From Arrian’s History of the Expedition of Alexander the Great, and conquest of Persia, translated from the Original Greek, by Mr. Rooke, and now corrected and enlarged; with several additions, London: J. Davis, 1812; pp. 178-206.
ARRIAN’S HISTORY OF
WHILE Alexander tarried at Pasargadæ and Persepolis, he began to entertain a strange desire of sailing down the Euphrates and Tigris into the Persian sea, and of observing their mouths, in the same manner as he had already observed those of the river Indus. Some authors tell us, he also designed to sail along the Arabian and Æthiopian coast, as also to Lybia and Numidia, and beyond Mount Atlas, even to Gades and our sea; and that when he had subdued Africa, and reduced Carthage, he imagined he might justly be styled King of the World when the Persian and Median monarchs, who held but a small and inconsiderable part, entitled themselves Lords of Asia. Others say, that his ambition prompted him to sail through the Euxine Sea, against the Scythians, dwelling near the Palus Mæotis; and others, that he proposed to coast around Sicily, by the promontory Iapygium; for then it was that the Roman name began to spread far and wide, and gave him much umbrage. Thus are authors divided in their opinions concerning his ambitious designs. As for my part, I can neither tell for certain what he designed, nor care much to proceed to guess-work; only this I think I may affirm, that he entertained no mean nor trifling ideas, and that what part of the earth soever he had proceeded to conquer, he would never have been satisfied, even though he had joined Europe to Asia, and the British islands to Europe, but would always have been roving after some places more remote from human knowledge; and if he could have found no other foe to have encountered, his own mind would have kept him in a continual state of warfare. And on this account, I cannot forbear giving a due praise to some of the Indian sages, who, as they were walking in the meads, where they were wont to meditate, being seized and carried before him and his army, only stamped upon the ground with their feet; and when the King, by his interpreter, enquired the reason thereof, he received an answer to this effect: — “Every man, Alexander, possesses as much earth as we now tread upon; and thou art a man no way different from others, but in making a greater stir, in being more restless, and in creating more trouble, both to thyself and others, by roving so far from thy native soil; but in a short time thou shalt die, and then shalt thou possess no more space than will serve thy body for burial.”
179Alexander praised the reflections of these sages, and owned their observations to be just; yet, nevertheless, he ceased not to act contrary to their advice. He is also said to have admired Diogenes the Sinopian, whom he found on the Corinthian isthmus, basking himself in the sun; and when he (with a bank of targeteers and auxiliary foot, his attendants) drew near, and asked him if he wanted any thing? the Cynick answered, Nothing; but only that he and his train would retire a little out of his sun-shine. By both these instances we may plainly perceive, that Alexander shewed no aversion to the wise admonitions of philosophers, only his insatiable thirst of glory hurried him away after other pursuits. When he arrived at the city Taxila, and saw that sect of Indians who went naked, he was surprized at their extraordinary patience in enduring hardships, and desirous that one of their number would accompany him: but the eldest and most venerable among them, Dandanus by name, whose dictates the rest obeyed, made answer, “That he would neither accompany him himself, nor suffer any of his followers so to do: that he was Jove’s son as well as Alexander: that he wanted nothing from him, being content with what he already enjoyed. And also added, that he and his soldiers, who had roved over so many lands and seas, seemed to have no real benefit thereby, nor to fix any bounds to their excessive toils; he said he had nothing to request which was in another’s power to bestow, and should be no ways concerned, if what he already had should be taken from him; for the climate of that country would always afford fruits in their seasons sufficient for his sustenance; and whenever he died, he should, without reluctance, part with his body as a disagreeable companion.” When Alexander heard this, he would not force him to follow him, but he prevailed upon Calanus, one of their number, whom Megasthenes, for that reason, condemns of inconstancy, and the rest of the sages accused of folly, for leaving the felicity which they thought themselves possessed of, and acknowledging any other god except the Supreme Being.
THESE things I have thought fit to record concerning Calanus, because he deserves a place in this history; for when he afterwards came to be sick in Persia, as he had never been in his own country, he could not endure to confine himself to the rules and diet prescribed to infirm people, but rather chose to address the King, telling him, that he should esteem it a singular happiness to die in the state wherein he was before he came to feel any disorder, which might force him to change his ancient way of living. The King, at first, strenuously 180 opposed his request, but finding him inflexible (and that if one sort of death was denied him he would seek another, ordered a pile to be built, according to his desire, and committed the oversight of the affair to Ptolemy, the son of Lagus. Some add, that all preparations for that solemnity of horses and men, as well armed as unarmed, were made by Alexander himself, and that some were appointed to strew divers sorts of perfumes and aromatics upon the pile; other to bring vessels of gold and silver, and royal apparel; and, because his indisposition was such as hindered him from walking, a horse was ordered him, but finding himself incapable to mount on horseback, he chose to be carried in a litter, crowned and adorned after the Indian manner, while he sung hymns, in his own language, to the gods of his country. The horse which he should have mounted (being of the Nysæan breed) he bestowed upon Lysimachus, who had been one of his hearers, and was an admirer of his wisdom; but the cups, and costly furniture of all sorts, which the King had given to adorn the pile, he ordered to be distributed among several then present. Afterwards, ascending the pile, he lay down decently thereupon, in sight of the whole army. The King, indeed, deemed it improper for him to be there in person, because he was his friend; but, to all who were there, it was an amazing sight to see the body lie still in the midst of the flames, without the least motion. As soon as they who were deputed for that purpose had lighted the pile, Nearchus tells us the trumpets began to sound (for so the King had ordered), and the whole army gave a shout, as when they join battle with an enemy. The elephants also made a dreadful and warlike noise, to grace the funeral of Calanus. These, and such like things, great authors have asserted concerning this sage; and this is an example of no mean import to those who study mankind, to shew how firm and unalterable the mind of man is, when custom or education has taken full possession thereof.
Alexander, after this, dispatched Atropates away to his government, and himself marched to Susa, where Abulites and his son Oxathres, being accused of male-administration in the affairs of that province, were seized and put to death. Many horrid crimes were indeed committed by those who were deputed to govern the conquered countries; such as spoiling temples, defacing sepulchres, and putting innocent men to death: for the King’s expedition against India seemed an attempt which would take up much time; and it was not indeed probable that he would ever return safe, where there were so many warlike nations, stored with elephants, to subdue, and so many vast rivers to pass over. The straits to which the army was reduced among the Gadrosi had also reached the ears of the Governor of this province; and these considerations put together made him lay aside all thoughts of ever being called 181 to account for his barbarous rapine and injustice: and, indeed, the King was now much readier to give credit to accusations than formerly, and inflicted the severest punishments upon the slightest offenders, because he imagined that they had greater and more flagrant mischiefs in their heads. After this he proceeded to the celebration of his own and his friend’s nuptials, at Susa. He himself took to wife Barsine, the eldest daughter of Darius, and, besides her, another named Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus; for he had, before that time, married Roxane, the daughter of Oxyartes, the Bactrian. Drypetis, another of Darius’s daughters, he bestowed upon Hephæstion; for he was resolved that Hephæstion’s children should be joined in affinity with his own. Amastrine, the daughter of Oxyartes, brother to Darius, he gave to Craterus; the daughter of Atropates, Governor of Media, to Perdiccas; the daughters of Artabazus to Ptolemy, one of the body-guards, and Eumenes, his secretary; to the first Artacamus, and to the last Artonis. To Nearchus he gave the daughter of Barsine and Mentor; to Seleucus the daughter of Spitamenes, the Bactrian; and on the rest of his friends he bestowed the daughters of the most illustrious Medes and Persians in marriage, to the number of eighty. Their nuptials were solemnized after the Persian manner, seats being placed for those who were to be married, according to their several ranks, and a royal entertainment prepared. After this the brides were ushered in, and placed by their bridegrooms, who, giving them their right hands, received them with a kiss. The King himself begun the ceremony, and their marriage rites were solemnized together. This act of Alexander was a popular one, and served to endear him to both parties: he bestowed dowries on all of them. The names of the rest of the Macedonians, who had married Asiatic wives, he commanded to be recorded, for their whole number amounted to above ten thousand, on all of whom, nevertheless, he bestowed gifts, according to their several ranks or stations in the army.
