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[The appropriate section numbers, and links to the online citations have kindly been provided by Bill Thayer, the modern icon for Classical Rome, and pioneer of the Online Texts Movement. — Elf.Ed.]

From The Germany and the Agricola by Tacitus; The Oxford Translation, Revised, with Notes; The Handy Book Company: Reading, Pennsylvania; undated; pp. 74-87.




By Cornelius Tacitus

[ Part 2 ]

The History of the Roman Occupation of Britain — First Invasion of Britain — Rebellion of the Britons — Defeat of Boadicea — Vespasian’s Rule in Britain — The Ordovices of North Wales — Agricola’s Manner of Governing Britain — He Adopts a Milder Policy — His Treatment of the Britons — Military Actions in His Third Year Governing Britain — The Firths of Clyde and Forth — The Fifth Year — The Sixth Year — Great Battle in Caledonia — After the Victory — The Mutiny of a Cohort of Usipii

13.  The Britons cheerfully submit to levies, tributes, and other services of government, if they are not treated 75 injuriously; but such treatment they bear with impatience, their subjection only extending to obedience, not to servitude. 2 Accordingly Julius Cæsar,1 the first Roman who entered Britain with an army, although he terrified the inhabitants by a successful engagement, and became master of the shore, may be considered rather to have transmitted the discovery than the possession of the country to posterity. The civil wars soon succeeded; the arms of the leaders were turned against their country; and a long neglect of Britain ensued, which continued even after the establishment of peace. This Augustus attributed to policy; and Tiberius to the injunctions of his predecessor.2 It is certain that Caius Cæsar3 meditated an expedition into Britain; but his temper, precipitate in forming schemes, and unsteady in pursuing them, together with the ill success of his mighty attempts against Germany, rendered the design abortive. 3 Claudius4 accomplished the undertaking, transporting his legions and auxiliaries, and associating Vespasian in the direction of affairs, which laid the foundation of his future fortune. In this expedition, nations were subdued, kings made captive, and Vespasian was held-forth to the fates.

14.  Aulus Plautius, the first consular governor, and his successor Osotorius Scapula,5 were both eminent for military abilities. Under them, the nearest part of Britain was gradually reduced into the form of a province, and a colony of veterans6 was settled. Certain districts were bestowed upon king Cogidunus, a prince who continued in perfect fidelity within our own memory. This was done agreeably to the 76 ancient and long established practice of the Romans, to make even kings the instruments of servitude. 2 Didius Gallus, the next governor, preserved the acquisitions of his predecessors, and added a very few fortified posts in the remoter parts, for the reputation of enlarging his province. 3 Veranius succeeded, but died within the year. Suetonius Paullinus then commanded with success for two years, subduing various nations, and establishing garrisons. In the confidence with which this inspired him, he undertook an expedition against the island Mona,7 which had furnished the revolters with supplies; and thereby exposed the settlements behind him to a surprise.

15.  For the Britons, relieved from present dread by the absence of the governor, began to hold conferences, in which they painted the miseries of servitude, compared their several injuries, and inflamed each other with such representations as these: “That the only effects of their patience were more grievous impositions upon a people who submitted with such facility. 2 Formerly they had one king respectively; now two were set over them, the lieutenant and the procurator, the former of whom vented his rage upon their life’s blood, the latter upon their properties;8 the union or discord9 of these governors was equally fatal to those whom they ruled, while the officers of the one, and the centurions of the other, joined in oppressing them by all kinds of violence and contumely; so that nothing was exempted from their avarice, nothing from their lust. 3 In battle it was the bravest who took spoils; but those whom they suffered to seize their houses, force away their children, and exact levies, were, for the most part, the cowardly and effeminate; as if the only lesson of suffering of which they were ignorant was how to die for their country. Yet how inconsiderable would the number of invaders appear did the Britons but compute their own forces! From considerations like these, Germany had thrown off the yoke,10 though a 7 river11 and not the ocean was its barrier. 4 The welfare of their country, their wives, and their parents called them to arms, while avarice and luxury alone incited their enemies; who would withdraw as even the deified Julius had done, if the present race of Britons would emulate the valor of their ancestors, and not be dismayed at the event of the first or second engagement. Superior spirit and perseverance were always the share of the wretched; 5 and the gods themselves now seemed to compassionate the Britons, by ordaining the absence of the general, and the detention of his army in another island. The most difficult point, assembling for the purpose of deliberation, was already accomplished; and there was always more danger from the discovery of designs like these, than from their execution.”

