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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq; London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 278-310.

CHAPTER CCX. — THE KING OF ENGLAND, AFTER HE HAD RAISED THE SIEGE OF RHEIMS, WASTES AND DESTROYS ALL THE COUNTRIES HE PASSES THROUGH. — HE COMES TO GUILLON, WHERE HE REMAINS. — GREAT QUANTITIES OF PROVISION FOLLOW THE ARMY.

THE king of England and his army remained five days in Tonnerre, on account of the good wines he found there. The castle was often assaulted; but it was well provided with men at arms, commanded by sir Baldwin d’Annequin, master of the cross-bows. When they had well-reposed and refreshed themselves in Tonnerre, they marched off, and crossed the river Armançon. The king of England left the road to Auxerre on his right hand, and took that which leads to Noyers*: his intentions were to enter Burgundy and pass his Lent there. He and his whole army marched above Noyers; but he would not suffer any attack to be 279 made on it, as the lord of it was his prisoner since the battle of Poitiers. They marched on for their quarters to a town called Montroyal†, situated on a river called Selletes; and, when the king left it, he went up that river, and proceeded straight to take possession of his lodging at Guillon‡, which is also on its banks; for one of his squires called John d’Alençon, who bore for his arms a scutcheon argent in a field azure, had taken the town of Flavigny§ in its neighbourhood, and had found within it a sufficiency of provision for the whole army for a month. This was very fortunate, as the king remained there from the night of Ash-Wednesday until Mid-lent. His marshals and light troops scoured the country round, burning and destroying it, and frequently bringing to the army fresh provisions.

I must inform you, that the king of England and his rich lords were followed by carts laden with tents, pavilions, mills, and forges, to grind their corn and make shoes for their horses, and every thing of that sort which might be wanting. For this purpose there were upwards of six thousand carts, each of them drawn by four good and strong horses which had been transported from England. Upon these carts also were many vessels and small boats, made surprisingly well of boiled leather: they were large enough to contain three men, to enable them to fish any lake or pond, whatever might be its size: and they were of great use to the lords and barons during Lent: but the commonalty made use of what provisions they could get. The king had, besides, thirty falconers on horseback, laden with hawks: sixty couple of strong hounds, and as many greyhounds; so that every day he took the pleasure of hunting or fishing either by land or water¶. Many lords had their hawks and hounds as well as the king.

Their army was always in three divisions, and each person kept to his division: there was also a vanguard to every one of them, and their quarters were one league distant from each other, the king being with the third and largest division. This order was constantly kept on their march from Calais, until they came before the town of Chartres.

During the time the king of England remained at Guillon, where he was living on the provision which John d’Alençon had found in Flavigny, his thoughts were employed in devising means to keep and maintain himself in France. The young duke of Burgundy and his council, at the request of his subjects, sent to the king divers lords and knights, as ambassadors to treat with him, so that the duchy of Burgundy should not be destroyed or pillaged. The under-named lords accepted this commission: first the lord Anselme de Sallins, great chancellor of Burgundy, sir James de Vienne, sir John Derie, sir Hugh de Vienne, sir William de Thoroise and sir John de Montmartin. These lords managed the affair so well, and found the king of England in such good humour, that a treaty was soon entered into between them; and a composition was made, that for three years no part of the duchy of Burgundy should be overrun, on condition of having 200,000 livres paid down¥. When this treaty was finished and sealed, the king and his whole army dislodged, and set out on his return, taking the straight road for Paris, fixing his quarters at Avalon** upon the river Cousin, below Vezelay††.

The quarters of his army extended from the river Yonne as far as Clamecy‡‡, to the entrance of the county of Nevers. The English entered Gatinois; and the king made such forced marches that he came so near Paris as to take up his quarters within two short leagues of it, at Bourg-la-Reine. As he and his army passed through the country, they destroyed it on all sides. On the other hand, the garrisons which he had in Picardy, 280 Beauvoisis, the Isle of France, Champagne and Brie, carried on a continual war, and ruined the country.

The king of Navarre resided in Normandy, and made a cruel war against France, insomuch that that noble kingdom was so grievously oppressed, it did not know which way to turn itself.

But above all, sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt was the most active: his quarters were at Cheny-sur-Aisne, where he had a strong garrison of soldiers and men at arms, who overran, pillaged and ransomed the good county of Rethel, from Donchery to Mezières, and as far as Chesne-le-Pouilleux and Stenay§§, in the county of Bay¶¶. They quartered themselves wherever they chose in all that country, for two or three nights, without opposition from any one, and then returned unmolested to their garrison at Cheny, to refresh and recruit themselves. It is true indeed, that all the neighbouring lords, knights and squires threatened them much: they met together, and appointed different days for their assembling, to take the field and besiege sir Eustace in his castle of Cheny; but nothing in fact was done.

It had happened that these adventurers (whose whole thoughts, night and day, were occupied on the best means of taking towns, and in what parts of the country they should find most to pillage) came one night to a good town with a strong castle, situated in the Laonois¥¥, tolerably near to Montagu***, and in a very deep marshy country, the name of which was Pierrepont †††. At this time, there were in it a great many people of the country, who had carried thither their goods, trusting to the strength of the place. When sir Eustace’s companions arrived, the guard was asleep: they marched, therefore, through the deep marshes with much loss, for their avarice urged them one, and they came to the walls of the town, which they entered without resistance, and robbed at their pleasure. They found in it more riches than in any other place; and, when it was day, they burnt the town, and returned to Cheny, well laden with booty‡‡‡.

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*  Noyers, — a town in Burgundy, on the river Serin, diocese of Langres.

†  I cannot find Montroyal, nor the river Sellettes, in the Gazetteer.

‡  Guillon, — a town in Burgundy, in the bailiwick of Avalon.

§  Flavigny, a town of Burgundy, situated near the Onzerain, bailiwick of Semur-en-Auxois.

¶ Lord Berners says “he either hunted or hawked at the river.”  It is not to be supposed that he or his lords could find much pleasure in fishing in their leather boats or coracles, although they were useful to obtain a supply of fish for them in Lent. The words in D. Sauvage’s ed. are, “Le roy avoit bien pour lui trent fauconiers à cheval, chargez d’oiseaux, et bien soixantes couples de forts chiens et autant de leuriers: dont it alloit chacun jour ou en chace ou en riviere.” — ED.

¥  See this treaty in Rymer, anno 1360. The sum was 200,000 moutons, — 50,000 to be paid at the ensuing feast of St. John the Baptist, 100,000 at Christmas, and 50,000 at Easter.

**  Avalon, a town of Burgundy, on the Cousin, which falls into the Yonne.

††  Vezelay, a town in Nivernois, diocese of Autun, four leagues from Clamecy.

‡‡  Clamecy, — a small city of the Nivernois, diocese of Auxerre, on the conflux of the Yonne and Beuvron.

§§  Stenay, — in the diocese of Treves, on the Meuse.

¶¶  I cannot find, in any dictionary, the county of Bay. It is Buy in Denys Sauvage. Stenay is in the diocese of Treves: but even the connection of names is so wide, I cannot suppose it to be a mistake for Treves.

¥¥  Laonois, — in Picardy.

***  Montagu, — in Picardy, diocese of Laon.

†††  Pierrepont, — village of Picardy, diocese of Laon.

‡‡‡  This passage is one of those so excellently translated by Lord Berners, that we are induced to subjoin it, “These companyons who ymagined nyght and daye howe they might geat and steale townes and fortresses on a night ther, came to a stronge towne and a good castell in Laonnoyse nere to Montague; this fortresse was called Pierpont standyng in a maresse; the same season there were within the towne great nombre of men of the countrey that had brought thither theyr goodes on trust of the strength of the place. When they of Cheny came thither the watche within was aslepe; they spared not the dangerous maresses, but went through them and came to the walles and so entered into the towne and wanne it without defence and robbed it at their pleasure. They found ther more riches than ever they found before in any towne. And whan it was day they brent the towne and returned to Cheny well furnysshed with great pyllage.” — ED.

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CHAPTER CCXI. — THE KING OF ENGLAND LAYS THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE UNDER GREAT TRIBULATION. — A CORDELIER FRIAR PROPHESIES. — THE ENGLISH PLACE AN AMBUSCADE FOR THOSE WHO SHOULD COME OUT OF PARIS.

ABOUT this period, a Franciscan friar, full of knowledge and understanding*, was at Avignon: his name was John de Rochetaillade: and Pope Innocent VI. kept him a prisoner in the castle of Baignoux, not only on account of the great prophecies he made of the times to come, chiefly and principally relating to the heads and prelates of the holy church, by reason of their pride and the expensive life they led, but also concerning the kingdom of France, and the great lords of Christendom, for their heavy oppressions on the common people. The above-mentioned John was willing to prove all he said from the Apocalypse, and by the ancient books of the holy prophets, which were opened to him through the grace of the Holy Ghost, by which he uttered things that were difficult to be credited. Some of the predictions he had made were seen to come to pass within the time, which he never could have foretold as a prophet but by means of the ancient Scriptures, and the Holy Spirit, that had given him the power of understanding these ancient prophecies, and of announcing to all Christians the year and time when they were to be fulfilled.

He made many books, full of much science and learning. One was written in the year 1346, which contained many marvellous things, difficult of belief, but of which some had come to pass already. When he was questioned concerning the war against France, he answered, that what they had seen was nothing, to what was to happen; for there would be no peace until the realm of France was destroyed and ruined from one end to the other†. This indeed happened afterwards; for that kingdom was completely spoiled at the time the friar had fixed, in the years 1356, 1357, 1358, and 1359; insomuch that none of its princes or gentlemen dared to show themselves against those of the low estate collected from all parts, and who had arrived, one after the other, without leader or chief, whilst the country had not any means of resisting them. They elected (as you have before seen), in different parts of the country, captains from among themselves, to whom they paid obedience. The captains, when they enrolled any man in their companies, made certain agreements with them respecting their shares of booty and the ransoms of prisoners: they found so much pillage, that all the leaders became rich from the great wealth they amassed.

King Edward was lodged at Bourg-la-Reine, two short leagues from Paris, and his army in different parts between that and Montlhery‡. He sent from thence his heralds to the Duke of Normandy in Paris, who had with him a great number of men at arms, to offer him battle: but the duke would not accede to it. His messengers, therefore, returned without having done anything. When the king found that his enemies would not venture out of Paris, he was mightily enraged: upon which that good knight, sir Walter Manny, stepped forth and besought his lord that he would permit him to make an excursion and assault as far as the barriers of Paris. The king consented to his request, and named himself those knights that should accompany him. He made also many new knights on the occasion; among whom were the lord Delawarre, the lord de Silvacier, sir Thomas Banaster§, sir William Torceaux, sir Thomas le Despensier, sir John Neville, sir Richard Dostmay, and many others. Colart d’Ambreticourt, son of sir Nicholas, would have been of the number; for the king was desirous of it, as he was attached to his person and squire of his body; but the young man excused himself, by saying he could not find his helmet.

Sir Walter Manny set out on his enterprise, and carried with him these new knights to skirmish and make an attack on the barriers of Paris. Many hard blows were given and received; for there were within the city several valiant knights and squires, who would willingly have sallied forth, if the duke of Normandy had given his consent. They, however, guarded the gates and barriers so well that no damage was done to them. This skirmish lasted until twelve o’clock, and many were killed on both sides. Sir Walter then retreated with his people to their quarters, where they remained together that day and the following night. On the morrow, the king dislodged, and took the road to Montlhery.

When the camp was breaking up, some English and Gascon knights planned the following enterprise. They thought, that as there were so many knights in Paris, some of them would sally out after them; and some young adventurers would endeavour to gain, by their valour, both honour and booty. They therefore placed two hundred picked men, well armed, in an old empty house, three leagues from Paris. The chiefs of the Gascon party were, the captal de Buch, sir Aymery de Pommiers, and the lord de Courton: on the English, the lord Neville, the lord Mowbray, and sir Richard de Pontchardon. These six knights were the leaders of this ambuscade.

When the French who were within Paris perceived that the king of England was decamping, 282 some young knights collected together, and said among themselves: “It will be a good thing for us to sally out secretly, and follow a while the army of England, to see if we cannot gain something.” They were all instantly of this opinion, so that sir Raoul de Coucy, sir Raoul de Ravenal, the lord de Monsault, the lord de Helay, the constable of Beauvais, le bègue de Villaines, the lord de Beausiers, the lord of Ulbarin, sir Gauvain de Valouel, sir Flamant de Roye, sir Azelles de Cavilly, sir Peter de Fermoises, Peter de Savoisies, and upwards of a hundred lances with them, sallied out well mounted, with a thorough good will to do something; but they must first find the occasion. They took the road to Bourg-la-Reine, which they passed, and gained the open fields, when they followed the track of the cavalry and army of England, and rode beyond the ambuscade of the captal and his company.

They were no sooner passed than the English and Gascons marched out of it, after them, with their lances in their rests, shouting their war-cry. The French turned about, wondering who they could be: but they soon found they were their enemies. They immediately halted, and drew themselves up in battle array, and, with couched spears, prepared to meet the English and Gascons, who soon joined them. At this first onset many were unhorsed on each side, for both parties were well mounted. After this tilting-bout, they drew their swords and attacking each other more closely, many hard blows were given, and many gallant deeds performed. — This attack lasted a considerable time, and the ground was so well disputed, that it was difficult to say which of the two would be conqueror. The captal de Buch shone particularly, and did with his hand many deeds worthy so good a knight. In the end, however, the English and Gascons fought so valiantly, that the field remained to them: they were more than half as many again as the French.

The lord of Campreny showed himself a valiant knight on the side of the French, and fought gallantly under his banner, the bearer of which was slain: his banner was argent, a buckle gules, between six martlets sable, three above and three below. The lord of Campreny was made prisoner. The other French knights and squires, who saw the ill success of their attempt, and that they could not recover themselves, took the road toward Paris, fighting as they retreated, and the English pursuing them most eagerly. In this retreat, which continued beyond Bourg-la-Reine, nine knights, as well bannerets as others, were made prisoners; and, if the English and Gascons who pursued them had not been afraid that others might sally out of Paris to their assistance not one would have escaped being killed or taken. When this enterprise was finished, they returned towards Montlhery, where the king was. They carried their prisoners with them, to whom they behaved very courteously, and ransomed them handsomely that same evening, allowing them to return to Paris, or wherever else they chose, taking readily their word of honour as sufficient security for their ransom.

The intention of the king of England was to enter the fertile country of Beauce, and follow the course of the Loire all the summer, to recruit and refresh his army in Brittany until after August; and as soon as the vintage was over, which from all appearances promised to be abundant, he meant to return again and lay siege to France, that is to say Paris; for he wished not to return to England, as he had so publicly declared, on setting out, his determination to conquer that kingdom, and to leave garrisons of those who were carrying on the war for him in France, in Poitou, Champagne, Ponthieu, Vimeu, Valguessin¶, in Normandy and throughout the whole kingdom of France, except in those cities and towns which had voluntarily submitted to him.

The duke of Normandy was at this time at Paris with his two brothers, their uncle the duke of Orleans, and all the principal councillors of state, who, well aware of the courage of the king of England, and how he pillaged and impoverished the whole realm of France, knew also that his situation could not last, for the rents both of the nobles and clergy were generally unpaid. At this period, a very wise and valiant man was chancellor of France, whose name was sir William¥ de Montagu, bishop of Therouenne: by his advice the kingdom was governed: every part of it profited from his good and loyal counsel. Attached to him were two clerks of great prudence; one was the abbot of Clugny, the other friar 283 Symon de Langres, principal of the predicant monks, and doctor in divinity. These two clerks just named, at the request and command of the duke of Normandy and his brothers, the duke of Orleans their uncle, and of the whole of the great council, set out from Paris with certain articles of peace. Sir Hugh de Geneve, lord of Autun, was also their companion. They went to the king of England, who was overrunning Beauce, near to Gallardon**.