AND that he might omit nothing which could any ways contribute to render him popular, he took up a resolution to enquire what debts his whole army had contracted, and discharged them all out of his own coffers. But when he issued out an order that every one who owed any thing should give in his name and the sum, few were willing to comply therewith, fearing that he used this as an artifice to find out which of them could not live within the bounds of his own stipend. However, when he came to understand that many neglected to obey his commands, and that every one concealed his reasons for so doing, as well as the debts he had contracted, he only reproved their distrust of his royal bounty, by assuring them, that a King ought always to be sincere to his subjects, and that they should not presume to bring the veracity of his intentions in question. Hereupon tables were placed regularly throughout the camp, with 182 money upon them, and officers deputed to distribute it, he ordering he full debts of all to be paid to their creditors, without so much as recording the debtors’ names. They then plainly perceived the sincerity of his intentions towards them, and he laid no less an obligation upon them by not enquiring their names, than by discharging their debts. This extraordinary munificence bestowed on the army is said to have taken twenty thousand talents. He moreover bestowed other gifts upon particular persons, according to their dignity, or the rank they had acquired in the army. To those who had done some gallant action he gave crowns of gold; the first of these was presented to Peucestas, who saved his life among the Malli; the second to Leonnatus, who had his share in that act, and had encountered many dangers among the Indians; had gained him a victory over the Oritæ, and, returning with his forces into the camp, quelled an insurrection there, and done many brave actions besides. The third was given to Nearchus, for conveying his fleet safe from the Indian to the Persian coast; for he was then present in Susa. The fourth was bestowed on Onesicritus, governor of the royal galley; and other were then distributed to Hephæstion, and the rest of his body-guards
ABOUT this time the governors of the new cities which he had built, and some of the provinces which he had subdued, came to him, and brought with them thirty thousand young men, all of the same age, all using Macedonian arms, and skilled in their military discipline; and those he nominated his Epigoni, or successors. However, his old Macedonian soldiers were much displeased at the arrival of these, imagining that the King contrived all possible means to rid himself of his countrymen. They were also dissatisfied by seeing him appear in Median robes; and the solemnization of the marriage rites before-mentioned, after the Persian manner, not only disgusted many, but even some of those who had been so married, how much soever they thought themselves honoured before by the King’s presence, and marriage among them. They murmured much at Peucestas, Governor of Persia, because in his speech, as well as habit, he wholly persianized; and not a little at Alexander himself, because he seemed pleased with such affectation of the barbarian language and customs. They also took it heavily that Bactrians, Sogdians, Arachoti, Zarangi, Arians, Parthians, and Persians, were every where encouraged, and admitted into the auxiliary troops, if they were found to excel others, either in birth, beauty, or valour; and were no less disturbed that a fifth regiment of horse was added, which, though it consisted not wholly of barbarians, yet, upon an augmentation of the whole body of horse, many barbarians were introduced; and that Cophos, the son of Artabazus; Hydarnes and Artiboles, the sons of Mazæus; Pharasmenes and Sisines, sons of Phrataphernes, the governor 183 of Parthia and Hyrcania; Itanes, the son of Oxyartes, and brother to Roxane, Alexander’s wife; besides Ægobares, and his brother Mithrobæus, were advanced into the Macedonian Agema; and that Hydaspes, a Bactrian, was appointed their captain; as also because Macedonian spears were allowed them instead of the darts in use among barbarians. These were all so many occasions of discontent to his old soldiers, who from thence concluded that he was about to degenerate into the customs of the barbarians, and would on that account, not only slight and despise those of his own country, but his countrymen themselves.
THEN he committed the best part of his foot forces to Hephæstion’s care, to conduct them to the Persian Gulph; while he, going on board his fleet, which lay ready at Susa, with his targeteers, and Agema, and some part of his auxiliary horse, sailed down the river Eulæus to the sea. And when he was now not far from the mouth thereof, leaving there those ships which were shattered, and out of order, he, with the best of them, sailed out to the ocean, and then entered the mouth of the river Tigris, the rest of the fleet passing through a canal, drawn from thence to the Tigris; for of the two rivers Tigris and Euphrates, which enclose Assyria, and give it the name of Mesopotamia, the channel of the Tigris lying much lower, receives the water of the latter by many trenches; and several streams also falling into its own bosom, it becomes a great river, before it glides into the Persian Gulph; insomuch, that it is every where impassable by a ford; for it spreads not out in breadth, so as to diminish its depth, the lands on both sides much higher than the water; and it is not dispersed through other channels, nor conveyed into other rivers, but takes them into itself. But the Euphrates glides along a much higher channel, and is, in many places, of equal height with the lands on each side, so that several streams are cut from it; some constant ones which supply the inhabitants with water; others only occasional, when the neighbouring countries happen to be parched up with drought (for rains seldom fall in these parts); whence it happens that the Euphrates, at its entrance into the oceans, is but a small river, and easily fordable. Alexander first sailed down the river Eulæus to the sea, and thence along the Persian Gulph, and up the Tigris to his camp, where Hephæstion, with the forces under his command, waited his arrival. — Thence steering his course to Opis, a city on that river, he commanded all the wears, and other impediments which he met with, to be pulled up, and the channel to be cleared. These wears were put down by the Persians, who were unskilled in maritime affairs, to render the navigation of that river so difficult, as to hinder any enemy’s fleet from invading them that way. However, Alexander looked upon them as the contrivance of cowards, and, as they were little hindrance to him, knowing they would be of no use, he ordered them to be entirely cleared away, and the river laid open.
184WHEN he arrived at Opis, he called his forces together, an issued out a declaration, that “all of them, who by age, infirmity, or loss of limbs, found themselves unable to undergo the fatigues of war, should be freely discharged, and at full liberty to return home. But whoever were inclined to stay with him should taste so largely of his royal bounty, as to become the envy of those who tarried at home, and excite other Macedonians freely to share their toils and dangers with them.” This declaration was made by Alexander, with a design to please the Macedonians, but it had a contrary effect; for they interpreting it, as if they were despised, or deemed useless in any further warlike enterprises, were vehemently enraged, and took that discourse as levelled against them, which was designed for the army in general. Howbeit, upon the occasion, all their former complaints were renewed, namely, his compliance with the Persians in their habit; his allowing the Macedonian habit to be worn by youths who were barbarians, and stiling them their successors, and his admission of strange horse into the auxiliary forces; wherefore they were no longer able to contain themselves, but all of them intreated to be absolved from their military oath. Nay, some proceeded so far as to insult him, by telling him that he and his father Hammon might, for the future, join their forces, and wage war against their enemies. Alexander no sooner heard these words (for he was now much more subject to wrath than heretofore) but leaping instantly from his seat where his captains surrounded him, he commanded the chief of those, who endeavoured to excite the multitude to sedition, to be seized, and pointed with his hands to his targeteers, to shew them whom they should seize. These were thirteen in number. All of whom he immediately commanded to be put to death; whereat, while the rest stood amazed, and kept silence, he again mounted his tribunal and spoke to this effect.
“FAR be it from me, O my Macedonians, to endeavour to divert you from your desires of returning home (you having a free liberty to go whenever you think convenient), but I will that you understand before your departure, how much you are changed from what once you were. And first to begin, as I ought with my father Philip: he received you into his protection a poor, wandering, and unsettled people; many of you cloathed with skins, and feeding small flocks of sheep upon the mountains, which yet you could not keep without continual skirmishes with the Illyrians, Triballi, and Thracians, your neighbours, in which you were often unsuccessful. For shepherds coats of skins my father arrayed you in the choicest garments; from the barren mountains he led you down into the fruitful plains, and instructed you in military discipline, so that you had no more occasion to place your safety in rough 185 and inaccessible mountains, but in your own valour. He gave you cities to dwell in, and excellent laws and statues to be governed by. He gained you also the sovereignty over those barbarians, who, afore-time, continually harrassed and insulted you, and from a state of slavery made you free. He added a great part of Thrace to Macedonia, and by reducing the towns upon the sea-coast, set open the gate to commerce. — He it was that subdued the Thessalians, who were formerly so terrible to you, and made them your servants; and having overcome the Phocæans, opened a wide and convenient entrance for you into Greece, instead of one narrow and difficult. The Athenians and Thebans, who had joined in confederacy against you, he so humbled (myself being present to assist him), that whereas we were, before that time, tributaries to the former, and slaves to the latter, on the contrary, now, both these cities are under our protection. He entered Peloponnesus, and composing matters there, was constituted general of all the Grecian forces in the intended expedition against the Persians, and thereby acquired not only glory to himself, but also to the Macedonian name and nation. Those were my father’s bounties to you: great ones indeed if considered by themselves, but small if compared with mine. For when I succeeded to my father’s kingdom, I found some golden and silver cups indeed, but scarce sixty talents in his treasury, though I was charged with a debt of his of five hundred. However, not discouraged by this, I contracted a fresh debt of eight hundred talents. I marched out of Macedonia, which was scare able to sustain you, and led you safe over the Hellespont, though the Persians then held the sovereignty of the sea. Then having beaten Darius’s generals in battle, I thereby added Ionia, Æolia, both Phrygias and Lydia, to the Macedonian empire. I afterwards took Miletus by assault, and received the voluntary homage of many other people and nations, who submitted themselves, and consented to become tributaries. The treasures of Egypt and Cyrene, which we obtained without blows, helped to fill your coffers; Cœlosyria, Palestine, and Mesopotamia are in your possession. Babylon, Bactria, and Susa, are in your power. The wealth of Lydia, the treasures of Persia, the riches of India, and the ocean, is yours. You are constituted deputies of provinces. You are made captains, princes, and generals of armies. What, I beseech you, have I reserved to myself, for all the toils I have undergone, except this purple robe and diadem? I have with-held nothing from you; neither can any mortal shew a treasure in my custody, besides what is either yours, or preserved for your use. I have no private desires to gratify, that I should hoard up wealth on that account, for I observe the same diet with yourselves, and I am satisfied with the same portion of rest. Nay, I have been contented with coarser food than many among you, who live deliciously; and I have often watched for you, that you might sleep in ease and safety.