16.  Instigated by such suggestions, they unanimously rose in arms, led by Boadicea,12 a woman of royal descent, (for they make no distinction between the sexes in succession to the throne,) and attacking the soldiers dispersed through the garrisons, stormed the fortified posts, and invaded the colony13 itself, as the seat of slavery. They omitted no species of cruelty with which rage and victory could inspire barbarians; 2 and had not Paullinus, on being acquainted with the commotion of the province, marched speedily to its relief, Britain would have been lost. The fortune of a single battle, however, reduced it to its former subjection; though many still remained in arms, whom the consciousness of revolt, and particular dread of the governor, had driven to despair. Paullinus, although otherwise exemplary in his administration, having pursued too rigorous measures, as one who was revenging his own personal injury also, 3 Petronius Turpilianus14 was sent in his stead, as a person more inclined to lenity, and one who, being unacquainted with the enemy’s delinquency, could more easily accept their penitence. After having restored things to their former quiet state, he delivered the command to Trebellius 78 Maximus.15 Trebellius, indolent, and inexperienced in military affairs, maintained the tranquillity of the province by popular manners; for even the barbarians had now learned to pardon under the seductive influence of vices; and the intervention of the civil wars afforded a legitimate excuse for his inactivity. Sedition however infected the soldiers, who, instead of their usual military services, were rioting in idleness. 4 Trebellius, after escaping the fury of his army by flight and concealment, dishonored and abased, regained a precarious authority; and a kind of tacit compact took place, of safety to the general, and licentiousness to the army. This mutiny was not attended with bloodshed. 5 Vettius Bolanus,16 succeeding during the continuance of the civil wars, was unable to introduce discipline into Britain. The same inaction toward the enemy, and the same indolence in the camp, continued; except that Bolanus, unblemished in his character, and not obnoxious by any crime, in some measure substituted affection in the place of authority.

17.  At length, when Vespasian received the possession of Britain together with the rest of the world, the great commanders and well-appointed armies which were sent over abated the confidence of the enemy; and Petilius Cerealis struck terror by an attack upon the Brigantes,17 who are reputed to compose the most populous state in the whole province. Many battles were fought, some of them attended with much bloodshed; and the greater part of the Brigantes were either brought into subjection, or involved in the ravages of war. 2 The conduct and reputation of Cerealis was so brilliant that they might have eclipsed the splendor of a successor; yet Julius Frontinus,18 a truly great man, supported the arduous competition, as far as circumstances would permit.19 He subdued the strong and warlike nation of the 79 Silures,20 in which expedition, besides the valor of the enemy, he had the difficulties of the country to struggle with.

18.  Such was the state of Britain, and such had been the vicissitudes of warfare, when Agricola arrived in the middle of summer,21 at a time when the Roman soldiers, supposing the expeditions of the year were concluded, were thinking of enjoying themselves without care, and the natives, of seizing the opportunity thus afforded them. Not long before the arrival, the Ordovices22 had cut off almost an entire corps of cavalry stationed on their frontiers; and the inhabitants of the province being thrown into a state of anxious suspense by this beginning, 2 inasmuch as war was what they wished for, either approved of the example, or waited to discover the disposition of the new governor.23 The season was now far advanced, the troops dispersed through the country, and possessed with the idea of being suffered to remain inactive during the rest of the year; circumstances which tended to retard and discourage any military enterprise; so that it was generally thought most advisable to be contented with defending the suspected posts: yet Agricola determined to march out and meet the approaching danger. For this purpose, he drew together the detachments from the legions,24 and a small body of auxiliaries; and when he perceived that the Ordovices would not venture to descend into the plain, he led an advanced party in person to the attack, in order to inspire the rest of his troops with equal ardor. 3 The result of the action was almost the total extirpation of the Ordovices; when Agricola, sensible that renown must be followed up and that the future 80 events of the war would be determined by the first success, resolved to make an attempt upon the island Mona, from the occupation of which Paullinus had been summoned by the general rebellion of Britain, as before related.25 4 The usual deficiency of an unforeseen expedition appearing in the want of transport vessels, the ability and resolution of the general were exerted to supply this defect. A select body of auxiliaries, disencumbered of their baggage, who were well acquainted with the fords, and accustomed, after the manner of their country, to direct their horses and manage their arms while swimming,26 were ordered suddenly to plunge into the channel; by which movement, the enemy, who expected the arrival of a fleet, and a formidable invasion by sea, were struck with terror and astonishment, conceiving nothing arduous or insuperable to troops who thus advanced to the attack. 5 They were therefore induced to sue for peace, and make a surrender of the island; an event which threw lustre on the name of Agricola, who, on the very entrance upon his province, had employed in toils and dangers that time which is usually devoted to ostentatious parade, and the compliments of office. 6 Nor was he tempted, in the pride of success, to term that an expedition or a victory, which was only bridling the vanquished; nor even to announce his success in laureate dispatches.27 But this concealment of his glory served to augment it; since men were led to entertain a high idea of the grandeur of his future views, when such important services were passed over in silence.

