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From Illustrations of Chaucer's England, edited by Dorothy Hughes, M.A.; Longmans, Green and Co.; 1919.
. . . The general complaint reaches us, and that effective teacher, experience, shows us, that the priests now surviving, not considering that they have been preserved from the perils of the late pestilence to perform their ministry for the sake of God’s people . . . and not on account of their own merits; and not blushing, in that 160 their insatiable avarice is mischievously drawn into an example by other workers, disregard the cure of souls . . . not caring to undertake such cure, or bear the burdens pertaining to it, and betake themselves to the celebration of annuals and other private masses. And, not contented with the accustomed stipends, they exact excessive payment for their services, so that under an unpretentious name, and with but light labour, they may claim more profit than if they had cure of souls. Whence it will come to pass, unless their unreasonable appetite be restrained, that many churches, prebends, and chapels will remain utterly destitute of the services of priests.
The Commons also ask that since, by reason of the great cheapness and abundance of corn in the realm, labourers and artificers are not willing to serve a whole half year, or a quarter, nor take allowance of corn as they were wont to do formerly, but will only serve by the day, taking all their hire in money; and also they take bovates1 and half bovates from the lords, the which is not sufficient to maintain them or keep them occupied, to excuse themselves from serving by terms, and the remainder of the time they serve by the day, taking their hire in money . . . that it may please our lord the King and his Council that the Statute of Labourers be expressly declared on this point, and fitting remedy be ordained in other ways against these mischiefs.
Answer — As for this article, the Statute is sufficient upon the point, if it be used and well executed.
1 The eighth part of a plough-land.
161It is assented in this present Parliament that the Statute of Labourers formerly made shall stand in all points, except the pecuniary penalty, as to which it is accorded that from henceforth the labourers shall not be punished by fines and ransoms; and it is agreed that the Statute shall be enforced by punishment . . . in the following manner; — that the lords of townships may arrest and imprison them for 15 days, if they will not submit, and then sent them to the nearest gaol, to remain until they are willing to do so. . . .
And that in this ordinance shall be comprised carpenters and masons, as well as all other labourers . . . and that they henceforth take payment by the day, and not by the week, or in other manner. . . .
And that all alliances and conspiracies of masons and carpenters made . . . between them shall be henceforth undone and annulled; so that each mason or carpenter . . . be compelled by his master whom he serves to do all work that pertains to him, of freestone or rough stone; and also every carpenter, according to his degree.
In this . . . year, on January 13th . . . there arose an excessively violent and horrible storm of wind, greater, as men believed, than had ever before been known, for woods, orchards, and tress of all kinds were prostrated, more than can well be told, many being torn up by the roots in incredible fashion. . . . It destroyed churches, mills, belfries, walls and houses, and did inestimable damage to buildings in London. . . .
162In the same year the people were overwhelmed by a general mortality, which was called the second pestilence. Both great and small folk died, especially infants and the young.
“Since by the pestilences and the great winds divers extraordinary mischiefs have occurred, so that various manors, lands and tenements, held of our lord the King in chief, as well as others, are all desolate, wasted and ruined, as well the tenant and villein holdings as the chief manors, and such tenants in villeinage as were before cannot now be found . . . and to escape these mischiefs, and to have some profit from their lands and wastes, the lords of such decayed places lease them, in whole or in part, for a life tenancy.
To our lord the king and his sage Parliament, the commons show and entreat that, whereas various ordinances and statutes have been made in divers Parliaments for the punishment of labourers and artificers and other servants, the which have continued subtly, by great malice aforethought, to escape the penalty of the said Ordinances and Statutes; so that as soon as their masters accuse them of mal-service, or wish to pay them for their services according to the form of the Statutes, they take flight and depart suddenly out of their employment, and out of their own district, from county to county, hundred to hundred and town to town, in strange places unknown to their masters; so that they know not where to find them to have remedy or suit against them by virtue of the aforesaid 163 Statutes. And if such vagrant servants be outlawed at the suit of party, there is no profit to the suitor, or harm or chastisement for such fugitive servant, because they cannot be found, and never think of returning to the district where they have served in this way. And that above all greater mischief is the receiving of these vagrant labourers and servants when they have thus fled their masters’ service, for they are taken into service immediately in fresh places, at such high wages that example and encouragement is given to all servants to go off into fresh districts, and from master to master, as soon as they are displeased about anything. And for fear of such flight, the commons dare not now challenge or offend their servants, but give theme whatever they like to ask, in spite of the Statutes and Ordinances made to the contrary, and this principally for fear of their being received elsewhere as it is said. But if such fugitive servants were universally seized throughout the realm, at their coming to offer their services, and put into the stocks, or sent to the nearest gaol, to stay there until they had confessed whence they had come, and from whose service; and if it were known in all districts that such vagrants were to be arrested in this way and imprisoned, and not received into the service of others, as they are, they would have no desire to flee out of their district as they do, to the great impoverishment, ruin, and destruction of the commons, if remedy be not applied as speedily as possible. And be it known to the King and his Parliament that many of the aforesaid wandering labourers have become mendicant beggars, to lead an idle life, and they generally go out of their own district into cities, boroughs, and other good towns to beg, when they are able-bodied, and might well ease the community by living by their labour and service, if they were willing to serve. Many of them become “staff-strykers,” and lead an idle life, and commonly they rob poor people 164 in simple villages, by two, three, or four together, and are evilly suffered in their malice. The greater part generally became strong thieves, increasing their robberies and felonies every day on all sides, in destruction of the realm.