186“SOME may perhaps insinuate, that all these were acquired by your own toils and dangers, in which I, your general, bore no part, but who dares affirm, that he has run greater hazards for me than I have for him? See which of you has received wounds; let him open his bosom and shew the scars, and I will shew mine, for there is none of the forepart of my body free; nor is there any kind of weapon which is either thrust forward by hand, or darted, the marks whereof are not plainly to be traced upon this breast of mine; for I have been wounded with swords in close fight, and with darts and arrows at a distance. Besides, I have been beat to the ground by stones from the enemy’s engines; and notwithstanding I have suffered so much or your sakes, by stones and clubs, and swords, and missive weapons, yet have I led you victorious through all lands, over all seas, rivers, hills, and plain countries. I solemnized your nuptials with my own, that your children might claim affinity with mine. The debts of my whole army I freely discharged, without examining too strictly how they were contracted; and notwithstanding the vast stipends you then received, you made no small advantage of the plunder of such cites as you took by storm. Add to this, that I bestowed crowns of gold on many of you, as eternal monuments of your valour, and my esteem for you; and whosever chanced to fall in battle, valiantly fighting, he, over and above the glory which he then acquired by death, was usually honoured by a sumptuous monument. — Nay, brazen statues are erected, as testimonies of the valour of some of them in Macedonia, and honours decreed their parents, with a full immunity from all public taxes and impositions; for none of you, fighting under my banner, had ever any occasion to turn his back upon an enemy. And now I had determined to release such of you who are unable any longer to endure the fatigues of war, and send you home so loaden with honours and rewards, that your countrymen and fellow citizens should deem you, above measure, fortunate and happy. But since ye are all of one mind, and since the same notion of returning has possessed all of you, go all, and report at home that your King Alexander, who had subdued the Persians, Medes, Bactrians, and Sacæ; who had tamed the Uxii, Aracoti, and Drangæ; who had reduced the Parthians, Chlorasmians, and Hyrcanians, and penetrated as far as the Caspian Sea; who had forced his way over Mount Caucasus, and through the Caspian streights; who had passed the rivers Oxus and Tanais, and Indus (which last was never passed before, unless by Bacchus), who had ferried over the rivers Hydaspes, Acesines, and Hydraotes, and had also led you beyond the Hyphasis — if you had not refused to follow him; who entered the ocean by both the mouths of the river Indus, and afterwards marching through the barren and sandy country of the Gadrosi (where none ever carried an army safe before), subdued the Carmanians and Oritæ, who lastly, having conveyed this fleet from the coasts of India to the Persian sea, brought you safe and victorious to Susa. Tell your 187 countrymen, I say, that after all these great and glorious acts, done for you, you have forsaken him, departed from him, and left him in the hands, and under the care of the barbarians, whom he had conquered. When you shall have told all these things, your glory among men, and the notion of your piety towards the gods, will receive a mighty improvement.”
HAVING thus spoke, he leaped suddenly from his seat, and retiring into the palace, neither put on his royal robes, nor admitted any of his friends to see him that day nor the next; and on the third, having called the Persian nobility round him, he distributed the command of the several troops among them, and as many of them as he had made his relations he suffered to kiss him. But the Macedonians, moved with their King’s speech, stood before the tribunal, like people astonished, and kept a profound silence; nor did one of their number offer to accompany the King when he retired to his palace, except his friends and body-guards, who surrounded him. However, many stood still before the tribunal and refused to depart, though they neither knew what they should do nor say there. But when they came to understand what he had bestowed upon the Medes and Persians, namely the several commands of the army, and that the barbarians were distributed into several ranks and orders; that the Persian Agema was to be called by a Macedonian name; and the troops of auxiliary foot, and others, to be made up of Persians; that the targeteers, and all the royal cohort of horse, were to consist of Persians, and that the regiment of Persians was to be nominated the royal regiment, they were no longer able to contain themselves, but running straight in a body to the palace, laid down their arms before the gate, as a sign of submission and repentance: then standing without, they begged to be admitted into the King’s presence, promising that they would deliver up the authors of the late tumult, and those who had stirred them to sedition; and withal protesting, that they would never stir from his gate day nor night, unless they could move him to take compassion upon them. When Alexander came to understand this, he immediately came forth to them, and perceiving them humble and dejected, was so much moved with their sorrow and lamentation that he wept, and stood some time, as though he would have spoke, but they remained in the same suppliant posture. However, at last, Callines, belonging to the auxiliary troop of horse, a man of much esteem, as well for his age as the command he bore, spoke to this effect: “Thy Macedonians, O King, are grieved and discontented, because thou hast made some of the Persians thy relations, honoured them with the title of thy kindred, and suffered them to kiss thee, when, at they same time, they are excluded.” Then Alexander interrupting him, replied — “I now make you all my kindred, and shall henceforth stile you so.” With that Callines stepped forwards and kissed him, and such 188 others as pleased followed his example; whereon they again took up their arms, and, with shouts of joy, and songs, returned to the camp. — After this he sacrificed to the gods, according to the custom of his country, and prepared a royal banquet, which he graced with his presence, where the Macedonians were placed nearest his person; next these the Persians, and then those of all other nations, according to their dignity; or the post they held in the army. Then the King, and all his guests, drank out of the same cup; the Grecian Augurs, as well as the Persian Magi, pronouncing their decrees, wishing prosperity to the King and the army, and praying for eternal concord and unanimity between the Macedonians and Persians, for the common benefit of both nations. — Nine thousand guests are said to have been present at this entertainment, who all drank out of the same cup, and all joined in the same songs, for the peace and safety of the army.