19.  Well acquainted with the temper of the province, and taught by the experience of former governors how little proficiency had been made by arms, when success was followed by injuries, he next undertook to eradicate the causes of war. 2 And beginning with himself, and those next him, he first laid 81 restrictions upon his own household, a task no less arduous to most governors than the administration of the province. He suffered no public business to pass through the hands of his slaves or freedmen. In admitting soldiers into regular service,28 to attendance about his person, he was not influenced by private favor, or the recommendation or solicitation of the centurions, but considered the best men as likely to prove the most faithful. 3 He would know every thing; but was content to let some things pass unnoticed.29 He could pardon small faults, and use severity to great ones; yet did not always punish, but was frequently satisfied with penitence. He chose rather to confer offices and employments upon such as would not offend, than to condemn those who had offended. 4 The augmentation30 of tributes and contributions he mitigated by a just and equal assessment, abolishing those private exactions which were more grievous to be borne than the taxes themselves. For the inhabitants had been compelled in mockery to sit by their own locked-up granaries, to buy corn needlessly, and to sell it again at a stated price. Long and difficult journeys had also been imposed upon them; for the several districts, instead of being allowed to supply the nearest winter-quarters, were forced to carry their corn to remote and devious places; by which means, what was easy to be procured by all, was converted into an article of gain to a few.

20.  By suppressing these abuses in the first year of his administration, he established a favorable idea of peace, which, through the negligence or oppression of his predecessors, had 82 been no less dreaded than war. 2 At the return of summer31 he assembled his army. On their march, he commended the regular and orderly, and restrained the stragglers; he marked out the encampments,32 and explored in person the estuaries and forests. At the same time he perpetually harassed the enemy by sudden incursions; and after sufficiently alarming them, by an interval of forbearance he held to their view the allurements of peace. 3 By this management, many states, which till that time had asserted their independence, were now induced to lay aside their animosity, and to deliver hostages. These districts were surrounded with castles and forts, disposed with so much attention and judgment, that no part of Britain, hitherto new to the Roman arms, escaped unmolested.

21.  The succeeding winter was employed in the most salutary measures. In order, by a taste of pleasure, to reclaim the natives from that rude and unsettled state which prompted them to war, and reconcile them to quiet and tranquillity, he incited them, by private instigations and public encouragements, to erect temples, courts of justice, and dwelling-houses. He bestowed commendations upon those who were prompt in complying with his intentions, and reprimanded such as were dilatory; thus promoting a spirit of emulation which had all the force of necessity. 2 He was also attentive to provide a liberal education for the sons of their chieftains, preferring the natural genius of the Britons to the attainments of the Gauls; and his attempts were attended with such success, that they who lately disdained to make use of the Roman language, were now ambitious of becoming eloquent. Hence the Roman habit began to be held in honor, and the toga was frequently worn. At length they gradually deviated into a taste for those luxuries which stimulate to vice; porticos, and baths, and the elegances of the table: and this, from their inexperience, they termed politeness, while, in reality, it constituted a part of their slavery.

22.  The military expeditions of the third year33 discovered 83 new nations to the Romans, and their ravages extended as far as the estuary of the Tay.34 The enemies were thereby struck with such terror that they did not venture to molest the army, though harassed by violent tempests; so that they had sufficient opportunity for the erection of fortresses.35 2 Persons of experience remarked, that no general had ever shown greater skill in the choice of advantageous situations than Agricola; for not one of his fortified posts was either taken by storm, or surrendered by capitulation. The garrisons made frequent sallies; for they were secured against a blockade by a year’s provision in their store. 3 Thus the winter passed without alarm, and each garrison proved sufficient for its own defense; while the enemy, who were generally accustomed to repair the losses of the summer by the successes of the winter, now equally unfortunate in both seasons, were baffled and driven to despair. 4 In these transactions, Agricola never attempted to arrogate to himself the glory of others; but always bore an impartial testimony to the meritorious actions of his officers, from the centurion to the commander of a legion. He was represented by some as rather harsh in reproof; as if the same disposition which made him affable to the deserving, had inclined him to austerity toward the worthless. But his anger left no relics behind; his silence and reserve were not to be dreaded; and he esteemed it more honorable to show marks of open displeasure, than to entertain secret hatred.