These two prelates and the knight had a parley with the king of England, when they began to open a treaty of peace with him and his allies. To this treaty the duke of Lancaster, the prince of Wales, the earl of March††, and many other barons were summoned. However, this treaty was not concluded, though it was discussed for a long time. The king of England kept advancing into the country, seeking for those parts where was the greatest abundance. The commissioners, like wise men, never quitted the king, nor suffered their proposals to drop; for they saw the kingdom in such a miserable situation, that the greatest danger was to be apprehended if they should suffer another summer to pass without peace. On the other hand, the king of England insisted on such conditions as would have been so very grievous and prejudicial to France, that the commissioners, in honour, could not assent to them: so that their treaties and conferences lasted seventeen days, the two prelates and the lord of Autun constantly following the king of England: this last was much listened to at the court of the king. — They sent every day, or every other day, their treaties and minutes to the duke of Normandy and his brothers at Paris, that they might see what state they were in, and have answers thereto; as well as to know in what manner they were to act. All these papers were attentively examined and considered privately in the apartments of the duke of Normandy, and then the full intentions of the duke were written down, with the opinions of his council to these commissioners; by which means, nothing passed on either side without being fully specified and examined most cautiously. These aforesaid Frenchmen were in the king’s apartments, or in his lodgings, as it happened, in the different places he halted at, as well on his march towards Chartres as otherwise; and they made great offers, to bring the war to a conclusion; but the king was very hard to treat with: for his intention was, to be in fact king of France, although he had never been so, to die with that rank, and also to put Brittany, Blois, and Touraine in the same situations as those other provinces where he had garrisons. If his cousin, the duke of Lancaster, whom he much loved and confided in, had not persuaded him to give up such ideas, and advised him to listen to the offers of peace, he never would have come to any terms. — He very wisely remonstrated with him, and said: “My lord, this war which you are carrying on in the kingdom of France is wonderful to all men, and not too favourable to you. Your people are the only real gainers by it; for you are wasting your time. Considering every thing, if you persist in continuing the war, it may last you your life; and it appears to me doubtful if you will ever succeed to the extent of your wishes. I would recommend therefore, whilst you have the power of closing it honourably, to accept the proposals which have been offered to you; for, my lord, we may lose more in one day than we have gained in twenty years.” These prudent and sensible words, which the duke of Lancaster uttered loyally, and with the best intentions, to advise the king of England to his good, converted the king to his opinion, through the grace of the Holy Spirit, who also worked to the same effect: for an accident befel him and all his army, who were then before Chartres, that much humbled him, and bent his courage.

During the time that the French commissioners were passing backwards and forwards from the king to his council, and unable to obtain any favourable answer to their offers, there happened such a storm and violent tempest of thunder and hail, which fell on the English army, that it seemed as if the world was come to an end. The hailstones were so large as to kill men and beasts, and the boldest were frightened.

The king turned himself towards the church of Our Lady at Chartres, and religiously vowed to the Virgin, as he has since confessed, that he would accept of terms of peace. He 284 was at this time lodged in a small village, near Charters, called Bretigny; and there were then committed to writing, certain rules and ordinances for peace, upon which the following articles were drawn out. To follow up this, and more completely to treat of it, the counsellors and lawyers of the king of England drew up a paper called the Charter of Peace, with great deliberation and much prudence, the tenor of which follows.

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*  “Plein de grand clergie et de grande entendement,” are the words used in D. Sauvage’s ed. — ED.

†  There is a difference here in Lord Berners, and we have therefore transcribed his version. — The ed. of D. Sauvage agrees with Mr. Johnes. It will be seen that Lord Berners makes the friar particularly predict the Jacquerie, whilst in Mr. Johnes’s version a general prophecy alone is ascribed to him. “The whiche sayeng was well seen after, for the noble realme of Fraunce was sor wasted and exyled, and specially in that terme that the sayd frere had sette, the which was in the yeres of our Lorde MCCCLVI, VII, VIII, and VIX. He sayde in those years the pryncis and gentylmen of the realme shuld not for feare shewe themselfe agynst the people of lowe estate assembled of all countres without heed or capitayne, and they shude do as they lyste in the realme of Fraunce, the whiche felle after as ye have herde, howe the companyons assembled theym toguether and by reason of theyr robbery and pyllage waxed riche and became great capitaynes,” are the words of Lord Berners. — ED.

‡  Montlhery, — a town in the Isle of France, seven leagues from Paris.

§  Sir Thomas Banaster was afterwards elected knight of the garter in this king’s reign. — See his life, in Anstis’ History of the Garter, vol. ii. p. 153.

¶  Most probably Vexin. Vexin Norman is bounded on one side by the Seine.

¥  The president Henault calls him Gille Aycelin de Montagu, cardinal and bishop of Thérouenne, vol. i. 4to. p. 263.

**  Gallardon, — a town in Beauce, diocese and election of Chartres.

††  This is a mistake, for the earl of March was killed a month prior to this treaty, the 26th of February, at Rouvray in Burgundy. — Barnes.

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CHAPTER CCXII. — THE FORM AND TENOR OF THE PAPER DRAWN UP AS ARTICLES OF THE PEACE, WHICH WAS CONCLUDED BEFORE CHARTRES, BETWEEN THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND.

EDWARD, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland and of Aquitaine, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting. As, in consequence of the dissensions, variance, discord and strife, that have arisen, or that might have been expected to arise between us and our very dear brother the king of France, certain commissioners and procurators from us and from our dear son, Edward prince of Wales, having sufficient power and authority for us, for him, and for our kingdom on the one part, and certain other commissioners and procurators from our said brother, and from our very dear nephew Charles duke of Normandy and dauphin of Vienne, eldest son to the aforesaid king of France, having power and authority from his father, in this instance, for his father and for himself on the other part, have been assembled at Bretigny, near Chartres; in which place the above-mentioned dissensions, variances and strife were discussed, debated, and finally closed; and the commissioners from us and from our son, for us and for him, and the commissioners from our aforesaid brother and nephew, for his father and for himself, did swear upon the holy evangelist, to preserve, keep and fulfil the aforesaid treaty, as we have also sworn and will swear to whatever is said or concluded in the above treaty.

“And in this treaty, among other articles, our brother of France and his son aforesaid, are held and have promised to give up and surrender to us, our heirs and successors for ever, the counties, cities, towns, castles, fortresses, lands, islands, rents and revenues, and other things which follow, with all that we are now in possession of in Guienne and Gascony, to hold for ever by us, our heirs and successors, in the same manner that the kings of France have always held them: that which is in demesne is in demesne, and that which is in fief in fief, in such manner as will be hereafter explained; that is to say, the city, castle and county of Poitiers with all the lands and country of Poitou, together with the fief of Thouars* and the lands of Belleville †: the town and castle of Saintes, and all the lands and territory of the county of Saintonge on each side the river Charente, with the town and fortress of la Rochelle, their appurtenances and appendages; the city and castle of Agen, and the country of Agenois: the city, town, castle, and all the lands of Perigord, with the whole country of Perigueux: the city and castle of Limoges and country of Limousin: the city and castle of Cahors and country of Cahorsin: the city, castle and country of Tarbes; the territory of the country of Bigorre: the country and lands Gaure: the city and castle of Angoulême, with all the country of Angoumois: the city and castle of Rodais, and the county and country of Rouergue: and if there should be any lords in the duchy of Guienne (such as the count de Foix, the count de Armagnac, the count de l’Isle, the viscount de Carmain, the count de Perigord, the viscount de Limorges or others), that hold any lands within the boundaries of the above-mentioned places, they shall be bounded to do us homage, and all other services and duties due on account of their lands and places in the same manner as they formerly have performed them: and we shall re-enter upon all that we, or any other kings of England have possessed, as well as upon these places whence we formerly had received nothing.

“The viscounty of Montreuil-sur-mer has been also promised to be given up to us in the same manner as in former times, and all whatsoever we or any other king of England possessed there: and whereas there have arisen disputes relative to the division of this territory, our 285 brother of France has promised, that he will declare it to be ours as speedily as possible after his return to France.

“Item, it is also promised that the county of Ponthieu shall be delivered over to us entire, save and except that if any part of it should have been alienated by the kings of England who reigned before us, and were formerly possessors of it and its appurtenances, to others than the kings of France, neither our aforesaid brother, nor his successors, shall be bounden to surrender them: and if the said alienations have been made to any former kings of France, immediately, without passing through a third person, and our aforesaid brother be in possession of them, he shall render them wholly up to us: excepting that if the kings of France have had them from us in exchange for other lands, we will deliver up such lands so exchanged: but if any of the kings of England at former times should have alienated or disposed of any parts to others than to the kings of France, and it should afterwards have come into the hands of our aforesaid brother, he shall not be obliged to surrender them: and if the parts aforesaid owe homage to us, or our successors, he shall grant them to others, who will pay us that homage; but, if they do not owe homage, he shall then give them to a tenant that shall do us suit and service, within the year ensuing upon our departure from Calais.

“Item, the castle and town of Calais; the castle, town, and lordship of Merle; the towns, castles, and lordships of Sangate, Couloigne, Ham, Walles, and Oye, with the lands, woods, marshes, rivers, rents, lordships, advowsons of churches, and all other appurtenances and places lying within the limits and bounds following; that it to say, from Calais to the course of the river before Gravelines, and also by the course of the river which falls into the great lake of Guines, as far as Fretun, and from thence by the valley round the mountain of Chalk, inclosing that mountain, and as far as the sea, including Sangate and all its appurtenances.

“Item, the king of England, shall also possess the castle, town, and the whole county of Guines, with all its castles, towns, fortresses, woods, lands, men, homages, lordships, forests, rights, as completely as the last count of Guines, lately deceased, held it during his life: and the churches and good men, being within the boundaries of the said country and other places above mentioned, shall obey him in the same manner as they did our aforesaid brother, the count of Guines, for that time. All these things comprehended in the present article, and in the preceding one of Merle and Calais, we shall hold in demesne, excepting the inheritances and possession of the churches, which shall remain wholly to the said churches, wherever they may be situated; and also except the inheritances of the other people of the countries of Merle and Calais, as far as the value of one hundred pounds a-year in land, according to the current coin of the country; which inheritances shall remain to them of the abovesaid value and under; but the habitations and inheritances in the town of Calais, and their appurtenances, shall remain in demesne to us, for us to order and do as we please with them: and also all the possessions of the householders and inhabitants of the county and town of Guines shall remain to them, and shall be restored fully, save and except what is said and declared relative to the bounds and frontiers above mentioned, in the article of Calais.

“Item, the king of England shall have possession of all islands adjoining to the lands or places above mentioned, together with all other islands he was possessed of at the time of this treaty.

“And it has also been discussed, that our aforesaid brother and his eldest son should renounce all right and sovereignty which they may have over the above-mentioned places, and that we should possess them as a neighbour, without any vassalage or dependence on our said brother, or on the kingdom of France; and that our brother aforesaid shall give up to us in perpetuity all right and dominion which he may have over the places before mentioned.

“And it has also been discussed, that in like manner we and our said son shall expressly renounce all those things that are not to be given up and surrendered to us by the said treaty, more especially the name of king of France, and all right and title to that kingdom, and to the homage, sovereignty, and domain of the duchy of Normandy, the county of Touraine, and the counties of Anjou and Maine; and to the sovereignty and homage of the county of Flanders; and to the sovereignty and homage of the duchy of Brittany (excepting the right of the count de Montfort, and what claim he may have on that duchy and country of Brittany, which we reserve, and by express words put out of our treaty; saving, however, that when 286 we and our aforesaid brother shall come to Calais, we will so manage the business, by the advice of able counsellors and other deputies, that we will establish peace and concord between the count de Montfort and our cousin sir Charles de Blois, who claims and challenges the inheritance of Brittany): and we renounce whatever claims we made, or may have made, of any sort whatever, except those thing above-mentioned which are to be given to us and our heirs; and we give up and cease from making any claims on all other things, but those which are to be yielded to us.

“Upon this subject, after many altercations had taken place, ending in a mutual agreement that these renunciations, transportations, cessions and aforesaid surrenderings should be made as soon as our said brother shall have given up to us, or to our people especially deputed for that purpose, the city and castle of Poitiers, with all the territory of Poitou, together with the fief of Thouars and of Belleville: the city and castle of Agen, with all the territory of the Agenois: the city and castle of Perigord, with the territory of Perigueux; the city and castle of Cahors, with the territory of Cahorsin; the city and castle of Rodais, with the territory of Rouergue; the city and castle of Saintes, with the territory of Saintonge; the city and castle of Limoges, with all the territory of Limousin; and that which we or other kings of England have held in the town of Montreuil-sur-mer, with its appurtenances. Item, the whole county of Ponthieu, save and except the contents of the article contained in the said treaty which makes mention of the said county. Item, the castle and town of Calais; the castle, town and lordship of Sangate, Colloigne, Ham, Walles, Oye, with the lands, rivers, marshes, rents, woods, lordships and other things mentioned in the article respecting them. Item, the castle, town and entire county of Guines, with all the lands, castles, towns, fortresses, places, men, homages, woods, lordships, forests and rights, according to the tenor of the article which in the treaty makes fuller mention of them, and with the islands adjacent to the said lands, countries and places before mentioned, together with those other islands which we are now in the possession of (that is to say, at the date of this article and of the peace.) We, and our brother the king of France, have promised by faith and oath to each other to preserve and keep this treaty and maintain the peace, and to do nothing against it; and we are bounded, us and our said brother the king of France, and our eldest sons before mentioned, by obligation and promise and by faith and oath to each other pledged, to make certain renunciations one to the other according to the form and tenor of the aforesaid article of peace.

“Item, it is agreed, that the king of France and his eldest son the regent, for them and for their heirs for ever, shall as soon as possible, and without any double dealing, at the latest within the feast of St. Michael next ensuing, deliver up and give to the king of England, his heirs and successors, and convey to them the honours, royalties, services, homages, allegiances, vassalages, fiefs, obediences, acknowledgments, oaths, rights, seizures, and all manner of jurisdictions, both criminal and civil, appeals, securities, lordships and sovereignties which appertained, now appertain, or may hereafter appertain to the kings or to the crown of France, or to any other person on account of the king or for the aforesaid crown of France, in whatever time it may have been, in the cities, towns, castles, fortresses, islands, countries, and places before named, or in any one of them, their appurtenances and appendages, wherever they may be, whether held by princes, dukes, counts, viscounts, archbishops, bishops, abbots, or other prelates of the church, barons, knights, nobles or others whomsoever, without reserve to themselves, their heirs and successors, or to the crown of France, or to any other person whatever: nor shall they challenge or demand, at any future period, any thing of the above from the king of England, his heirs or successors, or from any one of his vassals or subjects aforesaid, in any one of the places or countries before mentioned, in behalf of the king or crown of France. Thus, therefore, all the before-named persons, and their heirs and successors, shall be liege men and subjects of the king of England, his heirs and successors for ever; and they shall hold and keep all persons, cities, counties, lands, islands, castles and places before-mentioned, with all their appurtenances and appendages, and shall remain fully and peaceably for ever in their lordship, sovereignty, obedience, loyalty and subjection, as the preceding kings of France had and kept them in former times: and the aforesaid king of England, his heirs and successors, shall and will maintain, peaceably and 287 perpetually, all the countries before-named in full freedom and liberty for ever, as sovereign and liege lord, and neighbour of the king of France and said kingdom of France, without acknowledging any sovereignty or paying any obedience, homage, jurisdiction or subjection, and in time to come without doing any service or acknowledgment to the king or crown of France for the cities, counties, castles, lands, territories, islands, places and persons before-named, or for any one of them.