THEN such of the Macedonians as were unable to follow the army, by reason of age, or loss of limbs, were freely discharged, to the number of about ten thousand, who were not only paid their full stipends, according to the time they had served, but each had a talent given him over and above what was his due, to defray the expences of his journey. Those among them who had married Asiatic wives, and had children by them, were ordered to leave their sons behind, lest they should be the cause of a sedition in Macedonia, if both the sons and the mothers were sent together. However, he took care to instruct them in the Macedonian manners, and to teach them their military discipline, that so, when they arrived at manhood, he might bring them home, and deliver them, thus accomplished, to their parents. These uncertain and precarious things he promised them at their departure; but he added one sure and undoubted mark of his good will towards them, by appointing Craterus (whom he found ever faithful to him, and whom he loved as his life) to be their captain, to conduct them safe into their own country: wherefore, wishing them all health and happiness, and weeping to behold them weep, he dismissed them, ordering Craterus, when he had finished his task of conducting them safe home, to take upon him the government of Macedonia, Thrace, and Thessaly, and preside over the liberties of Greece. He moreover ordered Antipater to come to him, and bring with him other Macedonians, young and vigorous, instead of those who were dismissed. He dispatched Polysperchon away with Craterus, and gave him the next command under him for fear any accident should happen to Craterus by the way (he being somewhat indisposed at his setting forward), and they should be destitute of a leader. There was then a report, secretly whispered about by those, who the more they endeavour to conceal the King’s affairs, the more they desired to divulge them, and wickedly perverted whatever carried a face of truth to ill purposes; 189 I say, there was a report, that Alexander, overcome with the calumnies wherewith his mother had loaded Antipater, was willing to remove him from Macedonia. But perhaps this call of Antipater was not designed for his disgrace; but rather to prevent any mischief arising from their quarrels, which he might not be able to compose. Many letters had been carried to the King, wherein Antipater accused Olympias of arrogancy, cruelty, and meddling with what did not become the mother of Alexander; insomuch, that the King is said to have complained that he was forced to pay her very dear for the nine months she carried him in her womb. Olympias, on the other hand, exclaimed against Antipater as insolent, by reason of the command he bore, and the people’s obedience to him; that he begun to be altogether unmindful from whence he received his authority, and judged himself fit for the sovereignty over Macedonia and all Greece, where he ought only to act as deputy. Thus was the King continually wearied out with these complaints, insomuch, that at last he began to incline to the opinion of those who were for disgracing Antipater, as one who was more to be feared than the other, if the reports were just. However he, neither by word nor action, gave the least intimation that his affections were any ways estranged from Antipater.************************
This is the only chasm throughout Arrian’s whole work. Gronovius tells us, he was in hopes to have filled it up out of an excellent manuscript, which he had from the Duke of Tuscany’s library, but was disappointed. He is of opinion, that there has been a leaf torn out of all the manuscript copies. As for my part, I own I am not able to give any satisfactory reason why there is a chasm, but I will do as much as lies in my power to satisfy the deficiency. — From Opis, upon the river Tigris, where the sedition happened, Alexander marched with his army to Charras (See Diodorus, lib. xviii. pag. 576), where he encamped; then having passed through Sittacene, in four days, he came to Sambana, where he rested seven. Then, in three days, he arrived at Celanæ, which place Xerxes had peopled with a colony of Bœotians, who still retain some remains of their native language. Thence he proceeded to Bagisthemes, a country fruitful, and abounding in all things pleasant and profitable for life. About this time happened a grievous quarrel between Hephæstion and Eumenes, as Plutarch acquaints us, in vita Eumenis; for Eumenes’s servants, having taken possession of an inn for their master’s use, Hephæstion turned them out, to make room for Evius, a musician; whereat Eumenes, enraged, went with Mentor to Alexander, and upbraided him aloud, telling him, that the only way to be regarded was to throw away their arms, and turn fiddlers or tragedians. Alexander, at first, took their part, and chid Hephæstion, but soon after changed his mind, and was angry with Eumenes, accounting the freedom he had taken rather as an affront to himself than a reflection on Hephæstion. Some time after this, another dispute happened between them, concerning some present from Alexander, and a great deal of ill language passed between them; but the King, who was then present, laying his commands on them, they were reconciled, at least outwardly, and Eumenes continued in favour till Hephæstion’s death. As soon as Alexander had undertaken his expedition into India, Harpalus, who was made treasurer in Babylon (hoping he would never return), gave himself up to all manner of luxury and excess. He made a practice of ravishing women, and committing all sorts of uncleanness with the barbarians, whereby he wasted the royal treasures. He ordered vast quantities of fish to be brought him, as far off as the Red Sea, and was so prodigal in the expences of his houshold, that all declared it was shameful, and none gave him a good character. He sent for a courtezan from Athens, name Pythonices, whom he maintained like a princess while she lived, and for whom, after her death, he erected a most magnificent monument at Athens. He then sent for another out of Attica, called Glycera, with whom he lived voluptuously and profusely. But, that he might secure to himself a place of refuge if any ill fortune should happen, he made it his chief business to oblige the Athenians. And therefore, when Alexander returned from his Indian expedition, and had put many of the governors of the provinces to death, for mal-administration, Harpalus fearing the same punishment, took five thousand talents of silver, and raised six thousand mercenary soldiers, and, leaving Asia, set sail for Attica. But perceiving none forward to come in to him, he left his soldiers at Tenarus, in Laconia, and, taking part of the treasure with him, fled to Athens for protection: but Antipater and Olympias, sending letters, which demanded he should be delivered up, he withdrew from thence, and fled to his soldiers at Tenarus; thence he sailed to Crete, where he was murdered by Thymbron, whom he looked upon as his friend. This have I gathered what I could from Diodorus and Plutarch, to fill up this chasm; but the cause of the army’s sudden march to Ecbatana, and Alexander’s speech to Hephæstion, on account of his quarrel with Eumenes, must remain unknown, till some perfect copy of Arrian happily discloses them to the world.
HEPHÆSTION, dreading this discourse, was, much against his own will, reconciled to Eumenes. In this march, Alexander is said to have viewed the field wherein the King’s horses used to graze, which Herodotus calls Nisæum, and the horses Nisæans; he also adds, that in former times, one hundred and fifty thousand were wont to feed there; but the King, at his coming there, found not above fifty thousand, for most of the rest had been stolen away. Here Atropates, governor of Media, presented him with a hundred women, said to be Amazons, attired like horsemen, only they bore axes instead of spears, and demi-lunar targets instead of shields. Some add, that their right breasts were less than their left, and that they were exposed to view in battle. Alexander separated them from his army, that they might not be liable to any insult, either from the Macedonians or barbarians, but ordered that the Queen should be told that he would embrace her, for the sake of having children by her. But as neither Ptolemy nor Aristobulus, nor any other credible author, relates this story, I shall not endeavour to impose it upon my reader for truth, and the less, because I am of opinion that the race of Amazons was extinct long before that time; for Xenophon, who flourished some ages before, and mentions the Colchi, and the Phasii, and other barbarians, through whose country the Greeks marched to or from Trapezun (and where they must have fallen in amongst these Amazons, if any of their race had existed) makes no mention of them. However, I am of opinion, there must have been such a people, because they are celebrated by so many, and such famous authors; for Hercules is said to have been sent against them, and to have brought the girdle of their Queen Hippolyte into Greece. The Athenians also, under the 191 command of Theseus, repulsed these viragoes, when they attempted to invade Europe; and this battle of theirs against those Amazons is delineated by Cimon the Athenian, with the same art and accuracy as those of the Persians. Herodotus frequently takes notice of those women; and indeed, all the writers of the Athenian history have, in especial manner, celebrated the battle with the Amazons. However, if Atropates brought any equestrian viragoes to Alexander, they must certainly have sprung from some other race of barbarian women, who rode on horseback, and were armed and habited in the same manner as the ancient Amazons.