23.  The fourth summer36 was spent in securing the country which had been overrun; and if the valor of the army and the glory of the Roman name had permitted it, our conquests would have found a limit within Britain itself. For the tides of the opposite seas, flowing very far up the estuaries of Clota and Bodotria,37 almost intersect the country; leaving only a narrow neck of land, which was then defended by a chain of forts.38 Thus all the territory on this side was held in subjection, 84 and the remaining enemies were removed, as it were, into an other island.

24.  In the fifth campaign,39 Agricola crossing over in the first ship,40 subdued, by frequent and successful engagements, several nations till then unknown; and stationed troops in that part of Britain which is opposite to Ireland, rather with a view to future advantage, than from any apprehension of danger from that quarter. For the possession of Ireland, situated between Britain and Spain, and lying commodiously to the Gallic sea,41 would have formed a very beneficial connection between the most powerful parts of the empire. 2 This island is less than Britain, but larger than those of our sea.42 Its soil, climate, and the manners and dispositions of its inhabitants, are little different from those of Britain. Its ports and harbors are better known, from the concourse of merchants for the purposes of commerce. 3 Agricola had received into his protection one of its petty kings, who had been expelled by a domestic sedition; and detained him, under the semblance of friendship, till an occasion should offer of making use of him. I have frequently heard him assert, that a single legion and a few auxiliaries would be sufficient entirely to conquer Ireland and keep it in subjection; and that such an event would also have contributed to restrain the Britons, by awing them with the prospect of the Roman arms all round them, and, as it were, banishing liberty from their sight.

25.  In the summer which began the sixth year43 of Agricola’s administration, extending his views to the countries situated beyond Bodotria,44 as a general insurrection of the 85 remoter nations was apprehended, and the enemy’s army rendered marching unsafe, he caused the harbors to be explored by his fleet, which, now first acting in aid of the land-forces, gave the formidable spectacle of war at once pushed on by sea and land. The cavalry, infantry, and marines were frequently mingled in the same camp, and recounted with mutual pleasure their several exploits and adventures; comparing, in the boastful language of military men, the dark recesses of woods and mountains, with the horrors of waves and tempests; and the land and enemy subdued, with the conquered ocean. 2 It was also discovered from the captives, that the Britons had been struck with consternation at the view of the fleet, conceiving the last refuge of the vanquished to be cut off, now the secret retreats of their seas were disclosed. 3 The various inhabitants of Caledonia immediately took up arms, with great preparations, magnified, however, by report, as usual where the truth is unknown; and by beginning hostilities, and attacking our fortresses, they inspired terror as daring to act offensively; insomuch that some persons, disguising their timidity under the mask of prudence, were for instantly retreating on this side the firth, and relinquishing the country rather than waiting to be driven out. 4 Agricola, in the mean time, being informed that the enemy intended to bear down in several bodies, distributed his army into three divisions, that his inferiority of numbers, and ignorance of the country, might not give them an opportunity of surrounding him.

26.  When this was known to the enemy, they suddenly changed their design; and making a general attack in the night upon the ninth legion, which was the weakest,45 in the confusion of sleep and consternation they slaughtered the sentinels, and burst through the intrenchments. They were now fighting within the camp, when Agricola, who had received information of their march from the scouts, and followed close upon their track, gave orders for the swiftest of his horse and foot to charge the enemy’s rear. Presently the whole army 86 raised a general shout; and the standards now glittered at the approach of day. 2 The Britons were distracted by opposite dangers; while the Romans in the camp resumed their courage, and, secure of safety, began to contend for glory. They now in their turns rushed forward to the attack, and a furious engagement ensued in the gates of the camp; till by the emulous efforts of both Roman armies, one to give assistance, the other to appear not to need it, the enemy was routed: and had not the woods and marshes sheltered the fugitives, that day would have terminated the war.