“Item, it is agreed, that the king of France and his eldest son shall expressly renounce the said jurisdictions and sovereignties, and all those things which by this present treaty ought to belong to the king of England; and in like manner, the king of England and his eldest son shall renounce all those things which by this present treaty are not to be granted to the king of England, and all those claims he made on the king of France, and particularly the title, right, and arms, and the challenge he made of the crown and kingdom of France; the homage, sovereignty, and domain of the duchy of Normandy, of the county of Touraine, the counties of Anjou and Maine, and the sovereignty and homage of the county and territory of Flanders, and all other claims which the king of England made at the time of the aforesaid challenge, and might make in times to come upon the said realm of France, through any reason whatever, except those things which by the present treaty are granted to the king of England and his heirs: and they will convey, surrender, and yield, one king to the other, in perpetuity, all the right which each has or may have on all those things and places which by the present treaty are to remain or to be granted to each of them; and with regard to the time and place when these renunciations are to be made, the two kings will consult each other, and order it when they shall be at Calais together.

“And because also our said brother of France and his eldest son, in order to maintain and keep the said articles of peace and agreement aforesaid, have expressly renounced the jurisdictions and sovereignties comprised in the said articles to all rights which they had or might have had on all the above-mentioned things which our said brother has granted, delivered, and abandoned to us, and in those other things which henceforward ought to appertain and belong to us by the said treaty of peace. We, among these said things, renounce expressly all those which are not to be granted to us, for ourselves and our heirs, and all those claims which we made or might make on our said brother of France, and especially to the title and right to the crown of France and the sovereignty of that kingdom; and to the homage, sovereignty, and domain of the duchy of Normandy, the counties of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine: and to the sovereignty and homage of the county and territory of Flanders; and all other claims which we made, or might have made, on our said brother, for whatever cause there might be, save and except that which by this present treaty is to remain to us and our heirs: and we yield, abandon, and give up to him, and he to us, mutually to each other, in the securest way we can, all the rights which each of us may have, or may have had in all those things, which by the said treaty are to be respectively granted to each of us: reserving to the churches and to churchmen that which appertains or may appertain to them; and all that which has been occupied or detained of their property, on account of the wars, shall be made good and restored to them. The towns, fortresses, and all dwellings of the inhabitants, shall retain and enjoy such liberties and franchises as before they came into our hands; and, if required, they shall be confirmed by our said brother of France, if not contrary to what has been already agreed on.

“And with regard to ourselves, we submit all things belonging to us, our heirs, and successors, to the jurisdiction and coercion of the church of Rome, and are willing and desirous that our holy father the pope should confirm all these things by giving monitions and gentle mandates for the accomplishment of them against ourselves, our heirs and successors, our commonalty, colleges, universities, or any particular persons whatsoever, and by giving general sentences of excommunication, suspension, or interdict, which we may incur by ourselves or by them, by this act, when we shall, either by ourselves or others, infringe the peace, by taking or occupying any town or castle, city or fortress, or in anything else, by giving advice, aid, or assistance, public or private, against the said peace: from which sentences they cannot be absolved until they shall have made full satisfaction to all those who by this act should have sustained or might sustain any damage. And with 288 this we desire and consent, that by our holy father the pope (in order that the same may more firmly be kept, maintained, and observed for ever) all the agreements, confederations, alliances, and conventions, under whatever name they may be, in case they become prejudicial or inimical to the said peace in the present moment or hereafter (supposing they were closed under penalties and by oaths, and confirmed by our holy father the pope or others,) should be broken and annulled as contrary to the public welfare, to the good of the peace, unprofitable to all Christendom, and displeasing to God: and that all oaths, in such a case made, shall be reported to our holy father the pope, that it may be decreed by him that no one should be bounden to keep such oaths or conventions; and if, in fact, any one attempted to act contrary, they shall from this moment be broken and annulled, and of no weight: nevertheless we shall punish such by corporal punishment and confiscations, as violators of the peace, if the case should require it, or it should appear reasonable: and if we should encourage or suffer anything to be done hurtful to the peace (which God forbid !) we are willing to be counted as liars and disloyal, and also to suffer in this case such blame and disrepute, as a sacred king ought to undergo for such conduct: and we swear upon the body of JESUS CHRIST to conclude, maintain, and keep the aforesaid treaty, and neither by ourselves nor others to depart from it for any cause or reason whatsoever. And in order that these premises may be concluded and maintained, we bind ourselves, our heirs, our property, and the property of our heirs, over to our said brother the king of France, and to his heirs, and swear by the holy Evangelist, bodily touched by us, that we will complete, conclude, and preserve (according to the articles aforesaid) all the preceding conditions by us promised and agreed to, as is before mentioned. And we will, that in case our brother, or his deputies at the place and time, and in the manner before stated, do his duty, that from that time our present letters, and whatever is comprehended in them, should have as much force, effect, and vigour as any of our other letters shall have that have been promised and granted by us, as has been already said; saving, however, and reserving for us, our heirs and successors, that the letters above incorporated shall have no effect, nor be of any prejudice or damage until our said brother and nephew shall have performed, sent, and given the above renunciations in the manner before specified; and therefore they shall not avail themselves of them against us, our heirs and successors, in any manner but in the case above mentioned.

“In testimony of which, we have caused our seal to be put to these present letters, given at Calais this twentieth day of October, in the year of grace and of our Lord one thousand three hundred and sixty.”

When this private charter (which is called letter of renunciation, as well from one king as the other) was written, engrossed and sealed, it was read and published generally in the council chamber, when the two above-named kings were present with their counsellors. It appeared to each to be handsome, good, well dictated and well ordered; and then again the two said kings and their two said eldest sons, swore upon the holy Evangelists, bodily touched by them, and upon the sacred body of JESUS CHRIST, to conclude, keep and maintain, and not to infringe any of the articles included in it.

Afterwards, by the advice and deliberation of the king of France and his council, and towards the end of the conference, the king of England was requested to make out and give a general commission to all those who for the time, and under shadow of the war, held towns, castles and forts in the kingdom of France, that they may have knowledge of what had passed, with orders to give them up and quit them. The king of England, who was sincerely desirous of maintaining a good understanding and peace between himself and the king of France, his brother, as he had before sworn and promised, readily acceded to this request, which he thought reasonable. He ordered his people to make it out in the clearest manner they could, to the satisfaction of the king of France and his council. The most able of the counsellors of the two kings aforesaid, united, and then was drawn up, written and engrossed by the advice of each other, a commission, the tenor of which is underneath.

“Edward, by the grace of GOD, king of England, lord of Ireland and of Aquitaine, to all our captains, governors of towns and castles, adherents and allies, being in parts of France, as well in Picardy, in Burgundy, in Anjou, in Berry, in Normandy, in Brittany, in Auvergne, 289 in Champagne, or Maine, in Touraine, and within the boundaries and limits of France, greeting. As peace and concord is now established between us, our allies and adherents on the one part, and our dear brother the king of France his allies and adherents on the other part, in regard to all quarrels or discords which we may have had in times past; and having sworn upon the body of JESUS CHRIST, as well our dear eldest son and others our children, and those of our blood, as likewise many prelates, barons and knights, and the principal men of our kingdom; and also our said brother, and our nephew the duke of Normandy, and our other nephews his children, with many barons, knights and prelates of the said kingdom of France, to maintain and firmly keep the peace: and as it may fall out or happen that some warriors from our kingdom, or other of our subjects, may endeavour to do or undertake things contrary to the said peace by taking or detaining forts, towns, cities and castles, or in pillaging and arresting persons, and taking from them their goods, merchandise or other things, acting against the said peace (the which will highly displease us, and we cannot nor will not suffer it, nor pass it over under any sort of dissembling); We, willing to remedy these aforesaid things with all our powers, wish, desire, and ordain, by the deliberation of our council, that none of our subjects or allies, whatever their state or condition may be, do, or endeavour to do, any thing contrary to the said peace, by pillaging, taking, or detaining forts, persons or goods of any sort in the kingdom of France, or belonging to our said brother, his subjects, allies or adherents whomsoever. And in case there should be found any one that acts contrary to this said peace, and who does not cease from so doing, nor renders back the damages he may have committed, within the space of one month from the time he shall be required so to do by any of our officers, sergeants or public persons, for this act alone, without other suit or condemnation, he shall be reputed banished from our realm and from our protection, as well as from the kingdom and territories of our said brother; all his goods confiscated and subjected to our governance; and if he should be found in our kingdom, we command and expressly will, that punishment should be inflicted on him, as a rebel and traitor to us according to the customary punishment for leze majesté, without any pardon, grace or remission: and we will that the same be done to our subjects of whatever condition they may be, who, in our kingdom on either side of the sea, shall seize, occupy or detain any forts whatever contrary to the will of those to whom they belong; or who shall burn or ransom towns or persons, and shall pillage or be guilty of robberies, or who shall stir up wars within our realm against our subjects.

“We therefore order, command and expressly enjoin all our seneschals, bailiffs, provosts, captains of castles or others our officers, under pain of incurring our high displeasure, and of losing their offices, that they proclaim, or cause to be proclaimed, these presents in the most public places of their districts, bailiwicks, provostships and castlewicks; and that no one, after having seen and heard this proclamation, remain in any fort which belongs to the kingdom of France, except according to the tenor of the treaty of peace, under pain of being considered as an enemy to us and to our aforesaid brother the king of France; and that they, in all the aforesaid points, conform to, preserve and make to be strictly observed in every particular. And be it known to all, that if they fail, or are negligent, in addition to the punishment aforesaid, we will make them pay the losses to all those who through their fault or neglect may have been aggrieved, or suffered any loss; and with this we will punish them in such a manner that they shall be an example to all others: in testimony whereof, we have had these letters patent drawn up, given at Calais the 24th day of October, in the year of grace and of our Lord 1360.”

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*  Thouars, — an ancient city on a hill, and on the river Thoue, sixteen leagues from Poitiers.

†  Belleville. There are two villages in Poitou of this name, — one near Niort, the other near les Sables d’Olenne.

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CHAPTER CCXIII. — THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE TWO KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, WHEN AT CALAIS, RESPECTING THE DUCHY OF BRITTANY AND SOME LANDS OF THE LATE GODFREY DE HARCOURT. — KING JOHN SETS OUT FROM CALAIS AND RETURNS HOME IN FREEDOM.

WHEN all these letters had been drawn up, and the different commissions delivered, which were mutually done by the advice and to the satisfaction of each other, there was some conversation respecting sir Charles de Blois and sir John de Montfort, and the state of Brittany, for each of them claimed it as their right of inheritance: and though there was a conference holden, how these matters could be settled, nothing was definitively done; for, as I have since been informed, the king of England and his party had no great desire of agreeing to it. They presumed, that henceforward, all men at arms attached to them would be obliged to surrender every fort and strong place which they at present held and possessed in the kingdom of France, and that they would retire to whatever parts they chose: it was therefore much better and more profitable that these warriors and pillagers should retire into the duchy of Brittany, which is one of the richest and best foraging countries in the world, than that they should come to England, which might be pillaged and robbed by them.

This consideration made the English shortly break up the conference respecting Brittany. It was a pity, and ill done that it so happened; for, if the two kings had been in earnest, peace would have been established, by the advice of their counsellors, between the parties, and each would have held what should have been given him. Sir Charles de Blois would have recovered his children, who were prisoners in England, and probably have lived longer than he did. As nothing was done at this conference, the wars in Normandy were more bitterly carried on than before the peace we have just spoken of (as you will hear in the continuance of this history), and even between the knights and barons of Brittany who had supported different interests.

The duke of Lancaster (who was a valiant and discreet knight, full of devices, and who too strongly loved the count de Montfort and his advancement) then addressed himself to the king of France, in the presence of the king of England and the greater part of the counsellors: “Sire, the truces of Brittany, which were made and agreed to before Rennes, will not expire before the first of the ensuing month of May; then, or within that time, the king our Lord will send, by the advice of his council, persons from him, and from his son-in-law the young duke, sir John de Montfort, to you in France, and they shall have power and authority to explain and declare those rights the said sir John claims from the inheritance of his father in the duchy of Brittany, and accept them in such manner as you, your counsellors and ours assembled together, shall ordain; for greater safety, it is proper the truces should be prolonged until the feast of St. John the Baptist next ensuing.” All this was agreed to, as the duke of Lancaster had proposed, and then the lords conversed on different matters.

King John, who had a great desire to return to France (as was natural), testified most heartily to the king of England every proof of that affection which he had for him and for his nephew the prince of Wales: the king of England made an equal return: and, for a stronger confirmation of their friendship, the two kings (who by the articles called each other Brother) gave to four knights of each party eight thousand francs, French money of revenue; that is to say, two thousand to each. And because the lands of St. Sauveur le Vicomte, in Coutantin, came to the king of England from sir Godfrey de Harcourt by the sale the said sir Godfrey had made of them to the king, as has been before related in this history, and that the said lands were not included in the articles of peace, it was necessary for those who should hold the said lands to do homage and service to the king of France: the king of England, therefore, had reserved and given it to sir John Chandos, who had done him and his children many notable services; and the king of France, through his great affection and love, confirmed and sealed it, at the entreaty of the king of England, to the said sir John Chandos, as his right and lawful inheritance. It is a very fair estate, and worth full sixteen hundred francs of yearly rent.

In addition to these things, many other letters and alliances were made, of which I cannot relate the particulars; for, during the fifteen days or thereabouts, that the two kings, their children and their counsellors, were at Calais, there were every day conferences, and new ordinances made, strengthening and confirming the peace; and, moreover, other deeds were drawn up, without annulling or changing the former ones; and they were all made to one date, as more sure and certain, of which I have seen copies in the chanceries of the two kings.

When every thing relative to the peace had been so concluded and settled, that no one could think of any means to strengthen or amend it, and that nothing could be devised to add to the strong alliance between the two kings and their children, which bound them, and by which they had sworn to maintain the peace from being infringed, which was indeed kept, as you will hereafter see in reading this book; and that those who were to be the hostages for the redemption of the king of France were arrived at Calais, whom the king of England had sworn to guard in peace in England, until the six hundred thousand francs* were paid to the deputies of the king of England, that king gave to the king of France a most magnificent and grand supper in the castle of Calais: it was well arranged; and the children of the king, and the duke of Lancaster with the greatest barons of England, waited bare-headed. After this supper, the two noble kings took final leave of each other in a most gracious and affectionate manner, and the king of France returned to his hôtel.