In the year of grace, 1348, which is the 22nd year of the reign of King Edward, third from the Conquest, when peace had been secured throughout the whole of England, is seemed to the English that as it were a new sun was rising over the land, on account of the abundance of peace, the plenty of all goods, and the glorious victories. For there was no woman of account who did not possess somewhat of the spoils of Calais, Caen, and of other cities across the sea; garments, furs, pillows and household utensils, tablecloths and necklaces, gold and silver cups, linen cloths and sheets, were to be seen scattered throughout England in different houses. Then the ladies of England began to pride themselves upon the apparel of the ladies of France, and while the latter lamented the loss of their things, so the former were rejoicing a having obtained them.
The Commons were besotted in excess of apparel, in wide surcoats reaching to their loins, some in garments reaching to their heels, close before and flowing out on the side, so that on the back they make men seem women, and this they call by a ridiculous name, “Gown”. Their hoods are little, tied under the chin, and buttoned like the women’s, but set with gold, silver, and precious stones. Their liripipes reach to their heels, all jagged. They have 165 another weed of silk which they call a paltok. Their hose are of two colours, or pied with more, which with latchets which they call herlots they tie to their paltoks. Their girdles are of gold and silver, rich people’s worth 20 marks, and those of the middling sort, as squires and other freemen, worth 100 shillings or five marks, or 20 shillings, when all the time they have not 20 pence in their coffers. Their shoes and pattens are snowted and piked more than a finger long, cocking upwards, which they call “crakows,” more like the Devil’s claws then men’s trappings, which are fastened to the knees with chains of gold and silver. And thus they are garmented which are lions in the hall and hares in the field. They are slow to bestow gifts, but eager to receive them, forward in jesting, but wearied by serious discourse. Whence it appears that this people, on account of the too lavish gifts of God, grows wanton in pride, luxury, gluttony, and the other deadly sins, whence it is to be feared that a divine scourge will come upon them.
It is ordained . . . first, as to grooms, as well the servants of great men as of traders and craftsmen, that they shall be served once a day with meat or fish, the rest with other food, as milk, cheese, butter, and other such victuals according to their estate. And they shall have cloth for their apparel whereof the whole cloth does not exceed two marks. . . . And that they shall not use any article of gold or silver, or embroidered or enamelled, or of silk. . . .
And their wives, daughters and children shall be of the 166 same condition in their apparel; they shall wear no veils, exceeding 12d, each. . . .
And that carters, ploughmen, drivers, oxherds, cowherds, shepherds, swineherds, dairywomen, and other keepers of beasts, threshers of corn, and all manner of men engaged in husbandry, and other people who have not goods and chattels worth 40s., shall wear no cloth save blanket and russet, 12d. the yard. They shall wear no girdles, and shall have linen according to their condition. They shall live upon such food and drink as is suitable, and then not in excess.
Because it is often shown to the King by the prelates, dukes, earls, barons, and all the commons, what great mischiefs have happened to many persons, because the laws, customs, and statutes of the realm are not commonly known, by reason that they are pleaded, set forth and judged in the French tongue, which is too unknown in the said realm. So that people who plead or are impleaded in the King’s courts and others, have no knowledge or understanding of what is said for or against them by their sergeants or pleaders — Also that according to reason the said laws and customs would the sooner be learned and known, and better understood in the tongue used in this realm, and so everyone could better conduct himself without breaking the law, and better safeguard his inheritance and possessions. And in various other regions and countries where the King and the nobles and others of this kingdom have been, there is good governance and full right is done to all men, because their laws and customs are learnt and used in the tongue of the land. — For the above causes the King has ordained and established that 167 all pleas which shall be pleaded in any of his courts before any of his justices, . . . or before any other of his ministers, or in the courts and places of other lords of the realm, shall be shown, pleaded, defended, answered and debated in the English tongue. . . . And they shall be entered and enrolled in Latin.