27.  The soldiers, inspirited by the steadfastness which characterized, and the fame which attended this victory, cried out that “nothing could resist their valor; now was the time to penetrated into the heart of Caledonia, and in a continued series of engagements at length to discover the utmost limits of Britain.” Those even who had before recommended caution and prudence, were now rendered rash and boastful by success. It is the hard condition of military command, that a share in prosperous events is claimed by all, but misfortunes are imputed to one alone. 2 The Britons, meantime, attributing their defeat not to the superior bravery of their adversaries, but to chance, and the skill of the general, remitted nothing of their confidence; but proceeded to arm their youth; to send their wives and children to places of safety, and to ratify the confederacy of their several states by solemn assemblies and sacrifices. Thus the parties separated with minds mutually irritated.

28.  During the same summer, a cohort of Usipii,46 which had been levied in Germany, and sent over into Britain, performed an extremely daring and memorable action. After murdering a centurion and some soldiers who had been incorporated with them for the purpose of instructing them in military discipline, they seized upon three light vessels, and compelled the masters to go on board with them. One of these, however, escaping to shore, they killed the other two upon suspicion; and before the affair was publicly known, they sailed away, as it were by miracle. 2 They were presently driven at the mercy of the waves; and had frequent conflicts with various success, with the Britons, defending their property 87 from plunder.47 At length they were reduced to such extremity of distress as to be obliged to feed upon each other; the weakest being first sacrificed, and then such as were taken by lot. 3 In this manner having sailed round the island, they lost their ships through want of skill; and, being regarded as pirates, were intercepted, first by the Suevi, then by the Frisii. Some of them, after being sold for slaves, by the change of masters were brought to the Roman side of the river,48 and became notorious from the relation of their extraordinary ventures.49


1  Cæsar’s two expeditions into Britain were in the year of Rome 699 and 700. He himself gives an account of them, and they are also mentioned by Strabo and Dio.

2  It was the wise policy of Augustus not to extend any farther the limits of the empire; and with regard to Britain, in particular, he thought the conquest and preservation of it, would be attended with more expense than it could repay. (Strabo, ii. 79, and iv. 138.) Tiberius, who always professed an entire deference for the maxims and injunctions of Augustus, in this instance, probably, was convinced of their propriety.

3  Caligula.

4  Claudius invaded Britain in the year of Rome 796, A.D. 43.

5  In the parish of Dinder, near Hereford, are yet remaining the vestiges of a Roman encampment, called Oyster-hill, as is supposed from this Ostorius. Camden’s Britan. by Gibson, p. 580.

6  That of Camalodunum, now Colchester, or Maldon.

7  The Mona of Tacitus is the Isle of Anglesey, that of Cæsar is the Isle of Man, called by Pliny Monapia.

8  The avarice of Catus Decidianus the procurator is mentioned as the cause by which the Britons were forced into this war, by Tacitus, Annal. xiv. 32.

9  Julius Classicianus, who succeeded Decidianus, was at variance with the governor, but was no less oppressive to the province.

10  By the slaughter of Varus.

11  The Rhine and Danube.

12  Boadicea, whose name is variously written Boudicea, Bonduca, Voadicea, etc., was queen of the Iceni, or people of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, and Huntingdonshire. A particular account of this revolt is given in the Annals, xiv. 31, and seq.

13  Of Camalodunum.

14  This was in A.D. 61. According to Tac. Hist. i. 6, Petronius Turpilianus was put to death by Galba, A.D. 68.

15  The date of his arrival is uncertain.

16  He was sent to Britain by Vespasian, A.D. 69.

17  The Brigantes inhabited Yorkshire, Lancashire, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Durham.

18  The date of his arrival in Britain is uncertain. This Frontinus is the author of the work on “Stratagems,” and, at the time of his appointment to the lieutenancy of Britain, he was curator aquarum at Rome. This, probably, it was that induced him to write his other work on the acqueducts of Rome.

19  This seems to relate to his having been curtailed in his military operations by the parsimony of Vespasian, who refused him permission to attack other people than the Silures. See c. 11.

20  Where these people inhabited is mentioned in p. 355, note 5.

21  This was in the year of Rome 831, of Christ 78.

22  Inhabitants of North Wales, exclusive of the Isle of Anglesey.

23  i. e. Some were for immediate action, others for delay. Instead of et quibus, we read with Dr. Smith’s edition (London, 1850), ut quibus.