On the morrow, which was the vigil of St. Simon and St. Jude, the king of France set out from Calais, with all those of his party who were to accompany him†. The king of France went on foot, in pilgrimage to our Lady of Boulogne. The prince of Wales and his two brothers, Lionel and Edmund, accompanied him: and in this manner they arrived, before dinner, at Boulogne, where they were received with great joy. The duke of Normandy was there waiting for them, when all these aforesaid lords went on foot to the church of our Lady of Boulogne, where they made their offerings most devoutly, and afterwards returned to the abbey at Boulogne, which had been prepared for the reception of the king of France and the princes of England. They remained there that day, and on the following night returned to the king their father. All these lords crossed the sea together with the hostages from France: it was the vigil of All-Saints, in the year 1360. It is proper that I should name the nobles of France who went to England as hostages for the king of France. First, sir Philip, duke of Orleans, son of the late king Philip of France; his two nephews, the duke of Anjou and Berry: after them the duke of Bourbon, the count d’Alençon, sir John d’Estampes, Guy de Blois, for his brother the count Louis de Blois: the count de St. Pol, the count de Harcourt, the count dauphin of Auvergne; sir Enguerrant, lord of Coucy; sir John de Ligny; the count de Porcien, the count de Breme, the lord of Montmorency, the lord of Roye, the lord of Preaux, the lord d’Estouteville, the lord de Cleritez, the lord de St. Venant, the lord de la Tour d’Auvergne, and many others, but I cannot name them all‡. There were also from the good city of Paris, from Rouen, Rheims, 292 Bourges in Berry, Tours in Touraine, Lyon upon the Rhône, Sens in Burgundy, Orleans, Troyes in Champagne, Amiens, Beauvais, Arras, Tournay, Caen in Normandy, St. Omer, L’Isle, Douay, from each city two or four burgesses, who all crossed the sea, and shortly arrived in London§.

The king of England commanded all his officers, under pain of incurring his displeasure, to behave courteously to all these lords and their attendants, and to preserve peace between them and his subjects, as they were under his special care. The king’s orders were strictly obeyed in every respect; and the hostages were allowed to enjoy themselves, without any danger or molestation, in the city of London and its neighbourhood. The lords followed the chase or hawking, according to their pleasure, and rode out as they pleased to visit the ladies without any constrained, for the king was right courteous and amiable.

We will now speak a little of the king of France on his arrival at Boulogne, after he had quitted Calais.

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*  This seems a mistake; for in the fourteenth article of the peace of Bretigny in 1360, in Rymer, particular mention is made of the value of the crown, two of which shall be worth an English noble.

14th article. — “It is agreed that the king of France shall pay to the king of England three millions of crowns of gold, two of which shall be of the value of an English noble.

“And there shall be paid to the said king of England, or his deputies, six hundred thousand crowns at Calais, in fourteenths, from the time the king of France shall be at Calais.

“And within the next year ensuing, there shall be paid four hundred thousand crowns of the above value, in the city of London.

“And from thenceforward, every following year, four hundred thousand crowns, like to the above, shall be paid in the said city, until such time as the aforesaid three millions shall be paid.”

According to Cotgrave, a noble in his time was worth fifteen shillings.

†  Froissart seems to have been mistaken as to the day king John left Calais, when he says it was the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude, the 27th October; for in an ancient state of Brittany, by Nicholas Vignier, page 383, there is a letter from king John, dated Boulogne-sur-Mer, October 26, 1360.

‡  In the fifteenth article, in Rymer, they are mentioned as underneath:

Monsieur Louis, comte d’Anjou; M. Jean, comte de Poitiers; le duc d’Orleans; le duc de Bourbon; le comte de Blois, ou son frere; le comte d’Alençon son frere; le comte de St. Pol; le comte de Harcourt; le comte de Portien; le comte de Valentinois; le comte de Breme; le comte de Vaudemont; le comte de Forez; le comte de Beaumont; le sire de Couci; le sire de Frenles; le sire de Preaus; le sir de St. Venant; le sire de Gauntrines; le dauphin d’Auvergne; le sire de Hangest; le sire de Montmorency; monsire Guillaume de Craon; monsire Louis de Harcourt; monsire Jean de Ligny.

§  Châlons, Chartres, Toulouse, Compiegne, are mentioned, in addition to those of Froissart, in the treaty in Rymer.

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CHAPTER CCXIV. — COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED ON BOTH SIDES TO SEE THE GARRISONS IN THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE EVACUATED. — DIFFERENT BODIES OF ARMED MEN OVERRUN THE KINGDOM, AND DO MUCH MISCHIEF.

THE king of France did not remain long at Boulogne, but set out soon after All-saints, and went to Montreuil and Hesdin: he continued his journey until he came to Amiens; and wherever he passed he was most magnificently and honourably received. After he had remained at Amiens until Christmas was passed, he set out for Paris, when he was solemnly and reverently met by all the clergy of Paris, and conducted to the Palace*, where he dismounted, as did sir Philip his son, and all the nobles who accompanied him. The dinner was grandly magnificent, and the tables well covered; but I can never tell how warmly the king of France was received on his return to his kingdom, by all sorts of people, for he was much wished for. They made him rich gifts and presents, and the prelates and barons of the realm feasted and entertained him as became his condition; and the king gave them a most gracious reception.

Soon after king John was returned to France, the commissioners appointed by the king of England crossed the sea, to take possession of the lands, countries, counties, bailiwicks, cities, towns and castles, that were to be given up to him, according to the articles of the peace. But this was not so soon accomplished; for many of the nobles in Languedoc at first absolutely refused to obey them, or to surrender themselves to the king of England, though the king of France had acquitted them of their fidelity and homage to him: for they thought it highly contrary and adverse to their interests to be obliged to obey the English. The count de la Marche, the count de Perigord, the count de Comminges, the viscount de Châtillon, the viscount de Carmaing, the lord of Pincornet, in particular, with many others in the distant countries, wondered much that the king of France should force them from his jurisdiction. Others said, it was not in his power thus to free them; and it was not his right so to do; for, as they were Gascons, they had very old charters and privileges from the noble Charlemagne (who was king of France), which placed them under the jurisdiction of his court, and of no other. On which account, these lords would not at first yield obedience to the commissioners; but the king of France, who wished to uphold and maintain what he had sworn and sealed, sent thither his dear cousin sir James de Bourbon, who appeased the greater part of these nobles; and those who were bounden became liege men to the king of England; such as the count d’Armagnac, the lord d’Albret, and many others, 293 who at the entreaties of the king of France and of sir James de Bourbon, obeyed, but very unwillingly.

On the other hand, it was very displeasing to the barons, knights and inhabitants of the towns on the sea-coast, and in the country of Poitou, the Rochellois and all Saintonge, that they should be given up to the English: in particular those in the town of La Rochelle would not consent to it; they made frequent excuses, and would not, for upwards of a year, suffer any Englishman to enter their town. The letters were very affecting which they wrote to the king of France, beseeching him, by the love of God, that he would never liberate them from their fidelity, nor separate them from his government and place them in the hands of strangers; for they would prefer being taxed every year one half of what they were worth, rather than be in the hands of the English. The king of France (who knew their good will and loyalty, and had frequently received their excuses) felt great pity for them; he wrote, therefore, very affectionate letters, and sent to inform then, that it was necessary they should obey, or otherwise the peace would be infringed, which would be too prejudicial to the kingdom of France. When the inhabitants of La Rochelle received these letters, and saw the situation they were in, that neither excuses, prayers nor entreaties, were of any avail, they obeyed; but it was sore against their inclinations. The principal persons of the town said, “We will honour and obey the English, but our hearts shall never change.”

Thus had the king of England seisin and possession of the duchy of Aquitaine, the counties of Poitou and Guignes, and of all those lands which he was to have beyond the sea, that is to say in the kingdom of France, which were given to him by the articles of the peace. This year sir John Chandos crossed the sea, as regent and lieutenant of the king of England, to take possession of all the lands aforesaid, and receive the faith, fidelity and homage of the counts, viscounts, barons, knights, towns and castles: he instituted everywhere seneschals, bailiffs and officers, according to his will, and fixed his residence at Niort.

Sir John kept a noble and great establishment; and he had the means of doing it; for the king of England, who loved him much, wished it should be so. He was certainly worthy of it; for he was a sweet-tempered knight, courteous, benign, amiable, liberal, courageous, prudent and loyal in all affairs, and bore himself valiantly on every occasion: there was none more beloved and esteemed by the knights and ladies of his time.

Whilst the commissioners and deputies of the king of England were taking seisin and possession of the aforesaid lands, according to the articles of peace, other commissioners and deputies were on the frontiers of France with commissioners from that king, ordering all men at arms, who were garrisoned in the different castles and forts of France, to evacuate and surrender them to the king of France, under pain of confiscation and death. There were some knights and squires attached to England who obeyed, and surrendered, or made their companions surrender such forts as they held: but there were others who would not obey, saying that they had made war in the name of the king of Navarre. There were also some from different countries, who were great captains and pillagers, that would not, on any account, leave the country; such as Germans, Brabanters, Flemings, Hainaulters, Gascons and bad Frenchmen, who had been impoverished by the war: these persons persevered in their wickedness, and did afterwards much mischief to the kingdom.

When the captains of the forts had handsomely delivered them up, with all they contained, they marched off, and when in the plain, they dismissed their people: but those who had been so long accustomed to pillage, knowing well that their return home would not be advantageous for them, but that they might perhaps suffer for the bad actions they had committed, assembled together, and chose new leaders from the worst disposed among them. They then rode one, one party following the other, and made their first stand in Burgundy and Champagne, where they formed large squadrons and companies, which were called the Late-comers, because as yet they had but little pillaged that part of the kingdom of France. They suddenly came before and took the fort of Joinville†, with great wealth in it, which the whole country round had brought thither, confiding in the strength of the place. When these troops found such riches as were valued at a hundred thousand 294 francs, they divided it amongst them as far as it would go, and held the castle for a time, from whence they scoured all the country of Champagne, the bishoprics of Verdun, Toul and Langres; but, when they had plundered sufficiently, they departed, and sold the castle of Joinville to the inhabitants of the country for one thousand francs‡.

They then entered Burgundy, where they reposed and refreshed themselves until they were all collected, and did many bad and villanous actions; for they had among them some knights and squires of that country, who advised and conducted them. They remained some time in the neighbourhood of Besançon, Dijon and Beaune, despoiling everywhere, for none went out to oppose them. They also took the good town of Guerchey§, in the Beaunois, which they sacked, and remained for a time near Vergy¶ on account of the fertility of that country. Their numbers were perpetually increasing; for those who quitted the castles and towns on their being surrendered, and who were disbanded by their captains, came into those parts; so that by Lent they amounted to at least sixteen thousand combatants.

When they found their numbers so great, they appointed many captains, whom all obeyed implicitly. I am able to name some of their greatest leaders; and first a knight from Gascony, called sir Seguin de Batefol, who had under his command two thousand combatants. There were also Tallebert Tallabaton, Guy du Pin, Espiote, le petit Mechin, Battailler, Hannequin François, le Bourg¥ de l’Espare, Nandoz de Bauguerant, le Bourgcamus, le Bourg de Breteuil, la Nuyt, Arbrethoury the Scot, Bourdonnelle the German, Bernard de la Salle, Robert Briquet, Carnelle, Aimenon d’Ortige, Garsiot du Châtel, Gironet du Paux, l’Ortingo de la Salle, and many others,

These leaders, about the middle of Lent, resolved that they would advance with their forces towards Avignon, and pay a visit to the pope and cardinals. They therefore traversed the country of Burgundy and Mascon, making for the rich and fertile country of Foretz, and for Lyons situate on the Rhône. When the king of France was informed in what manner these freebooting troops overran and pillaged his kingdom, he was mightily enraged. It was stated, by special orders of the council, to his majesty, that unless these bands were repressed, they would multiply so much and do such mischief, to judge from what they had already done, that the kingdom of France would suffer equally as during the war with the English. The council, therefore, advised the king to send a sufficient force to fight them. The king in consequence wrote especial letters to his cousin the lord James de Bourbon** (who was at that time in the town of Montpelier, and had lately put sir John Chandos in full possession of the cities, lands, towns and castles of the duchy of Guienne, as has been before mentioned), ordering him to put himself at the head of the force that was to be sent against these freebooters, and to take a sufficient number of men at arms to give them combat.

When the lord James de Bourbon received these orders, he set off immediately for the city of Agen††, without stopping anywhere, and sent off letters and messengers to the nobles, knights, and squires, requiring, in the king’s name, their instant attendance. Every one most willingly obeyed his orders, and followed him to the city of Lyons; for he was eager to fight with these wicked people. The lord James of Bourbon was much beloved throughout the kingdom of France, and all most cheerfully obeyed his orders. Knights and squires, therefore, came to him from all quarters; from Auvergne, from Limousin, Provence, Savoy and Dauphiné. On the other hand, many attended him from the duchy of Burgundy, whom the young duke of Burgundy had sent to him.

This army began its march, making no halt at Lyons, but advanced into the county of Mascon. The lord James entered the county of Foretz, which was dependent on his sister in right of her children, for the count de Foretz was lately dead, and was governed by Reginald de Foretz in the interim, who was brother to the late count. He received the lord James and his company with great joy, and feasted them in the best manner he was able. The two nephews of the lord James de Bourbon were at home: he presented them to him, who received them very graciously, and ordered them to be posted near his person, that they might aid to defend their country.

The free companies were advancing towards this neighbourhood; for those who were at Châlons‡𔔙 upon the Saône and near to Turnus§§, and in that fertile country, having heard that the French were assembling an army to fight with them, their captains called a council, to determine what steps they should take. They made a muster of their troops, and found they amounted, one with another, to sixteen thousand combatants. They then resolved to go and meet the French, who were so desirous of it, and to offer them battle, in such situations only as would be for their advantage, but upon no other terms. “If fortune,” said they, “should be favourable to us, we may all be rich, and at our ease for a long time, as well by the valuable prisoners we shall make, as from the fear we excite; for no more troops will be hardy enough to come against us: but, if we lose the battle, we shall have hard blows for our pay.” This resolution was adopted: they broke up their camp, and marched towards the mountains, in order to penetrate into the county of Foretz: they came to the river Loire, and, in their road, to a good town called Charlieu¶¶, in the bailiwick of Mascon, which they surrounded and attacked. They exerted themselves to take it by assault, which employed them a whole day but they could do nothing, for it was well defended and guarded by the gentlemen of the country, who had flung themselves into the town; otherwise it would have been won. They then marched off, and revenged themselves on the estates of the lord of Beaujeu, which were near, and where they did very considerable mischief, and entered the diocese of Lyons.

As they advanced, they took all the smaller forts, and lodged themselves in them, and did much damage wherever they passed. They took a castle and a lord and lady in it; which castle was called Brignais¥¥, and is situate on the Rhône, three leagues from Lyons. There they halted and took up their quarters, for they were informed that the French army was drawn out in the plain in order of battle.

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*  Palace. — I believe the king of France’s palace at that time was the hôtel de Nesle. I find, by Villaret’s history, that he was lodged there after his coronation at Rheims.

This hôtel was built on the banks of the Seine, where the hôtel de Nevers was afterwards constructed, and nearly upon the site which the Collège de Mazarin and the hôtel de Conti now occupy.

This hôtel must be distinguished from another hôtel de Nesle, which was built at the same time. This second hôtel de Nesle was situated on the spot where the hôtel de Soissons was built, and which was demolished in 1747.

†  Joinville, — an ancient town in Champagne, on the Marne, diocese of Châlons.

‡  Lord Berners says, for 20,000 francs. — ED.

§  A village in Champagne, near Joigny.

¶  Vergy, — a village in Burgundy, bailiwick of Nuits.

¥  See note, p. 297.

**  Lord James de Bourbon, Count de la Marche received from king John, to whon he was always faithful, the county of Ponthieu and the dignity of constable. He was famous in three battles: first in that of Crecy, where he was wounded; next in that of Poitiers, when he was taken prisoner; and lastly in that of Brignano, where he conquered. But soon after, a company of disbanded soldiers ravaging Champagne and the Lyonnois, lord James was sent against them, when, being overpowered by numbers, he and his son Peter were mortally wounded, and died three days afterwards at Lyons, 6th April, 1382. — Anderson’s Royal Genealogies.