WHEN Alexander arrived at Ecbatana, he offered sacrifice to the gods for good success, according to his custom; he also exhibited gymnic and musical sports, and made a royal entertainment for his friends. About this time Hephæstion was taken violently ill, and it was on the seventh day of his sickness when the boys exercised themselves at wrestling. But when the King received news of his declining state, he left off his sports, and hastened towards him with all speed; but before he could reach the place he was dead. Sundry authors have given an account of Alexander’s grief upon this occasion, very different from each other; but in this they all agree, that he was seized with immoderate sorrow; but after what manner he testified it to the world, is a matter of great dispute among them, some giving their opinion one way, some another, according as they are inclined by passion or prejudice, whether for Alexander or Hephæstion. They who have wrote the most indecent accounts seemed to have imagined, that whatever the King said or did, to show his excessive concern for the death of one whom he so dearly loved, ought to redound to his praise. Others are rather inclined to condemn such immoderate grief, as unbecoming a monarch, and much more Alexander. Some tell us, that he lay almost a whole day, lamenting over the dead body of his friend, and refused to depart from him, till he was forced away by his friends. Others lengthen out the time of his lamenting over him to a whole day and night. Others again affirm, that he ordered Glaucias, his physician, to be crucified, because of the potion which he had indiscreetly administered to him; while others tell us, that when Glaucias saw that Hephæstion would not refrain from drinking an unreasonable quantity of wine, he refused to take any further care of him. That Alexander should lay prostrate upon the dead body of so dear a friend, and tear his hair, and shew other signs of grief, I neither deem improbable nor indecent, they being done after the example of Achilles, whom he imitated from his youth. Some authors tell us, that he caused the body of Hephæstion to be put into a chariot, and that he would be charioteer himself; but this is not credible. Others say, he caused the temple of Æsculapius, in Ecbatana, to be demolished, which was 192 a barbarous action, not at all suited to the character of Alexander, and, indeed, much rather resembling that of Xerxes, a known despiser, and reviler of the gods, who is reported to have thrown fetters, out of revenge, into the Hellespont. However, what is related by some authors seems not improbable, namely, that when Alexander was upon his march towards Babylon, many ambassadors from the Grecian states met him, among whom were some from Epidaurus, whose requests, when he had granted, he sent an offering to be hung up in the temple of Æsculapius, notwithstanding, as he said, that god had not shewed himself at all favourable, in not saving the life of a friend, whom he loved as his own spirit. Many assure us that he ordered sacrifices to be offered to him as to a hero; and some add, that he sent to Hammon’s temple, to consult the oracle there, whether he should not sacrifice to him as a god, but Jupiter denied that liberty. However, all authors agree, that the King neither tasted food, nor changed his apparel, for three whole days after Hephæstion’s death, but lay all that while either lamenting, or silently endeavouring to conceal his grief, and that he commanded sumptuous obsequies to be performed at Babylon, at the expence of ten thousand talents (some say much more), and ordered a strict and public mourning to be observed throughout all the barbarian countries. Many of Alexander’s friends, that they might divert that excess of grief into which he had then fallen, are said to have devoted themselves and their armour to Hephæstion, and that Eumenes, whom we mentioned to have had a grudge against him, a short while before, was the first proposer of it. This office, however, he performed to him when dead, lest the King should have entertained a suspicion that he had rejoiced at his death. Alexander gave strict orders that none should be appointed captain over the auxiliary horse in his place, lest his name should be forgotten in the cohort, but that it should always be named Hephæstion’s cohort, and that the banner which he had chosen should be continued to be carried before them, as well in their several marches as in battle. He moreover exhibited gymnic and musical sports, much more sumptuous and magnificent than any of his former, as well for the multitude of the combatants, as the greatness of the prizes contended for. Three thousand combatants are said to have been reserved for this solemnity, who, shortly after, performed their exercises at his tomb.
THE mourning had now continued a long time, and the King was just beginning to receive some comfort, his friends having laboured much for that purpose, when he was induced to undertake an expedition against the Cossæans, a warlike nation, bordering upon the Uxians. Their country is mountainous, and their towns not fortified; for when they perceive their land invaded by a strong army, they immediately betake themselves to the tops of their mountains (either in a body or in 193 separate parties, as it happens), where no enemy can approach; and, when the invaders of their country are retired, they return to their habitations, and take up their former trade of plundering and robbing their neighbours, by which means they support themselves. Alexander, however, notwithstanding it was winter, drove them from their holds, and subdued them; for neither the rigour of the season, nor the difficulties they met with, could either discourage him or Ptolemy, who commanded a part of his army; for they forced them from all their retreats, and found no place inaccessible, nor any country impassable, where true valour directed them. When Alexander returned thence to Babylon, ambassadors from Lybia met him, who congratulated him, and bestowed a crown upon him, for the great victories he had gained in Asia. From Italy the Brettii, Leucani, and Tyrrteni, sent ambassadors upon the same account, as the Carthaginians are said also to have done. Ambassadors likewise came to him from the Æthiopians, and European Scythians, as also from the Celtæ and Iberians, all requesting his friendship; the name of which last people, and their manner of dress, were then first made known to the Greeks and Macedonians. Some ambassadors are said to have come to prevail upon him to decide the differences between them and their neighbours; and then it was that Alexander seemed, both to himself and those about him, to have the sovereignty, as well of the earth as sea. Aristus and Asclepiades, two writers of Alexander’s actions, tell us, that the Romans then sent ambassadors to him, and he, having given them audience, and made a nice observation of their habit, diligence, and generosity, and fully learned the customs and manners of their nation, begun, from that time, to foresee the future greatness of the Roman empire. But this last I give as neither certain, nor altogether improbable; for no writer of the Roman affairs makes the least mention of any such embassy; neither do the two chief authors whom I most rely upon, namely, Ptolemy and Aristobulus, take any notice of it in their histories of Alexander’s actions: and, indeed, it seems very improbable that the Roman republic, which was at that time free, should send an embassy to a foreign prince, at so vast a distance from their territories, especially when they could have no fears to urge them, nor any hopes of profit to induce them thereto, and when, it is well known, they bore a mortal hatred both to the name and office of Kings, as the usurpers of the liberties of the people
Alexander after this dispatched Heraclides, the son of Argæus, with his ship-carpenters, into Hyrcania, to cut down wood from the mountains there, to build him a number of long ships, some open, and others with decks, according to the Grecian manner of building; for he had a strong inclination to have a full knowledge what communication 194 that sea, called the Hyrcanian, had with any other; and whether it had an intercourse with the Euxine Sea, or with the Eastern Ocean, beyond India, in the same manner as the Persian and Red Seas were found to be but gulphs belonging to the ocean: for the bounds of the Caspian, or Hyrcanian Sea, were not yet known, though many warlike nations bordered upon it, and many great and navigable rivers discharged their waters into it: for, from Bactria, the Oxus, the greatest river of Asia (those of India excepted), flows into it, and from Scythia, the Oxyartes; and many are of opinion that the Arazes, which passes through Armenia, discharges itself into this sea. These are great rivers, into which several lesser ones pour their waters: besides, there are many small streams which run directly into the sea: these are already known; but those on the other side, where the Nomadæ Scythians dwell, are altogether unknown. When Alexander had passed the river Tigris with his army, in his way to Babylon, he was met by the Chaldean Soothsayers, who, calling him apart from his friends, intreated him not to proceed on his journey to Babylon, telling him, they were assured, from the oracle of Belus, that his entrance into the city at that time, would be attended with ill consequences to him. He then answered them with a verse out of Euripedes.
“He is the best diviner who guesses rightest.”
NO INDENT However, they replied, “At least, O King, do not turn thy face westward, nor enter the city that way with the army, but fetch a compass round, and come in with thy face towards the east.” — This he was resolved to comply with; but the difficulty of the road, which was both watery and marshy, forced him to change that resolution, either chance or destiny pushing him upon that way, which was to prove fatal to him. But perhaps it was much more [eligible] for him to be taken off in the very height of his glory and happiness, while he was yet beloved and revered by his own soldiers, than to have survived his successes, and have afterwards experienced a different scene of affairs: and for this reason, in all probability, it was, that Solon warned [Cræsus] to look towards the end of a long life, and pronounce none happy before he was divested of mortality. The death of Hephæstion seems to have contributed much to that of Alexander; for, in my opinion, he had rather have gone before him than have borne the loss of him, in the same manner as Achilles had rather have died in the room of his friend Patroclus, than have been left behind, to revenge his death upon his enemies.
HE had, moreover, a suspicion that the Chaldæans endeavoured to deter him from entering Babylon at that time, not so much buy the advice of the oracle, as for their own private interest: for the temple of 195 Belus is situate in the heart of that city, a most magnificent and stupendous fabric, built with bricks, and cemented together with a bituminous substance, instead of mortar. This, with all the rest of the Babylonian temples, was subverted by Xerxes, at his return from his Grecian expedition: whereupon Alexander determined to repair it, or, as some say, rebuild it upon the old foundations; for which reason he had ordered the Babylonians to clear away the rubbish, for he designed to build it in a more august and stately manner than before: but whereas they had made a much less progress in the work than he expected, during his absence, he had some thoughts of employing his whole army about it. Much land had been consecrated and set apart by the Assyrian monarchs for the god Belus, and much gold had been offered to him. From these the temple was formerly rebuilt, and sacrifices to the god provided: but while the temple lay in ruins, and the annual revenues belonging thereto were appropriated to no particular use, Alexander had given them to the Chaldæans; for which reason he begun to suspect that they designed to hinder him from entering into Babylon, for fear that, in a short time, the temple should be built, and they stripped of such ample revenues. However, Aristobulus assures us that the King was willing to follow the advice of the Chaldæans, and take a journey round, to enter the city with his face towards the east, and accordingly, on the first day, encamped with his army, not far from the Euphrates; but the day after, having the river on his right hand, and marching along the bank for that purpose, he found the design impracticable, for the ground thereabouts was all an impassable morass; wherefore, partly by his own will, and partly against it, he disobeyed the oracle’s advice.