24  Vexilla is here used for vexillarii. “Under the Empire the name of Vexillarii was given to a distinct body of soldiers supposed to have been composed of veterans, who were released from the military oath and regular service, but kept embodied under a separate flag (vexillum), to render assistance to the army if required, guard the frontier, and garrison recently conquered provinces; a certain number of these supernumeraries being attached to each legion. (Tac. Hist. ii. 83, 100; Ann. i. 36.)” — Rich, Comp. to Dict. and Lex. s. v. Vexillum.

25  A pass into the vale of Clwyd, in the parish of Llanarmon, is still called Bwlch Agrikle, probably from having been occupied by Agricola, in his road to Mona. — Mr. Pennant.

26  From this circumstance it would appear that these auxiliaries were Batavians, whose skill in this practice is related by Tacitus, Hist. iv. 12.

27  It was customary for the Roman generals to decorate with sprigs of laurel the letters in which they sent home the news of any remarkable success. Thus Pliny, xv. 30: “The laurel, the principal messenger of joy and victory among the Romans, is affixed to letters, and to the spears and javelins of the soldiers.” The laurus of the ancients was probably the bay-tree, and not what we now call laurel.

28  Ascire, al. accire. “To receive into regular service.” The reference is to the transfer of soldiers from the supernumeraries to the legions. So Walch, followed by Dronke, Roth, and Walther. The next clause implies, that he took care to receive into the service none but the best men (optimum quemque), who, he was confident, would prove faithful (fidelissimum).

29  In like manner Suetonius says of Julius Cæsar, “He neither noticed nor punished every crime; but while he strictly inquired into and rigorously punished desertion and mutiny, he connived at other delinquencies.” — Life of Julius Cæsar, s. 67.

30  Many commentators propose reading “exaction,” instead of “augmentation.” But the latter may be suffered to remain, especially as Suetonius informs us that “Vespasian, not contented with renewing some taxes remitted under Galba, added new and heavy ones; and augmented the tributes paid by the provinces, even doubling some.” — Life of Vesp. s. 16.

31  In the year of Rome 832, A.D. 79.

32  Many vestiges of these or other Roman camps yet remain in different parts of Great Britain. Two principal ones, in the county of Annandale in Scotland, called Burnswork and Middleby, are described at large by Gordon in his Itiner. Septentrion. Pp. 16, 18.

33  The year of Rome 833, A.D. 80.

34  Now the Firth of Tay.

35  The principal of these was at Ardoch, seated so as to command the entrance into two valleys, Strathallan and Strathearn. A description and plan of its remains, sill in good preservation, are given by Mr. Pennant in his Tour in Scotland in 1772, part ii. p. 101.

36  The year of Rome 834, A.D. 81.

37  The Firths of Clyde and Forth.

38  The neck of land between these opposite arms of the sea is only about thirty miles over. About fifty-five years after Agricola had left the island, Lollius Urbicus, governor of Britain under Antoninus Pius, erected a vast wall or rampart, extending from Old Kirkpatrick on the Clyde, to Caeridden, two miles west of Abercorn, on the Forth, a space of near thirty-seven miles, defended by twelve or thirteen forts. These are supposed to have been built on the site of those of Agricola. This wall is usually called Graham’s dike; and some parts of it are now subsisting.

39  The year of Rome 835, A.D. 82.

40  Crossing the Firth of Clyde, or Dumbarton Bay, and turning to the western coast of Argyleshire, or the Isles of Arran and Bute.

41  The Bay of Biscay.

42  The Mediterranean.

43  The year of Rome 836, A.D. 83.

44  The eastern parts of Scotland, north of the Firth of Forth, where now are the counties of Fife, Kinross, Perth, Angus, etc.

45  The legion, which had been weakened by many engagements, was afterward recruited, and then called Gemina. Its station at this affair is supposed by Gordon to have been Lochore in Fifeshire. Mr. Pennant rather imagines the place of attack to have been Comerie in Perthshire.

46  For an account of these people see Manners of the Germans, c. 32.

47  Mr. Pennant had a present made him in Skye, of a brass sword and a denarius found in that island. Might they not have been lost by some of these people in one of their landings?

48  The Rhine.

49  This extraordinary expedition, according to Dio, set out from the western side of the island. They therefore must have coasted all that part of Scotland, must have passed the intricate navigation through the Hebrides, and the dangerous strait of Pentland Frith, and, after coming round to the eastern side, must have been driven to the mouth of the Baltic Sea. Here they lost their ships; and, in their attempt to proceed homeward by land, were seized as pirates, part by the Suevi, and the rest by the Frisii.

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