I suspect, however, there is some mistake, and that Brignano means Brignais, where he was mortally wounded.

††  Agen is a considerable city in Guienne, the capital of the Agenois, twenty-eight leagues from Toulouse, and thirty-six from Bordeaux.

‡‡  Châlons, — an ancient town in Burgundy, twenty-nine leagues from Lyons.

§§  Tournus, — an ancient town of Burgundy, on the Saône, in the road from Lyons to Dijon.

¶¶  Charlieu, — a town of the Lyonnois.

¥¥  Brignais. — In all my old editions, and in lord Berners’ translation, it is Brunay: but Denys Sauvage is certainly right to alter it to Brignais.

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CHAPTER CCXV. — THE LORD JAMES DE BOURBON AND HIS ARMY ARE DEFEATED BY THESE FREEBOOTING COMPANIES. — THE POPE ORDERS A CROISADE TO BE PROCLAIMED, AFTER THEY HAVE TAKEN THE PONT DU ST. ESPRIT, AND FINDS MEANS TO GET RID OF THEM.

THE men at arms, assembled under the lord James de Bourbon, were in the city of Lyons upon the Rhône, when they heard that these companies were approaching in great strength, and had taken by assault the town and castle of Brignais, as well as several others, and were pillaging and ruining the whole country. This was very unpleasant news to the lord James, who had taken the management of the estates of the county of Foretz for his nephews, as well as to all the other chiefs. They immediately took the field, and were a numerous body of men at arms, knights, and squires. They sent out their scouts for intelligence respecting these companies, to know where they were, that they might find them.

I must now mention the grand trick which these free companies played. They were encamped upon a high mountain*, on the summit of which there was a plain that could not 296 be seen: in this place they had posted the greater part of their army, and permitted the French scouts to come so near, they could have taken them if they had chosen, it, but they were allowed to return unhurt†. They informed the lord James de Bourbon, the count d’Usez, the lord Reginald de Foretz, and those lords who had sent them, all they had observed, and heard, adding, “We have seen the companies drawn up in array upon a hillock, and, according to our understanding, well formed; but, having attentively considered them, they cannot be more than five or six thousand men, and seem marvellously ill-armed.”

When lord James de Bourbon heard this, he said to the archpriest, “You told me they amounted to at least sixteen thousand combatants, and you now hear the contrary.” “My lord,” answered he, “I still think they are not less in number: if it should be otherwise, we may thank God for it, and it is so much the better for us: you will therefore determine what you will do.” “In the name of God,” said the lord James, “we will go and fight them.” The lord James ordered all the banners and pennons to halt immediately, and formed his battalions in good order to begin the combat, for they saw their enemies before them. He then created many new knights: the first was his eldest son Peter, who displayed his banner; his nephew, the young count de Foretz, did the same; the lord of Tournon, the lord de Molinier, and the lord de Groslée, in Dauphiné. Among the nobility, there were, sir Louis and sir Robert de Beaujeu, sir Louis de Châlons, sir Hugh de Vienne, the count d’Usez, and many other worthy knights and squires, eager to advance to the combat, both for their own honour and to destroy these freebooters, who were wasting the country without right or reason. The archpriest whose name was Arnaut de Cervole, was ordered to take the command of the first battalion. He willingly obeyed; for he was an expert and hardy knight, and had under his command about sixteen hundred combatants.

The freebooters, from their situation on the hill, saw but too clearly all these arrangements of the French, who could not see what they were about, nor approach them without danger and loss; for there were at least a thousand cart-loads of flints ready to be thrown against the first assailants by that body of men who appeared so ill-armed to the scouts. I must mention, that the only way these French men at arms, who were so desirous to fight the companions at any rate, could approach them was to ascend sideways the hill on which they had placed themselves. When they, therefore, attempted this, those who were on the hill began to throw down on them the stones and flints, of which they had made so large a provision that they had only to stoop and pick them up; and, having full time to aim them well, they wounded and killed many, so that others were afraid to push forward. This advanced battalion was so severely treated, it was not of any good use afterwards. The other battalions marched to its succour, under the lord James de Bourbon, his son and his nephews, with their banners, and many other respectable gentlemen, who rushed on to their own destruction, so that it was a pity they had not formed better plans, or listened to wiser counsel. The archpriest and some other knights had truly said, they were going to fight with these companions at a disadvantage, with certain loss, considering the situation they had chosen for themselves. They advised waiting until they should have been dislodged from the strong-hold where they had posted themselves, that then they would have a better chance of success, but they were never listened to. Thus then, when the lord James de Bourbon and the other lords, with banners and pennons flying, approached and ascended sideways this hill, the weaker and less completely accoutred of the freebooters were enabled to harass them; for they flung upon them so rapidly and vigorously stones and flints, that the boldest and best armed were in dread of them. When they had thus for some time kept them in check, their grand battalion, fresh and untouched, advanced by a secret road round the hill, and being in close order like a brush, with their lances cut down to six feet 297 or thereabouts, with loud cries, and a thorough, good will, fell upon the French army. In this first attack, very many were unhorsed, and many gallant deeds performed; but the freebooters fought so hardily, it was marvellous to think of it, and the French army was forced to retreat. That good and valiant knight the archpriest fought excellently well: but he was so overpowered by numbers that, after being grievously wounded, he was made prisoner, as well as several knights and squires of his company. Why should I make a longer talk of this affair? in fact, the French had the worse of the day: lord James de Bourbon and the lord Peter his son were very badly wounded: the young count de Foretz was slain: sir Reginald de Foretz his uncle, the count d’Usez, the lord Robert de Beaujeu, the lord Louis de Châlons, and upwards of one hundred knights, were made prisoners. It was with great difficulty the lord James de Bourbon and his son the lord Peter were brought back to Lyons. This battle of Brignais was fought on the Friday after Easter, in the year of our Lord 1361.

All the bordering countries were thrown into the greatest confusion, when they heard that the army had been discomfited; and there was no one so bold, who had even the strongest castle, that did not tremble; for the wisest among them immediately supposed the greatest mischiefs would ensue and multiply, if God did not directly bring some remedy. The inhabitants of Lyons were confounded when they first heard that victory had declared for these freebooting companies. They, however, received in the kindest manner all those who returned from the battle, and were much hurt at what had befallen the lord James de Bourbon and his son the lord Peter. The ladies, both young and old, visited them in the kindest manner; for they were much beloved in the city of Lyons. The lord James departed this life the third day after the battle, and his son did not long survive him. They were much pitied and regretted. The king of France was greatly affected at the death of the lord James de Bourbon; but as it was not now to be amended, he was obliged to bear his mourning as well as he could.

We will now return to these freebooters, who, having resolved to keep themselves united, were rejoiced at the fortunate issue of this battle. They had been great gainers, as well by what they had seized on the spot as from the ransoms of their wealthy prisoners. These companies had the whole country under their disposal, for no one now ventured to attack them. Soon after the battle at Brignais, they entered and overspread the country of Foretz, which they completely sacked and ruined, except the fortresses; and because they were in such large bodies that no small extent of country could maintain them, they divided themselves into two parties; sir Seguin de Bastefol commanded the smallest, which, however, consisted of about three thousand fighting men. He advanced towards Ance‡, near to Lyons, where he fixed his quarters. He then strongly fortified and rebuilt parts of it, and kept his troops in its neighbourhood, which is one of the richest countries in the world. He overran and ransomed at his ease all the countries above and below the Saône, such as the county of Mâcon, the archbishopric of Lyons, the territories of the lord of Beaujeu, and the whole country as far as Marsilly les Nonnains§, and the country of Nevers.

The other division of these free companies under the command of Nandoz de Baugerant, Espiote, Carnelle, Robert Briquet, Ortingo and Bernard de la Salle, Lannuyt, le Bourgcamus¶, 289 le bourg de Breteuil, le bourg de l’Esparre, and many others of the same sort and with the same intentions, advanced towards Avignon, saying that they would go and visit the pope and the cardinals, in order to have some of their money; otherwise they should be well vexed. They waited in that neighbourhood to receive the amount of their ransoms for the prisoners taken at Brignais, as well as to see if the peace that had been made between the two kings was likely to be lasting. In their route to Avignon, they took towns, castles, and forts; for nothing could stand before them. The whole country was in alarm; for in those parts they had not had any war, and the guards did not know how to defend or keep their strongholds against such men at arms.

These companions got information, that at the Pont du St. Esprit¥, seven leagues from Avignon, there was very great wealth; and that all the riches of the country thereabouts had been carried thither, as to a place of safety, trusting to the strength of its castle. They therefore consulted together, and agreed that if they could get possession of this town of St. Esprit, it would be of the greatest advantage to them; for they then would be masters of the Rhône as well as of Avignon. After they had well digested their plan, Guyot du Pin and the little Mechin (as I have heard it related) mounted their horses, and, with their companies, rode one whole night to the extent of fifteen leagues. They arrived by break of day at the town of St. Esprit, which they took, and all those of both sexes which were therein. It was a pitiful sight; for they murdered many a discreet man, and violated many a virgin. They gained immense riches, and provision to last them a whole year. They could from this town escape easily, in an hour’s time and without danger, into the kingdom of France, and in another hour into the empire. They collected their companies together, and kept advancing towards Avignon, at which the pope and cardinals were much alarmed. These companions had chosen, at the Pont du St. Esprit, a captain to command the whole of their forces, who was commonly styled the friend** of God, and enemy of all the world.

There were at that time in France, besides these companies, many other pillagers, English, Gascons, and Germans, who were desirous of living there††, and who maintained many garrisons in fortresses. Although the commissaries from the king of England had ordered them to evacuate these castles, and to leave the country, they had not obeyed, which was very displeasing to the king of France, as well as to his council.

But when many of them learnt (for they had possession of different places in France) that their brethren had overthrown the lord James de Bourbon with two thousand knights and squires, had taken a great many prisoners, and had very lately surprised and conquered the town of St. Esprit, where they had found immense riches, and that they had expectations of gaining Avignon, where they would have the pope and the cardinals at their mercy, as well as all Provence, each was eager to join them, in the hopes of gain and doing more mischief. This was the reason why many warriors left their forts and castles, and advanced before their companions, expecting greater pillage.

When pope Innocent VI. and the Roman college saw themselves thus threatened by these accursed people, they were exceedingly alarmed, and ordered a croisade to be published against these wicked Christians, who were doing everything in their power to destroy Christianity (like the Vandals‡‡ of old, without right or reason) by ruining all the countries 299 whither they resorted; by robbing, wherever they could find anything; by violating women, both young and old, without pity; and by killing men, women, and children, without mercy, who had done no ill to them; for he was reckoned the bravest, and most honoured, who could boast of the most villanous actions.

The pope and the cardinals had therefore a croisade publicly preached. They absolved from every crime and sin§§ all those who would take the cross, and voluntarily give themselves up to destroy these wretches. The cardinals elected the lord Peter de Monstier, cardinal d’Arras, by some called cardinal d’Ostia, to be the chief of this croisade; who, upon his nomination, immediately left Avignon, and went to Carpentras, seven leagues distant, where he fixed his quarters. He retained all soldiers, and others, who were desirous of saving their souls, and of gaining the foresaid pardons: but he would not give them any pay, which caused many of them to depart and go into Lombardy; others returned to their own countries, and some joined these wicked companies, which were daily increasing. They divided themselves into several companies, over each of which they nominated captains, and took up their quarters in different places. Thus they harassed the pope, the cardinals, and the merchants in the neighbourhood of Avignon, and did a great deal of mischief until the summer was far advanced of the year 1361.

It happened that the pope and cardinals cast their eyes upon a very accomplished knight and good warrior; that is to say, upon the marquis de Montferrat¶¶, who for a long time had been engaged in war against the lords of Milan, and was at this time so employed. They sent to him to come to Avignon, where he was received with much honour by the pope and cardinals.

A treaty was then entered into with him. He agreed, for a considerable sum of money, to free the territories of the pope and the neighbourhood of those freebooting companies, and to lead them with him into Lombardy. The marquis negotiated, therefore, with the captains of these companies¥¥, and managed so well, that by means of sixty thousand florins which he divided among them, and the high pay he promised them, they consented to follow him into Lombardy; but they also insisted on receiving pardon and absolution from all crimes and sin. Avery article was fulfilled, and the money paid: they gave up the town of St. Esprit, quitted the territory of Avignon, and marched away with the marquis of Montferrat.

King John and his whole kingdom were much rejoiced, when they found themselves delivered from these people; but many of them returned back into Burgundy: sir Seguin de Batefol, who kept his garrison at Ance, would not surrender it for any treaty or promise they made him: however, France was, in many places, more at peace than it had been.

When the greater part of these companies had quitted the country, and had marched with the marquis de Montferrat into Piedmont, the marquis managed his affairs well against the lords of Milan. He conquered many towns, castles, and forts, and gained much territory from them. He had also many skirmishes and attacks, which turned out to his profit as well as honour; and these companies, within the year, gave him a superiority in the war, and were in a great measure the cause that the lords Galeas and Bernabo Visconti***, who were 300 sovereigns of Milan, and who since reigned there in great prosperity, came to a proper understanding with him.

About this time sir Seguin de Batefol, who had retained his garrison at Ance upon the river Saone, took by escalade a good city in Auvergne, called Brioude, and which is situated on the river Allier. He maintained himself there for upwards of a year, and fortified it so strongly that he was not afraid of an attack: from this place he overran all the country as far as Clermont†††, Tilhac, Puy‡‡‡, Case Dieu§§§, Montferrant¶¶¶, Riom¥¥¥, la Nonnette****, Ussoire††††, Oudalle‡‡‡‡, and the lands of the count Dauphin, who was at that time hostage in England, and committed the greatest damages. When he had very much impoverished the whole country, he marched away, according to an agreement, carrying off with him great riches. Sir Sequin de Batefol§§§§ returned into Gascony, whence he had originally come. Of this sir Seguin de Batefol I know no more, except that by accident I heard it related that he died in an extraordinary manner. God pardon him for all his misdeeds!

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*  “A high mountain.” — Denys Sauvage has written a long note to say, that he had visited this spot in 1558, and that it ought not to be called a high mountain, for it was but a hillock. This Froissart himself allows in the following lines, where the scouts call it a “tertre.” D. Sauvage says, the place corresponds to the description, and that different weapons have been found in the adjoining grounds.

†  Lord Berners, who here agrees with D. Sauvage, has these words: “Now shall I shewe you the great malice of these companyons who were lodged on a mountayne, and there they had such a place that they could nat be discryed nor auewed; and specially the chief of them, who were beste harnessed: for the residewe (who were worste harneysed) arenged alonge on the hylle side, and suffered the frenche currours to aproche nere to them, and to retourn agayne withoute any damage.“ The stratagem practised is here plainly described, but is scarcely intelligible in Mr. Johnes’s version. — ED.

‡  Ance, — an ancient town of the Lyonnois, situated near the Saône, diocese and election of Lyons, about a league from Villefranche.

§  Marsilly les Nonnains. I cannot find in the Gazetteer this name. There is Marcilly-sur-Saone, a village in Burgundy, near Auxonne, which is, I suppose, the same.

¶  Bourg, in the dictionaries of the old French language, seems to mean bastard or illegitimate.

Burgi, in Du Cange’s Glossary, is as follows, “Calepino ex Tit. C. de fund. rei privatæ. ‘Qui collegio, vel curiæ, vel burgis cæterisque corporibus servierit. An inde, an non potius à burggravius per contractionem Bourgs, appellati sunt castellani, et prefecti castrorum, per arcium, apud Froissartem,’ tom. ii. cap. 34. ‘Si etoient de sa route les capitaines des autres chateaux, comme le bourg Calart, le bourg Anglois, le bourg de Champagne, et Raymond de Force,” &c.

