this road until they arrived at Salvatierra, which is a very good town, situated in a fertile and rich country according to the appearance of the adjoining lands†. This town of Salvatierra is on the confines of Navarre, on the road to Spain, and was attached to king Henry. The whole army spread itself over the country. The free companies advanced eagerly towards Salvatierra, in hopes to take it by assault and plunder it: they much wished to do so: for they had learnt there were great riches collected, which had been brought thither from all the neighbourhood, confiding in the strength of its castle. The inhabitants of Salvatierra, however, were too wise to wait for this danger: they well knew they could not withstand the great army of the prince, if he should think proper to lead it against them: they came and surrendered themselves to don Pedro, craving his pardon, and presenting to him the keys of their town. By the advice of the prince, don Pedro forgave them, or they would have fared worse, for he wished to destroy them: however, they were all pardoned; and the prince, don Pedro, the king of Majorca, and the duke of Lancaster, entered the town, where they took up their quarters: the earl of Armagnac and the rest lodged themselves in the villages round about.

We will for a while leave the prince, to speak of that advanced corps which was in Navarretta. The before-named knights, who had remained there, were very desirous of distinguishing themselves: for they had advanced five days’ march before their main army. They made frequent excursions from Navarretta to the country of their enemies, to find out where they lay and what they were doing. King Henry was encamped in the open plain, with his 364 whole army. He was desirous of hearing some intelligence of the prince, and much surprised that his herald did not return.

His people made also daily excursions, to learn something of the English, and even advanced near to Navarretta; so that don Tello, brother to king Henry, was informed there was an enemy’s garrison in that town; which made him resolve to go thither with a greater force, in a more regular manner, to see if what he had heard were true. But before this was done, it happened that the English knights made, one evening, so long an excursion, that they fell in with king Henry’s quarters. A grand skirmish was the consequence, which threw the whole army into a great alarm. They slew some, and made several prisoners: in particular, the knight who commanded the guard was taken, without loss to themselves, and carried clear off. On the morrow, they sent a herald to the prince, who was at Salvatierra, to inform him what they had discovered. They told him the situation the enemy had chosen, and what numbers they consisted of; for they had obtained every information from their prisoners. The prince was delighted with this intelligence, and with the good success of his knights.

King Henry was much enraged that the English who were quartered at Navarretta should thus alarm his army, and said that he would advance towards them. He therefore decamped with all his army, designed to fix his quarters in the plains near Vittoria: he crossed the river‡ which runs near Navarretta, in order to march to that country.

Sir William Felton, as soon as he heard that don Henry had passed the river, and was on his march towards the prince, held a council of all the knights who were with him. They determined to quit their present quarters, and take the field in order to be satisfied of the truth in regard to the Spaniards. They therefore marched from Navarretta, sending information to the prince, that king Henry was advancing towards him in great force, and that, from appearances, he seemed desirous to meet him. When the prince received the news at Salvatierra, where he still was, that king Henry had crossed the river, and was on his march to meet him, he was right glad, and said aloud to those about him: “By my faith this bastard is a bold and gallant knight, and shows great valour and enterprise in thus coming to seek us. Since he is as eager to find us as we are desirous of meeting him, it is most probable it will so happen, and a combat ensue. Our best way, therefore, will be to decamp hence immediately, in order to gain possession of Vittoria before our enemies.”

The prince and his army marched from Salvatierra very early the following morning, and halted at Vittoria, where he found sir William Felton and his party, whom he graciously entertained, asking them different questions. Whilst they were thus discoursing, the scouts brought news that they had seen the scouts of the enemy, and were certain that king Henry and his whole army were not far distant, from the signals they had observed, and from the demeanour of the Spaniards. The prince, on hearing this, ordered the trumpets to sound an alarum through the army; which being heard, every man made for his post. They were all instantly drawn up in regular order of battle: for each man had been informed what he was to do before he had left Salvatierra, so that every man made directly for his banner. It was a noble sight to see so great a number of banners and pennons, ornamented with different arms§.

The van-guard was excellently well drawn up, under the command of the duke of Lancaster. With him were, sir John Chandos, constable of Aquitaine, with a great retinue, and in fine order. Many received the order of knighthood. The duke of Lancaster, in the van-guard, knighted as many as twelve: among whom were, sir Ralph Camois, sir Walter Loring, and sir Thomas Danvery. Sir John Chandos advanced some good squires to that honour in his division; such as Mr. Cotton, Mr. Clifton¶, Mr. Prior, William Firmeton, Aimery de Rochechouart, Girard de la Motte and Robert Briquet.