. . . And here the friars with their fautours sayn that it is heresy to write thus Goddis lawe in English, and make it knowen to lewid1 men. . . . It semeth first that the wit of Goddis lawe shulde be taught in that tunge that is more knowen. . . .
Also the worthy realm of France, notwithstanding all lettings,2 hath translated the Bible and the Gospels, with other true sentences of doctors out of Latin into Frenche, why shoulden not Englische men do so? As lords of England have the Bible in Frenche, so it were not against reason that they should have the same sentence in English. . . .
. . . And herfore friars have taught in England the Paternoster in Englische tongue, as men see in the play of York, and in many other countries.3 Sithen the Paternoster is part of Matthew’s gospel, as clerks know, why should not all be turned into English? specially sithen all Christian men, learned and lewid, that shall be saved, must algates sue4 Christ, and know his lore and his life. But the Commons of Englishmen know it best in their mother tongue.
1 Lay, unlearned.
2 Hindrance.
3 Districts.
4 Follow.
168. . . Children in scole, ayeinst the usage and manner of all other naciouns beeth compelled for to lefe hire own langage, and for to construe hir lessons and hire thynges in Frensche, and so they haveth seth the Normans came first into Engelond. Also gentil men children beeth i-taught to speke Frensche from the tyme they beeth i-rokked in hire cradel, and kunneth1 speke and play with a childes broche. And uplondisshe men wil likne hym self to gentil men, and fondeth2 with greet busynesse for to speke Frensche, for to be i-tolde of.
This manere was moche i-used to for firste deth, and is sithe sumdei i-chaunged. For John Cornwaille, a maister of grammer, chaunged the lore in grammer scole, and construccion of Frensche into Englische; and Richard Pencriche learned the maner techynge of hym and of other men of Pencrich; so that now, the yere of our Lord a thousand thre hundred and four score and fyve . . . in alle the gramere scoles of England, childred leveth Frenche and construeth and lerneth in Englische. And heveth therby avauntage in oon side and disavauntage in another side; hire avauntage is, that they lerneth hir grammer in lesse tyme than children were i-woned to do; disavauntage is that now children of grammer scole conneth no more Frenche than can hir left heele, and that is harme for them and they schulle passe the see and travaille in straunge londes, and in many other places. Also gentil men haveth now moche i-left for to teche hire children Frensche.
[HIGDEN]. . . . All the longage of the Northumbres, and speciallich at Your, is so scharp, slitting, and frotynge and 169 unschape, that we southerne men may that longage unnethe understonde. I trowe that that is bycause that they beeth nigh to straunge men and naciouns that speketh strongliche, and also bycause that the kynges of Englond woneth alwey fer from that countrey. For they beeth more i-turned to the south contrey, and if they gooth to the north contrey they gooth with greet help and strengthe. The cause why the beeth more in the south contrey is for hit may be better corne londe, more people, more noble citees, and more profitable havenes.
1 Can, know how to.
2 Try, seek.
Notheless men of the south beeth esier and more mylde; and men of the north be more unstable, more cruel, and more unesy; the myddel men beeth somdele partyners with bothe. Also they woneth hem to glotonye more than other men, and beeth more costlewe in mete and in drynke and in clothyng. . . . These men been speedful bothe on horse and on foote, able and redy to alle manere dedes of armes, and beeth i-woned to have the victorie and the maistrie in everich fight wher no treson is walkynge; and beeth curious, and kunneth well i-now telle dedes and wondres that thei haveth i-seie. Also they gooth in dyvers londes, unnethe beeth eny men richere in her owne lond othere more gracious1 in fer and in straunge londe. They konneth betre wynne and gete newe than kepe her owne heritage; therfor it is that they beeth i-spred so wyde and weneth that everich londe is hir owne heritage.2 The men beeth able to al manere sleithe and witte, but to fore 170 the dede blondrynge and hasty, and more wys after the dede; and leveth ofte lightliche what they haveth bygonne. Therfore Eugenius the pope seide that Englisshe men were able to do what ever they wolde, and to be sette and putte to-fore alle othere, nere that light wytte letteth.3 And as Hannibal saide that the Romayns myghte nought be overcome but in hir owne cuntray; so Englische men mowe not be overcome in straunge londes, but in hir own cuntray the beeth lightliche overcome. These men despiseth hir owne and preiseth other menis, and unnethe beeth apaide with hir owne estate;4 what byfalleth and semeth other men, they wolleth gladlyche take to hem self. Therfor hit is that a yemen arraieth hym as a squyer, a squyer as a knight, a knight as a duke, and a duke as a king.