“Burgi, adde, ’A genuina vocis Gallicæ bourg notione longe aberrari mihi videtur, cum ex Froissarte exponitur de Castellano sur burgi præfecto. Bourg enim eo loci, quemadmodum et in aliis ejusdem ævi historicis, spurium, nothum sonat, Gall. batard; quod apprime docet Berry in Hist. Chronol. Carol. VII. ad an. 1432, ubi quem bourg dicit, paulo infra appellat bastard: sic et ad an. 1430, le bourg de Masquaren. Bourc in Litt. Remiss. an. 1411. ex reg. 165. Chartoph. reg. ch. 219. Icelui Pierre appelast le suppliant arlot, tacain, bourc; qui vaut autant à dire en languaige du Pais de par de la, garçon, truant, bastart. Bort, eodem sensu usurpant Hispani. Vide in hac voce.’ ”

¥  Pont du St. Esprit, — a town of lower Languedoc, on the Rhône, diocese and receipt of Uzes; so called from one of the most beautiful bridges in Europe built over the Rhône, in the road from Montpelier to Paris.

It is probable that the town of Pont St. Esprit was taken twice; for a chronicle, written in the reign of King John, assures us positively, ‘que les compagnons qui etoitent sortis de la France, et qui se faisoient appeler la grande compagnie,’ took possession of the town and castle of St. Esprit on Innocents’ day, 1360. — Chronique, MSS. du Roi Jean, Bibliot, du Roi, No. 9652.

**  “Friend.– Denys Sauvage says, in a note on the margin, that instead of ami it was ennemi in all the editions; but that he had corrected it from the two abridgments. He is certainly right as to the printed editions of Verard and Eustace, as well as in lord Berners’ translation and Barnes’s History of Edward III.; but it is ami in my two MSS.

††  Lord Berners uses these words, “who sayd they must nedes lyue,” which fully express the feelings and condition of these disbanded soldiers. — ED.

‡‡  ”Vandals.” Denys Sauvage has Bandes, and says it is so in all the editions, but that he thinks it should be Vandals. It is Vandes in all my printed editions, as well as MSS. [Lord Berners’ version is, “And than ordeyned a croysey agaynst these yuell christen people who dyde their payne to distroy chrystendome as other bandes had done before without tytell of any reason.” — May not this have reference to the expedition of the archpriest mentioned before, instead of to the Vandals? — ED.

§§  A pœna et culpâ. — Lord Berners.

¶¶  The marquis de Montferrat. John Palæologus, 16th marckgrave of Montferrat, 1338, died 1371, reigned 33 years. — Anderson’s Royal Genealogies.

¥¥  “Captains of these companies.” Barnes says, that the principal leader was sir John Hawkwood; but the following quotation from the life of sir John Hawkwood, published in the 6th volume of the Bibliot. Typog. Britann. page 6, shows it was not so.

“The company of English adventurers who now entered into the service of the marquis of Montferrat, 1363, is said, by Muratori, vol. xii. p. 207, to have been commanded by one Albaret.

“Upon the conclusion of the peace between the marquis of Montferrat and Galeazzo, the few English who remained with the former went and joined their countrymen in Tuscany, and soon after formed a body under Hawkwood.”

There must be a mistake respecting the date of 1363, for Froissart, as well as Denys Sauvage, fixes it positively 1361.

***  In the year 1354, Matthew II., Bernabo and Galeas II., all three sons of Stephen Visconti, brother of John, succeeded their uncle in the state of Milan, and divided it into equal portions, except Milan and Genoa, which the two last individually held. Matthew dying without male children, the 26th September, 1355, his two brothers inherited his portion, except Bologna, which they suffered Visconti d’Olegio to carry from them. They obtained the same year, from the emperor Charles IV. the vicegerency of Lombardy. Their union defended them against a powerful league, formed by the Florentines, the marquises of Este, of Mantua, and of Montferrat. In 1359, Galeas, assisted by his brother Bernabo, made the conquest of Pavia, in the month of November, after a long siege. In 1371, Bernabo acquired, from Feltrin de Gonzague, the city of Reggio, Galeas died 1378, aged 59 years. Muratori gives a very bad character of him.

See more of the house of Visconti, in l’Art de Véprifier les Dates, whence the above is taken.

†††  Clermont, or Clermont-Ferrard, capital of Auvergne.

‡‡‡  Puy, — a village in Auvergne, diocese of Clermont.

§§§  Case Dieu, Q. an abbey, diocese of Auch.

¶¶¶  Montferrant, — a town in Auvergne, near Clermont.

¥¥¥  Rion, Riom, — a city of Auvergne, near Clermont.

****  La Nonnette, — a town of Auvergne, election of Issoire.

††††  Ussoire, Usson, — a town of Auvergne, four leagues from Brioude.

‡‡‡‡  Oudalle, I cannot find, nor Tilhac.

§§§§  “Sir Seguin de Batefol.” Mezeray calls him Simon Batefol. Villaret calls him gentilhomme navarrois, and says that he died from some poisoned oranges, which Charles le Mauvais, king of Navarre, had served at dinner, in order to get rid of him. He was desirous of engaging sir Seguin de Batefol to make fresh disturbances in France, contrary to the promise he had made King John, on surrendering Brioude: but he asked too large a sum; and, having possession of Charles’s secret, he thus poisoned him that it might not be divulged. — Histoire de France, par Villaret, tom. v. p. 258.

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CHAPTER CCXVI. — THE DEATHS OF THE DUKES OF LANCASTER AND OF BURGUNDY, WHICH LAST CAUSES NEW DISSENSIONS BETWEEN THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. — THE PRINCE OF WALES CROSSES THE SEA TO AQUITAINE.

AT this period died in England the good duke of Lancaster*, whose Christian name was Henry. The king and all his barons, knights, and squires, were much afflicted, and wished it had not been so. He left two daughters, the lady Maude and the lady Blanche. The eldest was married to the earl of Hainault of the name of William, son of the lord Lewis of Bavaria and Margaret of Hainault. The youngest was married to the lord John, earl of Richmond, son of the king of England, who was afterwards duke of Lancaster, in right of his wife, and by the death of Henry duke of Lancaster.

In this season also died the young duke Philip of Burgundy†, earl of Burgundy, of Artois and of Boulogne, palatine of Brie and Champagne. He married the daughter of Louis earl of Flanders, by one of the daughters of John duke of Brabant, to whom fell the earldom of Burgundy, by the near relationship of Margaret his mother, who did homage and fealty for it to the king of France. The lord John of Boulogne, earl of Auvergne, came, by the same means, into possession of the earldom of Boulogne, and was homager to the king of France. King John also, from his proximity, took possession of and retained the duchy of Burgundy, and all rights over Champagne and Brie, which was highly displeasing to the king of Navarre; but he could not help himself; for he claimed Champagne and Brie, as being the 301 nearest heir: his reasons were not listened to, for king John hated him much, and declared that he should never possess a foot of ground in Champagne nor in Brie‡.

About this time, the king of France had formed a resolution to go to Avignon, and visit the pope and cardinals, and, in his road, to amuse himself by inspecting the duchy of Burgundy, which had lately fallen in to him. The king, therefore, ordered preparations to be made, and set out from Paris about St. John’s day 1362, having left his eldest son Charles duke of Normandy, regent and governor of the kingdom during his absence. The king took with him the lord John of Artois, his cousin, whom he much loved; the earl of Tancarville, the earl of Dampmartin, Boucicault marshal of France, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, the grand prior of France, and several others. He travelled slowly and with much expense, making some stay in all the cities and towns of Burgundy, so that he did not arrive at Villeneuve§, until about Michaelmas. It was there that his hôtel was prepared, as well for himself as for his attendants. He was most magnificently received and feasted by the pope and the college at Avignon: the king, pope, and cardinals, visited each other often. The king remained at Villeneuve during the whole time¶.

About Christmas pope Innocent VI. departed this life: and the cardinals were in great discord about the election of another, for each was desirous of that honour; more particularly the cardinals of Boulogne and Perigord, who were the greatest in the college. Their dissensions kept the conclave a long time shut up. The conclave had ordered and arranged everything according to the desires of the two before-mentioned cardinals, but in such a manner that neither of them could succeed to the papacy: upon which they both agreed, that none of their brethren should wear the papal crown, and elected the abbot de St. Victor¥ of Marseilles, who was a holy and learned man, of good morals, and who had laboured hard for the church in Lombardy and other places. The two cardinals sent to inform him of this elevation, and to desire he would come to Avignon: which he did as soon as possible, and received this gift with joy. He was called Urban V., and reigned with great prosperity: he augmented much the power of the church, and did great good to Rome and other parts.

Soon after this election, the king of France heard that the lord Peter de Lusignan, king of Cyprus and Jerusalem, was on his road to Avignon, having crossed the sea: upon which he resolved to wait for him, as he was anxious to see one of whom so many handsome things had been related, for having made war upon the Saracens. Lately, the new king of Cyprus, had taken the strong city of Satàlie** from the enemies of God, and had slain, without any exceptions, all the inhabitants of both sexes whom he had found there.

There was, during this winter, a full parliament holden in England, respecting regulations 302 for the country, but more especially to form establishments for the king’s sons. They considered that the prince of Wales kept a noble and grand state, as he might well do; for he was valiant, powerful, and rich, and had besides a large inheritance in Aquitaine, where provisions and everything else abounded. They therefore remonstrated with him, and told him from the king his father, that it would be proper for him to reside in his duchy, which would furnish him withal to keep as grand an establishment as he pleased. The barons and knights of Aquitaine were also desirous of his residing among them, and had before intreated the king to allow him so to do; for although the lord John Chandos was very agreeable and kind to them, they still loved better to have their own natural lord and sovereign than any other. The prince readily assented to this, and made every preparation becoming his own and his wife’s rank‡‡. When all was ready, they took leave of the king, the queen and their brothers; set sail from England, and were landed, with their attendants, at La Rochelle.

But we will for a while leave this prince, and talk of some other regulations which were made at this time in England. It was enacted by the king and his council, that the lord Lionel, the king’s second son, and who had borne the title of earl of Ulster, should from thenceforward bear that of duke of Clarence; and the lord John, who was called earl of Richmond, was created duke of Lancaster, which estate came to him by his wife, the lady Blanche, as heiress to the good duke of Lancaster, her father. It was also taken into consideration by the king and his council, that the lord Edmund, the king’s youngest son, who was called earl of Cambridge, should be well provided for, and, if it were possible, that he should be united in marriage with the daughter of the earl of Flanders, at that time a widow. However, that matter, though proposed, was not fully entered upon; for it would be necessary to cautiously to work about it; besides, the lady herself was sufficiently young.

About this time, the lady Isabella of France, mother of the king, died. She was daughter of Philip the Fair. The king ordered a most magnificent and pompous funeral for her, at the Friar Minors¶¶; at which all the prelates and barons of England, as well as the lords of France who were hostages for the performance of the articles of peace, attended.

This happened before the prince and princess of Wales left England; soon after which they set out, and arrived at La Rochelle, where they were received with great joy, and remained four whole days. As soon as the lord John Chandos (who had governed the duchy of Aquitaine a considerable time) was informed that the prince was coming, he set out from Niort§§, where he resided, and came to La Rochelle with a handsome attendance of knights and squires, where they feasted most handsomely the prince, princess, and their suite. The prince was conducted from thence, with great honour and rejoicings, to the city of Poitiers. The barons and knights of Poitou and Saintonge, who at that time resided there, came and did homage and fealty to him.

The prince rode from city to city, and from town to town, receiving everywhere due homage and fealty. He at last came to Bordeaux, where he resided a considerable time, and the princess with him. The earls, viscounts, barons, knights, and lords of Gascony, came thither to pay their respects to him: all of whom he received in so gracious and pleasing a manner, that every one was contented. Even the count de Foix came to visit him, whom the prince and princess received most honourably, and treated him magnificently. A peace was at this time concluded between him and the count d’Armagnac, with whom there had been a continual warfare for a very considerable time. The lord John Chandos was soon after appointed constable of all Guienne, and sir Guiscard d’Angle marshal. The prince thus provided for the knights of his own country and his household, particularly those he loved most, with these noble and handsome offices, which were at his disposal in the duchy of Aquitaine. He nominated to all his stewartries and bailiwicks knights from England, who kept up greater state and magnificence than the inhabitants of the country could have wished: but things did not go according to their desires. We will now leave the prince and the princess of Wales, to speak of king John of France, who at this time was at Villeneuve d’Avignon.

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*  “Henry duke of Lancaster, who died of the plague of 1360, was buried on the south side of the high altar of the collegiate church of Leicester, founded by his father (not by him, as in Dugdale), and on the next niche to him lay a lady, by likelihood his wife.” — Gough’s Sep. Mon.

“He left issue by his wife Isabel, daughter of Henry lord Beaumont, two daughters, his heiresses. Maude first married to Ralph, son and heir to Ralph Lord Stafford, and afterwards to William duke of Zealand; and Blanche (by virtue of a special dispensation from the pope, in regard to their near alliance) to John of Gaunt, earl of Richmond, fourth son to Edward III, and afterwards duke of Lancaster.” — Dugdale’s Baronage, vol. 1, p. 789.

Maude came to England soon after her father’s death, and died, supposed by poison. — Knyghton.

†  Philip duke of Burgundy succeeded to the earldoms of Boulogne and Auvergne at the age of fifteen by the death of his mother, 29th September, 1360. Towards the latter end of November, 1361, he died at Rouvre, and was buried at Citeaux. He lived but a short time, and was bery much regretted, as he promised well. The duchy of Burgundy passed to the king of France, not by virtue of the law of appanages, but as being nearest heir to duke Philip. The earldom of Burgundy, by the same right, passed to Margaret, who married Philip, fourth son of John king of France, who was created duke of Burgundy by letters patent, 6th Sept. 1363. — L’Art de verifier les Dates.

‡  In place of this paragraph lord Berners has the following: — “The lord James of Burbone abode styll pursuynge the treaty bytwene the lord John of Mountforde and the lord Charles of Bloys for the right of the duchy of Bretayne acordyng to the treaty begon at Calais as ye have herd before. And for lacke of concludyng thereof great warres and yuels fell after in the countri of Bretayne as ye shall here in this hystorie.” — ED.

§  Villeneuve d’Avignon, — a town of lower Languedoc, on the Rhône, opposite to Avignon.

¶  Villaret seems to think Froissart has made a mistake respecting this visit of the king, and that it was to prevent the marriage of Edmund earl of Cambridge, son of king Edward III. with the widow of the late duke of Burgundy, by means of the pope.

“Since his (the king’s) return from London, he made only one journey to the court of Avignon, where he did not arrive until after the death of Innocent VI.” This opinion will not agree with what Froissart says of the entertainments and feasts he received from the pope. John must have made two journeys, at a short distance from one another. The contrary, however, is proved by the letters of this king, preserved in the fourth volume des Ordonnances. Froissart will have, without doubt, confounded this journey with the one made before his imprisonment. — Hist. de France, vol. v. p. 270, note.

In the Grands Chroniques de St. Denis, vol. ii. feuillet 273. “In the month of August, 1362, the king of France set out to visit the pope, Innocent, at Avignon, who was then alive, and that same year, the 22nd Dec., he died.”

“King John entered Avignon St. Catherine’s day, the 22nd November. Pope Urban received him very honourably in consistory, and retained him to dinner.”

There must be some mistake in these dates.