The prince made also several knights: first, don Pedro, king of Spain, sir Thomas Holland, 365 the son of the princess, his lady, sir Philip and sir Denis Courtenay, sir John Covet, sir Nicholas Bond, and many more. The other lords bestowed similar honours in their battalions; so that there were made upwards of three hundred knights, who remained drawn up the whole day, waiting for their enemies, to give them battle, if they had advanced to them; but they did not come nearer than where the scouts were.

King Henry was expecting great reinforcements from Arragon; and he waited also for sir Bertrand du Guesclin, who was coming to his assistance with upwards of four thousand combatants; for he was not desirous of engaging before their arrival. The prince was not displeased at this delay; for his rear-divisions, which consisted of more than six thousand men, were above seven country leagues behind. The prince was, during the whole time he lay before Vittoria, in the greatest anguish of mind at their being so long in coming up to him. Nevertheless, had the Spaniards thought proper to advance nearer them with the intent of offering battle, the prince without waiting for this division would not have refused the combat.

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*  This was a trick of the king of Navarre, thinking to exculpate himself for having suffered the prince of Wales to pass through his strong country; for he had, before his last treaty with the prince, entered into one of a contrary tendency with the king of Arragon and king Henry.

†  According to the map of Spain by Jaillot, 1781, Salvatierra is in the division of Guipuscos, in the principality of Biscay.

‡  I imagine this must be the Ebro; for by the map, there is no river that runs near Navarretta which it was necessary for don Henry to cross in his march from St. Domingo de la Calçada, where he was encamped, to Vittoria in Biscay.

Barnes says, don Henry advanced as far as St. Miguel to meet the English; but it is not so in my copies, nor can I find St. Miguel in my maps. It seems, however, probable, as Vittoria was far distant, and out of the line to Navarretta.

§  Ther might have been sene great nobleness, and baners and penons beaten with armes wauing in the wynde. What shulde I say more? It was great nobleness to beholde: the vanward was so well ranged that it was marueyle to beholde. — Lord Berners.

¶  This name is given according to Barnes. Lord Berners says Clisson. — ED.

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CHAPTER CCXXXIX. — THE ARRIVAL OF SIR BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN, TO THE AID OF KING HENRY. — DON TELLO ATTACKS THE ADVANCED GUARD OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. — DEFEATS SIR WILLIAM FELTON AND HIS BODY OF MEN.

WHEN evening came, the two marshals, sir Guiscard d’Angle and sir Stephen Cossington, ordered every man to retire to his quarters; but, on the trumpets sounding on the morrow morning, they were all to take the field in the same position they had done before. Every one obeyed these orders, except sir William Felton and his company, whom I have before mentioned. They left the prince that same evening, and advanced farther into the country, to learn the state of the enemy: they took up their quarters about two leagues distant from their army.

Don Tello happening this very evening to be in his brother king Henry’s tent, conversing on various topics, said to the king: “Sire, you know that our enemies are encamped very near to us, and yet none of our men think of beating up their quarters. I therefore entreat you will give me permission to make an excursion towards them to-morrow morning, with a detached body of the army, who are well inclined: I promise you to advance so far that we will bring you back certain news of them, and what they are about.” King Henry, observing the eagerness of his brother, wished not to baulk him, and gave his consent directly.

At this same hour, sir Bertrand du Guesclin, with upwards of four thousand fighting men, arrived at the army, from France and Arragon. The king was much rejoiced at this: he received them in the most honorable and gracious manner, as was becoming him to do. Don Tello was anxious not to let his plan sleep, but immediately mentioned it to several of his friends who he knew would join him. He would have done the same to sir Bertrand du Guesclin, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, the bègue de Villaines and the viscount de Roquebertin, if he had dared; but, as they were just arrived, he did not: besides, king Henry had forbidden him to speak to them on this subject. Don Tello, therefore left them alone. Nevertheless, he had with him some French and Arragonian knights, who had been with the army the whole season: he had exerted himself so much that, in the whole, he had collected a body of more than six thousand horsemen, well mounted and accoutred. His brother, don Sancho, accompanied him.