ARISTOBULUS tells us a strange story which happened to one of Alexander’s friends, in this manner: — “When Apollodorus the Amphipolitan (one of the King’s friends who had been deputed to preside over the army, which was left for the security of the province, Mazæus being then governor), met him at his return from India, and perceived how severely he had treated several governors of provinces, he wrote to his brother, Pythagoras, one of those augurs who gave answers by inspecting the entrails of beasts, and consulted him about this own safety. Pythagoras asked him, in answer to his letter, of whom he principally stood in fear, that he might divine accordingly; and when he replied, that he chiefly dreaded Alexander and Hephæstion, the augur first searched the entrails for Hephæstion, and when he saw the laps, or fillets of the liver wanting, he wrote a letter, and sent it sealed to his brother, Apollodorus, then at Ecbatana, wherein he assured him, he needed not stand in fear of Hephæstion, for he would shortly be taken off by death. And Aristobulus tells us, that Apollodorus 196 received this letter the day before Hephæstion’s decease. Then Pythagoras again consulting for Alexander, and finding the fillets of the liver wanting there too, wrote to the same purpose a second time to Apollodorus. He never so much as endeavoured to conceal the matter, but freely communicated the whole story to the King as a testimony of his sincere good will towards, him, and entreated him to beware of the danger which threatened. Alexander hereupon commended him for his fidelity, and when he entered Babylon, he demanded of Pythagoras by what means he was informed of those things which he had written to his brother concerning him; and being answered, that the livers of the sacrifices offered for that purpose were defective; he again inquired what that portended; to which the augur replied, some great mischief. However, the King was so far from being offended at him, that he respected him the more, for relating the whole matter to him simply and sincerely. Aristobulus tells us, he received this story from Pythagoras’s own mouth; who also, afterwards, inspected the entrails for Perdiccas and Antigonus, and gave the same responses, and the events happened accordingly; for Perdiccas was slain making war against Ptolemy, and Antigonus lost his life in a battle against Seleucus, and Lysimachus, at the river Ipsus. A strange story is also related concerning Calanus, the sage, to this effect: — When he was carried toward the funeral pile, immediately before his death he kissed all his friends, and took leave of them, except Alexander; and when he drew near the King, for that end, he refused to kiss and take his leave of him then: but told him he would find him again at Babylon, and do it there. These words were not at all regarded at that time by those who heard them; but the decease of Alexander afterwards, at Babylon, brought them fresh into their memories, and they then looked upon them as a prophecy of death.
WHEN Alexander was on his way to Babylon, he was met by several ambassadors from Greece, but on what particular account they were sent is not certain; though, in my opinion, they might be dispatched by the Grecians to crown him with garlands, and congratulate him for the victories he had gained, as well over other nations as the Indian; and to manifest the public joy for his safe return out of India. But whatever their business was, it is most certain he received them kindly, and sent them safe home highly honoured: and whatever statues of famous men, or images of gods, or other things set apart for divine worship, Xerxes had carried away, and deposited, either at Babylon, or Pasargadæ, or Susa, or any other city of Asia, he delivered them to those ambassadors, to be transported back to Greece; by which means the brazen statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton came to be restored; as also the image of Diana of Cercæa. He had, moreover, a navy of 197 ships at Babylon, as Aristobulus tells us, which were partly brought from the Persian sea, by the river Euphrates, and partly from Phœnicia: those which arrived from Phœnicia were two quinqueremes, three quadriremes, twelve triremes, and thirty gallies of thirty oars a-piece: these were taken to pieces in Phœnicia, and thence conveyed over-land to Thapsacus, upon the river Euphrates, where being again joined, they were carried down the river to Babylon. The same author also tells us, that Alexander had ordered cypress trees to be cut in that province, for building several other ships, they growing there in great plenty; but forasmuch as other naval stores were wanting, which these parts afforded not, he was supplied with them by the purple-fishers and other sea-faring men belonging to Phœnicia and the coast thereabouts. He then dug a deep and capacious bason for a haven, at Babylon, capable of containing a thousand sail of long gallies, and built houses for all manner of naval stores adjoining thereto. He also dispatched Miccalus of Clazomene, with five hundred talents, into Phœnicia and Syria, to hire or procure as many sailors as he could, because he designed to fix colonies all along the shores of the Persian Gulph and the neighbouring islands, for he was of opinion that that coast might, in time, become as rich and populous as the Phœnician coast. He made these extraordinary preparations for fitting out a fleet, on a pretence of making war against the Arabians, a populous nation, because they had neither sent ambassadors to him, requesting his friendship, as all others thereabouts had done, nor made him any presents, nor paid him homage; but my opinion is, it was only his ungovernable ambition which urged him to that attempt, which no acquisitions, however extensive, were capable of satisfying.
SOME authors tell us that he designed to invade the Arabians, because they worshipped only two gods, namely, Cælum and Bacchus. Cælum, or the firmament, because it was visible, and contained within its concave the stars, but especially the sun, which is of vast and universal benefit to mankind; and Bacchus, for the fame of his expedition into India. Wherefore Alexander deemed himself not unworthy to be worshipped by them as a third god, because his great actions were no ways inferior to those of Bacchus; and he resolved, after he had conquered the Arabians, to have restored them their ancient liberties, as he had done the Indians. The fruitfulness of the country was no small temptation to its invader; for he had been informed that Cassia grew there, in the marsh grounds, and that myrrh and frankincense were gathered from the trees; that cinnamon was the produce of a shrub; and that their meadows, without any human art, brought forth plenty of spikenard. The extent of the country, according to his information, 198 along the sea-coast, was not less then India, and that many islands lay not far off; as also, that there were sundry creeks, and other places there fit for the reception of a navy, and divers convenient places to build cities in, which in time might become rich and populous. Two islands were particularly reported to lie in the sea, over against the mouths of the Euphrates; one whereof was not above one hundred and twenty furlongs distant from the mouths of that river, and the sea-shore. This was the lesser of the two, covered with thick woods, and had a temple therein, dedicated to Diana. The inhabitants had their dwellings round the temple. The report goes, that harts, and goats, and other animals, strayed in the woods there unmolested, because it was deemed sacrilegious to take them on any other account than to offer in sacrifice to the goddess. This island, as Aristobulus tells us, Alexander ordered to be called Icarus, from one of that name in the Ægean Sea, wherein Icarus, the son of Dædalus, is said to have fallen, and have been drowned, when he disobeyed his father’s orders, and attempted to fly into the upper regions of the air with wings, which were only cemented together with wax; but the event was, the sun melted the wax, and he fell into the sea, which was afterwards called by his name, as also a small island not far off. The other island is about one day and night’s sail distant from the mouths of the Euphrates, and named Tylus. It is very large and spacious, and not mountainous nor woody, but produces plenty of several sorts of fruits, pleasant and agreeable to the taste. These accounts were delivered to Alexander by Archias, who was dispatched in a ship with thirty oars, on purpose to discover the navigation of those seas; and when he had arrived at the island Tylus, durst proceed no further. However, Androsthenes being sent afterwards with another ship of the same sort, discovered a great part of the Arabian coast. But Hieron of Soli far exceeded all who went before him, upon the discovery of that shore; for he, with a galley of thirty oars, was commanded to sail round the whole Arabian Cherronese, until he arrived at the gulph bordering upon Egypt, and the city of heroes. But neither durst he venture so far as he ought, though he sailed round the country of Arabia. For returning back, he informed the King that he Cherronese was of a vast extent, little less than that of India; and that the promontory or utmost point of land thereof stretched itself far out into the ocean. But this was little more than those who came from India with Nearchus had seen before, as they turned into the Persian Gulph, and were hardly held from attempting further discovery, Onesicritus, captain of the royal galley, having a strong desire to proceed that way. But Nearchus, the admiral, assures us that he restrained them, because their orders extended no further than only to give a good account of the coast along the Persian Gulph. He was not sent out by Alexander to beat the sea, nor to find how far the ocean stretched itself, but to get knowledge of the country adjacent to the sea, to find out who were the inhabitants, what ports or creeks for shipping they had, and what plenty of fresh water; 199 what were their customs and manners; what part of the country produced good, and what part bad fruits; and these orders he had observed for the safety of the army on board his fleet. And he assured them that it was unlikely they should ever return safe, if they steered their course beyond the deserts of Arabia, and that very consideration is said to have deterred Hieron afterwards from proceeding further.