¥  “Abbot de St. Victor.” Urban V. William Grimoald, abbot de St. Germain d’Auxerre, then abbot of St. Victor de Marseille, was elected pope, 28th September, 1362, at the age of 53 years; he died 19th December, 1370.

**  City of Satàlie, — is the Attalea of the ancients situated in Pamphilia, a province which at this day makes part of Caramania.

Antalia, or Satàlie, — at the bottom of the gulf of Satàlie. — D’Anville’s map, Géographie Moderne.

Peter de Lusignan had succeeded his father Hugh. He did not arrive at Avignon until the 29th March, 1362, the Wednesday of the holy week.

Valdemar, king of Denmark, was there at the same time, who came to place his person and kingdom under the protection of the holy see. — Villaret, Hist. de France.

Peter I. succeeded his father Hugh, as king of Cyprus, in 1361. January 18,1372, he was assassinated by two lords whom he had abused. He disgraced the glories and fame of his early life by his debaucheries and cruelties in his latter days. — Art de verifier les Dates.

††  “His wife’s rank.” The prince of Wales married this year the lady Joan, daughter of Edmund Plantagenet earl of Kent, commonly called the fair countess of Kent. She was a widow, and of the blood royal of England. She was first married to the earl of Salisbury, and divorced from him, then she was married to sir Thomas Holland. — Fabian.

‡‡   Friar Minors. — Commonly called the Grey Friars, now a parish church called Christ Church. — Grafton.

§§  Niort, a city in Poitou, diocese of La Rochelle.

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CHAPTER CCXVII. — THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND OF CYPRUS UNDERTAKE AND SWEAR TO PERFORM A CROISADE AGAINST THE INFIDELS. — THE KING OF CYPRUS MAKES EARNEST SOLICITATIONS FOR ASSISTANCE TO MANY KINGS AND PRINCES IN DIVERS PLACES OF CHRISTENDOM.

ABOUT Candlemas*, 1362, the king of Cyprus came to Avignon: at which event the whole court was much rejoiced, and many cardinals went out to meet him, and to conduct him to the palace of pope Urban, who received him very graciously, as did the king of France, who was present. When they had remained together some time, and had had wines and spices served to them, the two kings took leave of the pope, and each went to his hôtel.

During this time, there was a public combat before the king of France, at Villeneuve, from pledges given and received, between two valiant and noble knights, whose names were sir Aymon de Pommiers and sir Foulques d’Archiac. When they had fought well and valorously for a length of time, the king of France appeased them, and made up their quarrel.

The two kings remained the whole of Lent at Avignon, or thereabout. They often visited the pope, who received them with joy. During these frequent visits, the king of Cyprus remonstrated with the pope, the king of France, and the cardinals present, how noble and praiseworthy a thing it would be for Christendom, to open a holy passage beyond sea, and to fall upon the enemies of the true faith. The king of France listened eagerly to this discourse, and proposed that for himself he would willingly undertake such an enterprise, if he should live three years only, for two reasons: one was, that king Philip, his father, had formerly made a vow to do the same; the other was, to draw out of his kingdom all those men at arms, called free companions, who pillaged and robbed his subjects without any shadow of right, and to save their souls. These reasons, however, the king of France kept to himself, without mentioning them to any one, until Holy Friday, when the pope preached in his chapel before the kings of France and Cyprus, and the College of Cardinals. After the sermon, which was very humble and devout, the king of France, through his great devotion, put on the cross, and requested the pope, with great sweetness, to confirm it to him. The pope immediately and benignantly complied with his request, and crossed in like manner the lord Tallyrand cardinal de Perigord, the lord John d’Artois, the earl of Eu, the earl of Dampmartin, the earl of Tancarville, the lord Arnold d’Andreghen, the grand prior of France, the lord Boucicaut, and many knights there present. The king of Cyprus was highly pleased, and returned fervent thanks to the Lord for having inspired their hearts.

Thus, as you have heard, the king of France, and those barons and knights that were with him, put the red cross upon their outward robes. The holy father gave it his benediction, and ordered it to be preached in many places: not, however, throughout all Christendom, for a reason I will give. The king of Cyprus (who had come thither with the intention of forming this croisade, having promised himself much pleasure in visiting the emperor and all the great barons of the empire, the king of England, and the chief princes of Christendom, which he did, as this history hereafter will show you), offered to the holy father and to the king of France his personal services, his wealth, and his eloquence, wherever he should arrive or make any stay, in remonstrating and arguing the grace and devotion of this expedition, in order to excite all those princes and lords to join in it who before had not had much religion. This said king was so much honoured, as it was but just he should be, that, from the eloquence and warmth with which he would display the value of this expedition to the different princes, he would gain more hearts than all the preachments. The pope assented to this proposal, which was then resolved on.

Soon after Easter, 1363. the king of Cyprus left Avignon, saying that he was going to visit the emperor and the lords of the empire, and then return by Brabant, Flanders, and 304 Hainault, to the kingdom of France. He took leave of the pope and the king of France, who on every occasion showed him marked attentions; the pope gave to him and to his attendants presents of jewels and benedictions†. Soon after the departure of the king of Cyprus, the king of France took leave of the pope, and went towards the city of Montpellier, in order to visit Languedoc, where he had not been for a long time.

We will now return to the king of Cyprus, and to the journey which he made. After many days’ travel in Germany, he came to a city called Prague, and found there the emperor of Germany, the lord Charles of Bohemia‡, who received him magnificently, as did all the lords of the empire who were with him. The king of Cyprus remained in Prague and its environs three weeks, and greatly exerted himself in exhorting all the Germans to assist in this holy expedition. The emperor defrayed his expenses during the stay he made, and for his journeys in Germany. The king of Cyprus went next to the duchy of Juliers, where the duke received him with much feasting and rejoicings. From the duchy he went to Brabant, where the duke and duchess received him magnificently in the good town of Brussels. He was there entertained with grand dinners, suppers, tournaments, and other sports, in which he knew well how to play his part; and, at his departure, they made him many presents of rich jewels.

When he left Brussels, he went to Flanders, to visit earl Lewis, who received and feasted him grandly. He found at Bruges the king of Denmark, who had come thither to see him. They were magnificently treated at Bruges; insomuch that the two kings were very well pleased with earl Lewis, and with the knights and barons of his country. The king of Cyprus thus passed his summer, since he had left Avignon, in his journey through the empire and along its frontiers, exhorting all to undertake this expedition against the Saracens. This gave much pleasure to many of the great lords, who were desirous that it should be accomplished; but many others excused themselves from taking part in it.

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*  “Candlemas.” Denys Sauvage says, in a note on the margin, that Froissart forgets in this place to begin the year the first of January.

“By an edict given by Charles IX. at Roussillon Château in Dauphiné, 1564, he fixed the beginning of the year 1565 at the first of January; whereas formerly the year commenced at Easter. It appears to me that its commencement ought to be the 21st December, or rather the 21st of March.” — Essais Historiques sur Paris, tome iii. p. 328.

†  Many fayre gyfts and ieawels and pardons. — Lord Berners.

‡  Lord Charles of Bohemia, — Charles IV. emperor of Germany. He published the famous Golden Bull, that has ever since regulated all the elections of emperors of Germany.

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CHAPTER CCXVIII. — THE KING OF ENGLAND DETAINS THE HOSTAGES AS PRISONERS. — THE KING OF CYPRUS USES GREAT INTREATIES WITH THE KINGS OF NAVARRE AND ENGLAND AND THE PRINCE OF WALES, TO INDUCE THEM TO UNDERTAKE THIS CROISADE AGAINST THE SARACENS.

ABOUT this time, the king of England showed much favour to four dukes, viz. the duke of Orleans, the duke of Anjou, the duke of Berry, and the duke of Bourbon. These lords had returned to Calais, whence they had liberty to make excursions whither they chose for three days; but they were to return on the fourth day by sun-set. The king had granted this favour with the good intent of their being nearer to make solicitations to their friends, and that they might hasten their ransoms, which they were eager to do. During the time the four above-mentioned lords were at Calais, they sent many and pressing messages to the king of France, and to the duke of Normandy his eldest son, who had nominated them as hostages, to remonstrate with them on the subject of their ransoms, which they had sworn and promised to attend to at the time they went to England, otherwise they would have undertaken it themselves, threatening no longer to consider themselves as prisoners. But although these lords were, as you know, very near relations to the king of France, their solicitors and messengers were not listened to, nor themselves ransomed, which was very displeasing to them, more particularly to the duke of Anjou, who declared he would himself find a remedy, happen what would.

At this moment, the kingdom and the councils of the king and duke of Normandy were hardly pressed, as well on account of the croisade which the king had undertaken, as for the war with the king of Navarre, who was harassing the realm of France, and who had recalled some of the captains and companions from Lombardy, in order the better to carry on his designs. This was the principal reason why they could not immediately attend to the 305 ransoms of the four dukes, nor give satisfactory answers by their messengers, when they came to France.

We will now return to the king of Cyprus. When he had visited the empire and other countries, as you have heard, he returned to France, where he was magnificently received by the king and the great lords of his court. Several councils were held on the subject of this croisade, to discover in what manner it could turn out to the honour of the king of France or to the good of his realm. The wisest were of opinion, that seeing the kingdom so much harassed, robbed, and ruined, by the companies and thieves that invaded it from all parts, this expedition ought not to take place until the kingdom were in a better state, or till peace were made with the king of Navarre. However, notwithstanding the good sense of this advice, the king would not listen to it, nor allow his ardour for this croisade to be cooled. He confirmed his engagement to the king of Cyprus, and promised to be at Marseilles in March the ensuing year (which would be 1364), and that then he would without delay cross the sea, and order purveyances to all who were willing to do the same.

Upon this, the king of Cyprus took his leave of the king of France, finding that he had sufficient time to return to his own country and make his preparations. He considered with himself, if he should not do well to pay a visit to his cousin the king of Navarre, and endeavour, if possible, to make a peace between him and the king of France. He therefore set out from Paris with a grand equipage, and took, the road to Rouen; where, when he was arrived, he was most handsomely received by his cousin the lord John d’Alençon, archbishop of Rouen, who entertained him very agreeably for three days. On the fourth he departed, taking the road to Caen, and continued his route to Cherbourg, where he found the king of Navarre, the lord Louis* his brother, and a very small company with them.

These two lords of Navarre received the king of Cyprus graciously and honourably, feasted him grandly, as they had the means, and knew well how to use them. Whilst he was there, he endeavoured to begin a treaty between them and the king of France, and talked to them frequently and eloquently upon this subject; for he was a man of excellent understanding, master of many languages, and much beloved. The two brothers made very handsome replies to him, but excused themselves by saying, it was not their fault if they were not good friends with the king and realm of France; for their great desire was to be so, but the king must give back their inheritance, which he held from them wrongfully. The king of Cyprus would willingly have brought this business to a conclusion, for the king of Navarre would have left it to him, had not their differences been too great.

When the king of Cyprus had remained at Cherbourg about fifteen days, having been entertained by the king of Navarre and his brother suitably to his rank, he took leave of them, saying he should not rest until he had been in England, and exhorted king Edward and his children to put on the cross. He departed from Cherbourg, and arrived at Caen; thence he crossed the sea at Pont de l’Arche†; and entered Ponthieu; having passed the Somme at Abbeville‡, he came to Rue§, to Montreuil¶, and to Calais, where he found the three dukes of Orleans, Berry and Bourbon: for the duke of Anjou had returned to France, but by what means or in what condition I know not¥.

These three dukes, prisoners though they were in the town of Calais, received the king of Cyprus very joyfully, and the king behaved with equal politeness to them. They continued together for twelve days. When the king of Cyprus had a favourable wind, he crossed the Straits, and arrived at Dover. He remained there two days to recover himself, whilst they unloaded his vessel and disembarked his horses. The king then continued his route by easy day-journeys, until he arrived at the good city of London. He was honourably received on his arrival, as well by the barons of France, who were there as hostages, as by the English lords, who had rode out to meet him; for king Edward had ordered some of his knights, viz. the earl of Hereford**, sir Walter Manny, the lord Despencer‡‡, the lord Ralph de Ferrers‡‡, sir Richard Pembridge§§, sir Richard Stafford¶¶, and others to meet him, who accompanied and conducted him to the lodgings which were prepared for him in the city of London.

It would take me a day were I to attempt relating to you the grand dinners, suppers, and other feasts and entertainments that were made, and the magnificent presents, gifts and jewels which were given, especially by queen Philippa, to the accomplished king of Cyprus. In truth, he was deserving of them, for he had come a long way and at a great expense, to visit them, to exhort the king to put on the red cross, and assist in regaining countries now occupied by the enemies of God. But the king of England politely and wisely excused himself, by saying: ”Certainly, my good cousin, I have every inclination to undertake this expedition; but I am growing too old, and shall leave it to my children. I make no doubt, that when it shall have been begun, you will not be alone, but will be followed most willingly by my knights and squires.” “Sir,” replied the king of Cyprus, “what you say satisfies me. I verily believe they will come, in order to serve God, and do good to themselves; but you must grant them permission so to do; for the knights of your country are eager in such expeditions.” ”Yes,” answered the king of England; “I will never oppose such a work, unless some things should happen to me or to my kingdom which I do not at this moment foresee.” The king of Cyprus could never obtain any thing more from king Edward, in respect to this croisade; but, as long as he remained, he was politely and honourably feasted with a variety of grand suppers.

About this time king David¥¥ of Scotland had some affairs to transact with king Edward that made it necessary for him to come to England; so that when he heard the king of Cyprus was there, he hastened his journey, in order to meet him, and made such dispatch that he arrived in London before he had left it. The two kings were much rejoiced to meet, and congratulated each other upon it. The king of England gave them two grand entertainments in his palace of Westminster. At the last of these, the king of Cyprus took his leave of the king and queen of England, who made him very magnificent presents: king Edward gave him also a ship called the Catharine, which was very beautiful and well built. The king of England had had her constructed, by his orders, to make the voyage to Jerusalem. She was valued at twelve thousand francs, and lay in the harbour of Sandwich.

The king of Cyprus was much pleased with this gift, and returned many thanks for it. He made no long stay after this in England, but returned to the king of France. The king 307 of England, however, defrayed all his and his attendants’ expenses during the time he remained, as well as the cost of his journeys in coming and returning. I do not know how it was, nor for what reason, but he left the ship in the harbour of Sandwich; for, two years afterwards, I saw it there at anchor.

The king of Cyprus left England***, and crossed the sea to Boulogne. Having learnt on the road, that the king of France, the duke of Normandy, the lord Philip, youngest son to king John, and the council of state, were to be in the good town of Amiens, the king of Cyprus took that road, and found the king of France just arrived, with part of his council. He was kindly received by them, and related to them the greater part of his travels, which they listened to with pleasure. When he had been there some time, he said that as yet he had done but little, until he should have seen the prince of Wales; and that, if it pleased God, he would go visit him, as well as the barons of Poitou and Aquitaine, before he returned home. The king of France made no objection to this, but earnestly entreated, that when he set out on his return home, he would take his departure from France, to which the king of Cyprus readily assented. He therefore left Amiens, taking the road to Beauvais, passed the Seine at Pontoise, and continued his route to Poitiers.

At this time, the prince was at Angoulême, where there were shortly to be grand entertainments and jousts by forty knights and as many squires, in honour of the princess, who had lately been brought to bed of a handsome son, called Edward†††, after his father. As soon as the prince was informed of the arrival of the king of Cyprus at Poitiers, he sent by special command, sir John Chandos, attended by many knights and squires of his household, to meet him. They accompanied him, with great joy and respect, to the prince, who received him most kindly and honourably. We will now leave the king of Cyprus for a while, and return to the king of France, to relate what were the reasons why he and his council had come to Amiens.