At the first break of day, they were all ready mounted. They left the army, advancing in good order towards the quarters of the English. About sun-rise, they met, in a valley, part of sir Hugh Calverly’s company, with his baggage, who had slept about a league distant from the main army, and also sir Hugh himself. When the Spaniards and French perceived them, they immediately attacked and defeated them. The greater part were slain, and the baggage seized: but sir Hugh, who was behind, had taken another road: he was, however, seen, pursued, and forced to fly with his attendants, as fast as they could, to the army of the duke of Lancaster. The Spaniards, who were upwards of six thousand in one body, rode on, and made a violent assault upon the outskirts of the quarters of the vanguard, 366 under the command of the duke of Lancaster. They began to shout, “Castille!” with loud cries, to overthrow tents, huts and every thing that came in their way, killing and wounding all that opposed them; so that when the van-guard heard this noise, the leaders as well as men were alarmed, and hastened to arm themselves and draw up before the lodgings of the duke of Lancaster, who was already armed, with his banner flying in front. The English and Gascons hurried to the field, each lord to his banner or pennon, according to the arrangements made at Salvatierra, supposing that they were instantly to have a general engagement.

The duke of Lancaster marched straight for a small hill: he was followed by sir John Chandos, the two marshals, and several other knights, who drew themselves up in order of battle. After a short time, the prince and don Pedro came thither, and, as they advanced, formed themselves in like manner.

Don Tello and his brother were also very desirous of gaining this eminence, it being a favorable position; but they were disappointed in their wishes, as you have just heard. When, therefore, they saw that they could not attempt it, without great risk, for the whole English army was in motion, they formed themselves into a compact body, to return to their own army, and thus retreated, marching in handsome array, and hoping to have some fortunate adventure ere they got home. Before they had retired, several gallant actions were performed; for some of the English and Gascons had quitted their ranks, to tilt with these Spaniards, many of whom they had unhorsed: but the main body of the English army remained upon the mountain, expecting a general engagement.

When the Spaniards, in their retreat from the prince’s army, were approaching their own, they met the detached part of the English under the command of sir William Felton and his brother, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Richard Causton, the earl of Angus, and many more, who might amount in the whole to two hundred knights and squires, as well Gascons as English. They immediately charged them in a wide valley, shouting out, “Castille, for king Henry!” The above-named knights, perceiving they had but little chance of success against such superior numbers as the Spaniards were, comforted themselves the best they could, and, advancing into the plain, took possession of a small eminence, where they drew up in order of battle. The Spaniards marched towards them, and halted to consider what would be the most advantageous manner of fighting them.

Sir William Felton performed that day a most brilliant action: descending the hill full gallop, with his lance in its rest, he dashed into the midst of the Spaniards, when meeting a Spanish knight, he drove his spear with such force, it passed through his armour, body and all, and threw him dead on the ground. Sir William was surrounded on all sides; but he fought as manfully as any knight could have done, and did them much mischief before they were able to bring him down. His brother and the other knights were witnesses, from the eminence, of his valour, and the gallant acts he was doing, as well as the peril he was in; but it was out of their power to assist him, without running every risk themselves. They remained, therefore, steadily upon the mountain in order of battle. The knight fought as long as his strength lasted, but in the end was unfortunately slain.

The French and Spaniards, after this, began to attack the English, and to endeavour to take them that had drawn themselves up on the hill. That day, many good actions were done. At one time, they made a general attack, and descended in a body upon their enemies; and the, wheeling suddenly about, they wisely regained their mountain, where they remained until high noon. Had the prince known their dangerous situation, he would have relieved them; but he was quite ignorant of it. They were therefore obliged to wait the issue of this business in the best way they could.

When the combat had been thus carried on, advancing and retreating, until the hour I have mentioned, don Tello, tired at their holding out so long, cried angrily aloud: “My lords, shall we remain here all the day, with this handful of men? By St. Jago, we ought to have swallowed them up before this time. Forward! forward! let us attack them in a better and more vigorous manner than before. One cannot gain anything without taking some pains.” Upon hearing this, the Spaniards and French advanced courageously, mounted the hill, with their spears presented before them, in such close order and in such numbers, that 367 the English could neither break nor force through them. Many valorous deeds were done on this mountain; for the English and Gascons defended themselves most valiantly, but, from the moment the Spaniards had gained the hill, they could not make any long resistance. They were all taken or slain; and not one of the knights escaped: only a few boys saved themselves by the fleetness of their horses, who returned to the army of the prince, which had all that day continued drawn up in battle array, in the expectation of an engagement.

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