IN the mean time, while they were busied in preparing triremes, and digging the bason at Babylon, Alexander sailed down the Euphrates to the canal called Pallacopas, which is distant from Babylon about eight hundred furlongs. Now Pallacopas is no river arising from fountains, but a canal drawn from the Euphrates. For that river having its rise among the mountains of Armenia, during the whole winter season, is easily confined in its own channel, its waters being then low, because the rains turn to snow; but in the spring, and especially about the summer solstice, the snows melt, and it swells to a prodigious height, and overflowing all its banks, waters the Assyrian fields on each side, and would certainly drown the whole country unless it discharged a vast quantity of its water through Pallacopas into the lakes and marshes, and thence along the confines of Arabia into a fenny country; whence, through sundry secret and subterraneous passages, it finds a way to the sea. When the snows are melted, and the stock of water thence arising exhausted, which usually happens about the setting of the Pleiades, the Euphrates begins to contract itself; yet, nevertheless, still the greatest part of the stream runs through the Pallacopas into the marshy countries, and thence into the sea. Unless, therefore, the mouth of this canal, called Pallacopas, were dammed up, and the stream of the river diverted into its proper channel, Euphrates would be so exhausted of its water, as not to afford enough to overflow the Assyrian fields on each side. Wherefore the governor of Babylon had, at a vast expence, and with immense labour, obstructed that out-let of the river, which was the more difficult to perform, because the ground thereabouts was light and ouzy, and afforded the water an easy passage through, insomuch that ten thousand men were employed three whole months before they could finish the work. Alexander coming to the knowledge of this, was resolved to do something for the benefit of the Assyrians; whereupon he determined to dam up that huge flux of water out of the Euphrates into Pallacopas, in a much more effectual manner than they had already done; and when he had gone about thirty furlongs from the mouth of the canal, he found the earth rocky, which if he proceeded to cut through, and continued it to the ancient channel of Pallacopas, the firmness of the earth would not only hinder the water from soaking through and wasting, but also its out-let at the 200 time of the overflow, would be rendered much more easy and commodious. On this account Alexander sailed down the river Euphrates to the mouth of Pallacopas, and by that canal into the Arabian territories, where, finding a situation suited to this purpose, he built a city, which he environed with a wall, and therein planted a colony of Greek mercenaries, either such as freely consented to settle there, or such as by reason of age or infirmities, were rendered unserviceable in war.
HE then despising the advice of the Chaldeans, because no mischief had befallen him in that city as their oracles predicted (for he had continued in Babylon for some time, and gone out again, and no accident happened), being fully himself, resolved to run all hazards, and determined to sail back through the marshes, having the city on his left hand. And when some of his gallies, by reason of the ignorance of their commanders, had lost their way, among the numerous windings of the river in those fenny places, he sent them skilful pilots to direct them, and bring the whole navy together. Many of the ancient monuments of the kings of Assyria are said to be placed among those marshes, and as Alexander proceeded in his voyage, being governor of his own galley himself, a high wind chanced to rise, which forced the royal tiara, and the fillet which encircled it, off from his head. The tiara, as being the most ponderous, fell into the water, and was irrecoverably lost, but the fillet being carried away by the wind, was caught by a certain reed, growing out of one of the royal monuments, on which account it was deemed an unlucky presage. A sailor then swam thither, and took the fillet off from the reed, and fearing the water might injure it, if he kept it in his hand, he placed it upon his head, and brought it to the king. Many of the writers of Alexander’s life tell us that he had a talent of silver bestowed upon him for his diligence, and was immediately afterwards put to death; the Chaldeans advising the King, that he who had so insolently encircled his temples with the royal diadem ought not to escape with life. However, Aristobulus, whom I much rather listen to, informs us, that he first received a talent for the hazard he had run, and was afterwards ordered to be whipt for his inadvertency, in placing the fillet upon his head; he also assures us, that he was a Phœnician. Some authors relate this story of Seleucus, and affirm that the prodigy signified Alexander’s death, and Seleucus’s advancement to a great part of the empire. He, indeed, of all those who succeeded Alexander, not only received the largest share of sovereignty, but had the most capacious soul, and was possessed of a grater part of the royal treasure than any of the rest.
201WHEN Alexander had arrived at Babylon, he found Peucestas returned from Persia, with twenty thousand Persians, and a great number of Cossæans and Tapurians, two fierce and warlike nations, bordering upon Persia. Philoxemus also arrived with an army out of Caria; Meander with another, out of Lydia, and Menidas with some troops of horse. At this time came ambassadors from Greece, who approached him with crowns upon their heads, and presented him, with crowns of gold, their design being to offer him divine worship. This happened not long before his decease. Then, having extolled the Persians, for paying an exact obedience to Peucestas, and Peucestas for his wise and mild administration of the Persian affairs, he ranked them all among his Macedonian troops, but in such a manner so that the decurio, or person who presided over every company, should be a Macedonian, as also the semi-decurio, so called from the wages he received, being less that the decurio, but more than the common soldiers. Next were twelve Persians, and, last of all, a Macedonian decurio, so that every company contained four Macedonians, three of whom received more stipend than the rest, and the fourth presided over them. The Macedonians were armed with their own country weapons; the Persians partly with arrows, and partly with darts. In the mean time the King took much pleasure in seeing his fleet exercise their oars, and there was a great emulation between the triremes and quadrireme gallies in the river, and crowns were distributed among the victors, as well to the rowers as to the commanders. Then returned those whom he had dispatched to the oracle of Hammon, to enquire what honours he might pay to Hephæstion, who assured him Hammon’s answer was, That he might sacrifice to him as to a hero: which answer pleasing him, he offered sacrifices to him accordingly. He then wrote a letter to Cleomenes, a wicked man, who had done much mischief to Egypt. As to his care for the preservation of the memory of his kindness and good will to Hephæstion, after his death, I cannot think it culpable, but some passages in the same letter scarce admit of an excuse: for, in the first place (writing to Cleomenes), he commands him to build a temple to Hephæstion, in Alexandria, in Egypt, and another in the island Pharus, wherein was a tower, famous both for height and workmanship, which also he ordered to be called after Hephæstion’s name. He moreover commanded that all writings concerning bargains among merchants should be inscribed with his name. There things are only thus far amiss, because he made so much ado about things of small moment. But the contents of the last part of that letter, admits of no apology. “If I,” says he, “at my arrival in Egypt, find that thou hast built these temples and altars to Hephæstion according to my orders, I will not only pardon all the crimes thou hast already committed, but shall hereafter pass by whatever crimes thou 202 shalt commit.” — Such a licence as this, to a cruel man, who had the command over many countries, from so great a King as Alexander, will by no means bear the least extenuation.
BUT now the time of Alexander’s death drew near, whereof Aristobulus gives us this as a particular omen; that while he was distributing the forces which Peucestas had brought out of Persia, and Philoxenus and Menander from the sea-coast, among the Macedonian troops, as is already mentioned, he began to be thirsty, and, departing from his throne, left the seat empty. On each side of the throne were couches, with supporters of silver, for his friends, who then went to accompany the King. In the mean while a certain obscure fellow (some say a captive, who had the privilege of going without fetters), seeing the royal throne, and the couches on each side empty, passed through the middle of the eunuchs, and, ascending the throne, placed himself thereon: the eunuchs then (not daring to drag him down from thence, because the Persian laws forbad them) begun to tear their garments, and beat their breasts and faces, as if some great mischief had been thereby forboded. When Alexander heard the story, he ordered the man who had ascended his throne to be examined, to try if any had advised him to so rash an action; but he only answered, that he did it out of a certain levity of mind, which then took him; whereupon the augurs judged the omen to be much more unlucky. A few days after this, when he offered the accustomed sacrifices for the success of his affairs, and had added some new ones, by the advice of his soothsayers, he feasted his friends, and continued the banquet till late at night. He is also said to have given the flesh of the sacrificed beasts to his army, and ordered wine to be distributed among them, according to their numbers, in each troop and company. Some authors add, that he was then willing to have retired from the banquet to his bed-chamber, but was met on his way by Medius, one of his friends, at that time in high favour, who intreated him to go and make merry with him that night, for that the sports and entertainment there would not displease him.