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*  “Lord Louis.” Charles had two brothers, Philip and Louis; but which is here meant, I know not. Denys Sauvage says it was Philip, my MSS. Louis.

†  Pont de l’Arche, — a town of Normandy, on the Seine, diocese of Evreux.

‡  Abbeville, — a considerable town in Lower Picardy, diocese of Amiens.

§  Rue, a small town in Picardy.

¶  Montreuil, — a town in Picardy, diocese of Amiens.

¥  See Rymer, anno 1363, for different letters from king John whilst at Avignon, and other matters respecting the ransoms of these princes of the blood. It appears that they were all promised their freedom, on possession being given to the officers named by king Edward of certain lands and castles belonging to each of them, dated at Westminster, 26th May 1363. The duke of Anjou and other hostages broke their parole and escaped. In the Fœdera 1364, there are various remonstrances made by Edward on this subject.

Stowe says, in his Chronicle, that the duke of Anjou, by breaking his word and oath to return to England as one of the hostages for king John, and thus deceiving him, was the cause of his majesty’s death, through grief.

Carte says, “Their negotiations not succeeding, the duke of Anjou made use of that indulgence to escape into France: the king, his father, blamed him exceedingly, and, to repair his son’s faults, resolved to go himself to England, and, by a personal treaty with Edward, remove the obstructions which had hitherto prevented the full execution of the treaty of Bretigny. His ministers tried, in vain, to dissuade him from this resolution; for he told them, that though good faith were banished out of the rest of the world, it ought still to be found in the words of princes, and as the performance of the articles of that treaty was the condition of his, he would at any rate see them executed.”

**  The earl of Hereford, — son of William Bohun, earl of Northampton, succeeded to the title and estates of Hereford, on the death of his uncle, Humphry de Bohun, in 1361. He was afterwards nominated ambassdor to the duke of Milan, respecting the marriage of his daughter Violante to the duke of Clarence, and died shortly after.

††  Lord Despencer, — grandson of Edward that was executed at Hereford. He enjoyed much favour under Edward III. and was buried at Tewkesbury.

‡‡  “Lord Ralph de Ferrers.” I cannot find in Dugdale’s Baronage any of this family that bore the name of Ralph. There is Rauf de Ferriers, banneret, in Ashmole, which I suppose must be the same.

§§  Sir Richard Pembridge, — was fifty-third knight of the garter. He died 1375, and his tomb is in Hereford cathedral. The only account I can find of him is in Mr. Gough’s first volume of Sepulchral Monuments, to which I refer.

¶¶  Sir Richard Stafford, — was son to sir Richard Stafford, brother to Ralph, earl of Stafford. He served in Edward III.’s wars in Gascony, and was summoned to parliament among the barons, from 44th Edward III. until 4th Richard II. inclusive.

¥¥  “King David.” It appears, by Rymer, from the passport granted him by king Edward, the 20th February, 1364, that David Bruce’s journey into England was to pay his devotions at the shrine of Our Lady at Walsingham. The same religious motives might have made him so eager to converse with the king of Cyprus on the subject of the croisade. — His passport was to continue in force until the ensuing Michaelmas.

His new queen, Margaret Logie, had at the same time a passport, to pay her devotions at the shrine of Thomas à Becket, at Canterbury.

***  Barnes, in his history of Edward III, says that the king of Denmark and the duke of Bavaria accompanied him to England, and that their passports were dated 6th December.

In Rymer, there is a passport for Waldemar, king of Denmark, dated the 1st of February, 1364, to continue to the ensuing Michaelmas, for himself and three hundred horsemen, &c., but not one word is said of the king of Cyprus, nor of the duke of Bavaria.

“Anno reg. 31, 1357. — Henry Picard, vintner, mayor of London, in one day did sumptuously feast Edward king of England, John king of France, the king of Cyprus (then newly arrived in England), David king of Scots, Edward prince of Wales, with many noblemen and others: and after, the said Henry Picard kept his hall against all comers whosoever that were willing to play at dice and hazard. In like manner, the lady Margaret, his wife, did also keep her chamber to the same intent. The king of Cyprus, playing with Henry Picard in his hall, did win of him fifty marks; but Henry being very skilful in that art, altering his hand, did after win of the said king the same fifty marks and fifty marks more; which when the said king began to take in ill part, although he dissembled the same, Henry said unto him, “My lord and king, be not aggrieved: I covet not your gold, but your play; for I have not bid you hither that I might grieve you, but that amongst other things I might try your play;” and gave him his money again, plentifully bestowing his own amongst the retinue. Besides, he gave many rich gifts to the king and other nobles and knights, who dined with him, to the great glory of the citizens of London in those days.” — Stowe’s Chronicle.

‡‡‡  “By her (the princess) he had two sons, namely, Edward the eldest, born at Angulême in February, 1365 (Leland with 1364), who died in Gascoigne at seven years of age,” — and Richard, who was afterwards king of England. — Ashmole’s Garter, p. 676.

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CHAPTER CCXIX. — KING JOHN RETURNS, OF HIS OWN FREE WILL, TO ENGLAND, AND DIES THERE.

I WAS informed, and indeed truly, that king John had a wish to go to England, to visit his brother king Edward and the queen his sister, and for this effect had summoned part of his council. — They could not make him change his mind, though they gave freely their opinions on the subject: and many of the prelates and barons of France told him, he would do a very foolish thing, if he again put himself in the power of the king of England. But the king answered, that he had found so much loyalty and honour in his brother the king of England, the queen, and his nephews their children, that he could not sufficiently praise them: he did not in the least doubt but that they would be courteous, polite, and loyal, and friends to him in all situations. He was also anxious to go to England, in order to make excuses for his son, the duke of Anjou, who had returned to France. On hearing this, not 308 one of the council had a word more to say, since his majesty had thus ordered and settled it. He again appointed his son, the duke of Normandy, regent of France during his absence. He promised his youngest son, the lord Philip, that on his return from the journey he was about to make*, he would create him duke of Burgundy, and that he should inherit the lands of that duchy.

When all things were prepared according to his orders, and his purveyances sent to Boulogne, he departed from the city of Amiens, and, having begun his journey, continued it until he came to Hesdin, where he remained to pass his Christmas. — The earl, Louis of Flanders, who was much attached to him, came there to visit his majesty; and they continued together, about three or four days. On Innocents’ day, he left Hesdin, rode forwards to Boulogne, where he took up his quarters in the abbey, and remained there until he had a favourable wind. He was accompanied, when he crossed the sea, by the following nobles of his realm, the lord John d’Artois, the earl of Eu, the earl of Dampmartin, the grand prior of France, the lord Boucicaut, marshal of France, sir Tristan de Maguelles, sir Peter and sir John de Villiers, sir John d’Anville, sir Nicholas Bracque, and several great knights. When their vessels were laden, and the mariners had a wind to their wishes, they informed the king, who embarked on board his vessel about midnight, as did his attendants on board of theirs. Having set their sails for the coast of England, they arrived at Dover about vespers. It was on the day preceding the vigil of the feast of the Three Kings, called the Epiphany†.

News was brought to the king of England (who at that time was with his queen at Eltham, a very magnificent palace which the king had seven miles from London), that the king of France had landed at Dover. He immediately ordered many knights of his household to go and congratulate the king on his arrival; the lord Bartholomew Burghersh‡, sir Richard Pembridge§, sir Allan Boxhall¶, and several others. They took leave of king Edward, and rode towards Dover, where they found the king of France, who had remained there since his arrival. They attended and conducted him with every mark of respect and honour, as they well knew how to do. Among other compliments, they told him the king their lord was much rejoiced at his coming, which the king of France readily believed.

On the morrow morning, the king and his attendants were on horseback early, and rode to Canterbury, where they dined. On entering the cathedral, the king paid his devotions to the shrine of St. Thomas à Becket, and presented to it a rich jewel of great value. The king of France remained two days in the city of Canterbury. The third day he set out, taking the road to London, and rode on until he came to Eltham, where the king of England was, with a number of lords, ready to receive him. It was on a Sunday, in the afternoon, that he arrived: there were, therefore, between this time and supper, many grand dances and carols. The young lord de Coucy¥ was there, who took pains to shine in his dancing and singing whenever it was his turn. He was in great favour with both the French and English; for whatever he chose to do he did well and with grace.

I can never relate how very honourably and magnificently the king and queen of England received king John. On leaving Eltham, he went to London; and, as he came near, he was met by the citizens dressed out in their proper companies, who greeted and welcomed him with much reverence, and attended him with large bands of minstrels, unto the palace of the 309 Savoy, which had been prepared for them. The princes of the blood royal that remained, as his hostages, in England, were also lodged in the same palace; namely, his brother the duke of Orleans, his son the duke of Berry, his cousin the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Alençon, Guy de Blois, the earl of St. Pol, and many more.

The king passed there part of the winter very gaily with his countrymen. The king of England visited him often; as did his children, the duke of Clarence, the duke of Lancaster, and the lord Edmund his youngest son. There were several times great feastings between them, in dinners, suppers and other entertainments, at this hôtel of the Savoy, and at the palace of Westminster, which is not far off, whither the king went in a private manner, whenever he chose it, by the means of the river Thames. They both frequently regretted the loss of the lord James de Bourbon, and said that it was a very unfortunate business; for no one deserved better his rank among nobles.

We will now leave the king of France for a short time, and speak of the king of Cyprus, who had come to Angoulême to visit his cousin the prince of Wales. He was most graciously received by his royal highness, and by all the barons, knights and squires of Poitou and Saintonge who were then with the prince, such as the viscount de Thouars, the young lord of Pons, the lord of Partenay, sir Louis de Harcourt, sir Guiscard d’Angle; and, among the English, by sir John Chandos, sir Thomas Felton**, sir Nêle Loring‡‡, sir Richard de Pontchardon§§, sir Simon de Basselles§§, and several others, as well of that country as from England. The king of Cyprus was magnificently entertained by the prince, princess, and the barons and knights above-mentioned. He staid there upwards of a month; and then sir John Chandos accompanied him, for his amusement, into different parts of Poitou and Saintonge, and showed him the good town of La Rochelle, where there was a grand feast made for him. When he had seen everything, he returned to Angoulême, to assist at the noble tournament which the prince held, where there were plenty of knights and squires. Soon after this feast, the king of Cyprus took his leave of the prince and of the knights of the country, but not before he had related to them the principal reason of his visit, and for what cause he had put on the red cross which he wore: how the pope had blessed this expedition, which was deserving of every praise; and how the king of France through devotion, as well as many other great lords, had put it on, and had sworn to its execution.

The prince and the knights made him a courteous answer, saying, that in truth it was an expedition in which every man of worth or honour was interested; and that, if it pleased God, and the passage were open, he would not be alone, but would be followed by all those who were desirous to advance themselves. The king of Cyprus was well pleased with this speech and took his departure; but sir John Chandos attended him, until he had quitted the principality. It appears to me, that he went back into France, and took the road towards Paris, in the hopes of finding the king of France returned home: but it was not so; for he was still at the palace of the Savoy, confined to his bed by sickness, of which he grew worse every day, to the great uneasiness of the king of England and his queen, as the most learned physicians had declared him to be in much danger.

The duke of Normandy was informed of all this at Paris, where he resided, having the regency of the realm; for the lord de Boucicaut had crossed the sea, to convey the news of this illness to him. The king of Navarre also heard of the progress of this disorder, which gave him no displeasure, for he hoped, if the king of France died, to carry on his war more to his satisfaction: he sent letters, therefore, to the captal de Buch¶¶, who at that time was 130 with his brother-in-law the earl of Foix¥¥, to desire that he would come to him in Normandy, and that he would exalt him in dignities above all other lords and knights.

The captal, who was fond of arms, and cousin to the king of Navarre, complied with his request. He left the earl of Foix, taking his road through the principality of Aquitaine, where he solicited several knights and squires to go with him; but he succeeded with only a few. Neither the English, Gascons, nor Poitevins were willing to take up arms for the king of Navarre, against the crown of France; for they considered the treaties and alliances entered into and sworn by the king of England, their sovereign lord, with the king of France at Calais, so sacred and strong, they would not by any means infringe or break them. During the time the captal de Buch was journeying towards the king of Navarre, John king of France departed this life in England. The king, queen, the princes of the blood, and all the nobles of England were exceedingly concerned at it, from the great love and affection he had shown to them since the conclusion of the peace.

His brother, the duke of Orleans, and his son, the duke of Berry, were in great affliction at his death, and sent in haste to inform the duke of Normandy of the melancholy event; who, when he was certain it was true, was much affected by it, as he had reason to be; but, considering that everything which is created must in the course of nature have an end, and that he could not remedy this loss, he bore it as patiently as he was able. Finding himself thus successor to the inheritance of the kingdom of France, and being well informed that the king of Navarre was daily reinforcing his garrisons in the county of Evreux, and that he was engaging men at arms to carry on the war, he resolved to provide himself with an able council, and to oppose this evil by every means in his power.

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*  That on his return, &c. King John’s passport is in Rymer, dated 10th December, 1363. There is also in that excellent collection, the patent of the creation of Philip duke of Burgundy, which is dated Germigny-sur-Marne, 6th September, 1363. — Carte, vol. ii.

There are two Germignys, Germigny l’Evêque and Germigny sous Colome, villages of Brie, in the diocese and election of Meaux.

†  This, according to a marginal note of Denys Sauvage, makes it 1364, beginning the year the lst of January.

‡  Lord Burghersh, — knight of the Garter. See Dugdale’s Baronage.

§  Sir Richard Pembridge. See p. 306, note.

¶  Sir Allan Boxhall, — fifty-second knight of the Garter. See Ashmole.

Walsin. Ypodigma, p. 136, saith; “Hoc anno Rob. Haule scutifer fuit occisus in ecclesia Westmon. tempore majoris missæ per quosdam regis satellites quorsum ductor extitit Alanus de Buxhalle, miles per ante non ignobilis, sed hoc facto postea semper infamis;” for which he was by name excommunicated.

Anno 1378, sir Ralph de Ferrars was excommunicated with him for the same offence.

¥  “Lord de Coucy.” Enguerrand de Coucy, son of Enguerrande de Coucy and Catherine, daughter of Leopold, first duke of Swabia (the present Imperial family). He married Isabella, eldest daughter of Edward the Third. — Anderson’s Royal Genealogies.

**  “Sir Thomas Felton,” of Lutcham in Norfolk, forty-ninth knight of the Garter. He was grand seneschal and commandant de Guienne for Richard II. He was killed in opposing Henry Transtamare, before the battle of Najara. Sir Thomas Hoo, knight of the Garter, married his daughter. — Anstis’ MS. Collections.

††  “Sir Nêle Loring,” twentieth knight of the Garter. See his life in Ashmole. He was chamberlain to the Black Prince. He died the 9th Richard II. and was buried at Dunstable. — Anstis’ MS. Collections.

††  “Sir Richard de Pontchardon.” I cannot find anything about him.

§§  “Sir Simon de Basselles,” probably Basset, but I cannot say more.

¶¶  “Captal de Buch,” fifth knight of the Garter. M. Anstis, in his second volume, says, “It was sir John de Greilly, of royal lineage, and the most renowned commander at that time, whose unalterable loyalty to the crown of England was such, that he chose to die a prisoner at Paris, 1397, rather than deviate from it.”

“Buch is a small promontory lying along the coast from Bayonne to Medoc,” &c. — See Anstis.

¥¥  “Earl of Foix.” Gaston II. succeeded his father, 1344. His sister Blanca was married to John de Greilly.

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