THE royal diary gives us an account that he eat and drank with Medius, and then retired to rest; and when he awaked, and had washed and refreshed himself, he again supped with Medius, and drank till late at night. When he retired from the banquet, and had washed, he eat a little and lay down there, because he had some symptoms of a fever. Afterwards he was carried in a chair to the temple, and there sacrificed after 203 his usual manner; and this he repeated several days; and when the sacrifices were performed, he lay in an apartment prepared on purpose for him till the evening. In the mean while he issued out orders to the captains of his troops to make ready for a march in four days time, and even nominated those who should travel on foot; but those that were to go on board the fleet with him were to prepare themselves against the fifth day. After this he was carried to the river, and, being put on board one of his gallies, was conveyed to some pleasant gardens on the other side, where, after he had washed, he went to rest. The next day he again bathed, and performed his accustomed sacrifices, which done, he entered his chamber, and held discourse with Medius, having given orders to his officers to attend him in the morning. He then supped moderately, and, being conveyed to bed, had a continued fever upon him all that night. However, the next morning he again washed and sacrificed, and ordered Nearchus, and the rest of his captains, to prepare for sailing the third day. The next day he washed and sacrificed as before, but his fever still continued; notwithstanding which he again called his captains to him, and ordered all things to be made ready for a voyage, and having bathed, his fever increased towards the evening. The next day he was carried into a house adjacent to the bath, where he performed his usual sacrifices, and once more called his chief officers about him, to give orders concerning the intended voyage. The day following he was, with great difficulty, carried to sacrifice; however, he still continued to renew his orders, and, notwithstanding he grew manifestly worse, could not be restrained from sacrificing the day after. He then commanded his chief officers to remain with him in the hall, and the inferior ones to wait at the gates; and, growing still worse, he was conveyed from the hall in the garden, where he then was, into the palace; and his chief officers approaching near, to pay their attendance, he made signs that he knew them, but was not able to speak, nor pronounce any thing articulate, and thus he remained all that night. The day following his fever still increased, and all that night, and the next day continued strong and violent.
AND now his soldiers expressed a great desire to see their King; some doubting whether he was alive, others plainly affirming he was dead, but that his death was concealed by his body-guards: and to such a height at last did their grief drive them, that many of them forced their way through the guards, and entered the royal apartment. But though the King perceived them, his speech had left him; however, with much difficult, he lifted up his head, and, looking upon them, stretched forth his hand to each of them. The same royal diary also informs us, that Python, Attalus, Demophoon, Peucestas, Cleomenes, Menidas, and Seleucus, 204 tarried all night in the temple of Serapis; and having asked that god whether it would not be better for Alexander to be brought into his temple, to be restored to health by him, were answered by the oracle that he should not be brought, for it was best for him to continue where he was. This answer was brought back to Alexander by his friends, and in a short while after, as if the oracle had pronounced that the best, he died. Ptolemy and Aristobulus, in their accounts of these transactions, differed not much from the royal dairy. However, some authors add, that being asked by his friends to whom he would bequeath his empire, he replied, “To the strongest.” — Others affirm that he told them he foresaw with what vast slaughter and effusion of blood his kingdoms would perform his obsequies.
I MUST not here forget to take notice, that many other particulars have been related by authors concerning Alexander’s death; as that he died of poison, sent him by Antipater, and made up by Aristotle, he fearing him, because he had already put Callisthenes to death: they add, that this poison was conveyed thither by Cassander, the son of Antipater, in the hoof of a mule, and given to the king by Jollas, Cassander’s younger brother. This Jollas was one of the King’s cup-bearers, and had received a reproof from him a little while before. Others add, that Medius, having a vast esteem for Jollas, was privy to the villany against his sovereign, for which reason he detained him thus drinking; and immediately after he had swallowed the fatal cup, he felt pains so acute and grievous, that he was forced to retire from the banquet. One author, in particular, has not blushed to add, that when he begun to despair of recovery, he was willing to have been conveyed privily to the Euphrates, to have cast himself therein, that so, being snatched suddenly from human eyes, he might have given posterity the greater assurance, that, as he came from a race of gods, he was returned to the gods; but Roxane, his wife, understanding his resolutions, hindered him; and when she began to bewail her state, and to shed tears, he told her she envied him the glory of his divine original. These stories I have thus recorded, rather that I might not be seen to be ignorant that such reports were blazed abroad, than that I imagined them worthy of the least credit.
Alexander died in the hundred and fortieth olympiad, as Aristobulus informs us, when Hegesias was Archon at Athens, after he had lived thirty two years and eight months, and reigned twelve years and eight months. His body was beautiful and well 205 proportioned; his mind brisk and active; his courage wonderful. — He was strong enough to undergo hardships, and willing to meet dangers, ever ambitious of glory, and a strict observer of religious duties. As to those pleasures which regarded the body, he shewed himself indifferent; as to the desires of the mind, insatiable. In his counsels he was sharp-signed and cunning, and pierced deep into doubtful matters, by the force of his natural sagacity. In marshalling, arming, and governing an army, he was thoroughly skilled; and famous for exciting his soldiers with courage, and animating them with hopes of success, as also in dispelling their private fears by his own example of magnanimity. He always entered upon desperate attempts with the utmost resolution and vigour, and was ever diligent in taking any advantage of his enemy’s delay, and falling upon them unawares. He was a most strict observer of his treaties; notwithstanding which, he was never taken at a disadvantage, by any craft or perfidy of his enemies. He was sparing in his expences for his own private pleasures, but, in the distribution of his bounty to his friends, liberal and magnificent.
IF any thing can be laid to Alexander’s charge, as committed in the heat and violence of wrath, or if he may be said to have imitated the barbarian pride a little too much, and born himself too haughtily, I cannot think them such vast crimes; and especially when one calmly considers his green years, and uninterrupted series of success, it will appear no great wonder if court sycophants, who always flatter princes to their detriment, sometimes led him away. But this must be said in his behalf, that all antiquity has not produced an example of such sincere repentance in a King as he has shewed us. For the greatest part of men, though they be never so conscious of their own crimes, imagine that they can cover them from the knowledge of others, by setting them up for virtues; but, in my opinion, the only means of mollifying a crime is, a free acknowledgment thereof, and the giving manifest signs of penitence: for whoever has received an injury, is willing to think himself less grieved if the aggressor confesses his guilt, and he has some hopes that he will never suffer by him again when he sees him so sincerely concerned for what is past. I cannot condemn Alexander for endeavouring to draw his subjects into the belief of his divine origin, nor be induced to believe it any great crime, because it is very reasonable to imagine he intended no more by it than merely to procure the greater authority among his soldiers. Neither was he less famous than Minos, or Æacus, or Rhadamanthus, who all of them challenged kindred with Jove; and none of the ancients condemned them for it; nor were his glorious actions any way inferior to those of Theseus, or Ione, though the former claimed Neptune, and the latter Apollo, for his father. His assuming and wearing the Persian habit seems to 206 have been done with a political view, that he might appear not altogether to despise the barbarians, and that he might also have some curb to the arrogance and insolence of his Macedonians. And for this cause I am of opinion, he placed the Persian Melophori among his Macedonian troops and squadrons of horse, and allowed them the same share of honour. Long banquets and deep drinking, Aristobulus assures us, were none of his delights; neither did he prepare entertainments for the sake of the wine (which he did not greatly love, and seldom drank much of) but to keep up a mutual amity among his friends.
WHOEVER therefore attempts to condemn or calumniate Alexander, does not so much ground his accusation upon those acts of his which really deserve reproof, but gathers all his actions as into one huge mass, and forms his judgment thereupon: but let any man consider seriously who he was, what success he always had, and to what a pitch of glory he arrived; who, without controversy, reigned King of both continents, and whose name has spread through all parts of the habitable world, and he will easily conclude, that in comparison of his great and laudable acts, his vices and failings are few and trifling, and which, in so prodigious a run of prosperity, if they could be avoided (considering his repentance and abhorrence of them afterwards), may easily be overlooked, and are not of weight sufficient to cast a shade upon his reign. For I am persuaded there was no nation, city, nor people then in being, whither his name did not reach; for which reason, whatever origin he might boast of, or claim to himself, there seems to me to have been some divine hand presiding both over his birth and actions, insomuch, that no mortal upon earth either excelled or equalled him; and this seems to have been signified by the presages at his death, the apparitions seen by sundry people in dreams as well as waking; the honours so near divine, which were decreed him: and, lastly, the responses of oracles pronounced in honour of him, to the Macedonian nation, so long after his decease. And though I take the freedom, in this history of his actions, sometimes to censure him, yet I cannot but own myself an admirer of them altogether: I have, however, fixed a mark of reproach upon some of them, as well for the sake of truth as the public benefit, upon which account, by the assistance of Providence, I undertook this work. END OF THE SEVENTH BOOK.
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