1 “More fortunate in far coasts” — a fifteenth century translation; this gives the sense of the original.
2 Similarly, “trowing all the world to be a country to them”.
3 “If constancy did not prevent them.”
4 “Never content of the state of their degree” (15th cent. translation).
Whereas the city of London is the dwelling-place of our lord the King and of all the great men and great part of the commons, and foreign merchants and others, more than anywhere else in the realm, . . . in the said city there is such great dearness of victuals, as of wines, meat, fish, hay, oats, poultry, and all other things, that for the most part they are sold three times as dearly as they were bought, to the great damage of the King, the great men, and the commons, especially giving occasion to foreign merchants, who come to England for the staple or other advantage of the realm, to refrain from coming, owing to his, and for default of justice in the city — to the bad example of all the cities, boroughs, and market towns in England.
171Because armourers and others who have armour for sale, anticipating the need of the great men and other our faithful lieges, who are shortly to set out with us for the defence of the realm, for such armour, are now attempting to sell all kinds of armour . . . at too excessive price, and otherwise than it used commonly to be sold before the announcement of the expedition; to the no small loss of ourselves and our lieges, and the evident hindrance of our setting out — We command you . . . to cause speedy search to be made in all houses of armourers and others who have arms for sale, and to cause these to be appraised, taking into consideration the value of the metal and the making and preparing of them, and sold at a moderate profit . . . so that by your negligence, and the cunning malice of these armourers, the said expedition be not delayed.
For the keeping of our lord the King’s peace in the city of London and its suburbs, it is ordained by the King and his Council, with the assent of the mayor, aldermen, and community of the city, as follows: —
That none shall be so bold to go wandering in the city or its suburbs after the hour of curfew, rung at the Church of Our Lady at Bow, unless it be one known to be of good report, or his servant, for good cause, and then with a light; the which curfew shall be sounded at dusk.
And if any be found wandering contrary to this ordinance, he shall at once be arrested and sent to Newgate 172 prison, to stay there until he had paid a fine to the City for his contempt, and given surety for his good behaviour.
Also that none . . . come armed into the City or its suburbs, nor bear arms by day or night, except the servants of the great lords of the land, bearing their masters’ swords in their presence; the sergeants-at-arms of our lord the King, Madame the Queen, the Prince, and the King’s other children; and the officers of the city, with those who shall accompany them, to help in keeping the peace. . . . Upon the same penalty, and with forfeit of their arms and armour.
Also, that every hosteler and innkeeper shall warn his guests to leave their arms at their inns, when they are lodged there; if they do not do so, for lack of warning by the host, and if they shall be found bearing arms, contrary to this ordinance, the host shall be punished by fine or imprisonment. . . .
Also . . . if any person draw a sword or knife, even though he do not strike, he shall pay half a mark to the city, or stay in prison for 40 days; if he strike another with his fist, though he have not drawn blood, he shall pay 2s. or eight days’ imprisonment; if he draw blood with his fist, he shall pay 40d. or have twelve days’ imprisonment. And before they set free, such persons shall give surety for their good behaviour. . . .
Also that no trader or other, having a dwelling in the city, shall keep in his employment or service, or in any other manner, men other than those for whose good behaviour he is willing to answer to the King and the people. . . .
Also, that each alderman shall cause good watches to be made in his ward, for the better keeping of the peace, so that, if ill come from default of the watches, the alderman shall answer for it at his peril. . . . And he shall keep the names of all persons living or staying with the dwellers in 173 his ward, as well those who are put into private places for work, as others.
“My lord King, behold what deceits are practised by your court in these days. Proclamation is made in the markets that none shall take oats or other things from any persons unless he pay for them as he is bound, under heavy penalty — And none the less, the harbingers of your court, and various grooms and servants, take many goods by violence from their owners, bread, beer, eggs, poultry, beans, peas, oats, and other things, for which scarcely any payment is made. . . .
And they take men and horses during agricultural labour, and plough beasts and beasts of burden, to labour for two or three days in your service, receiving nothing for their labour.”
For the grievous complaint which has been made of purveyors of victuals for the households of the King and queen, and their eldest son, and of other lords and ladies of the realm, the King of his own will, without motion of the great men or commons has granted and ordained, in ease of his people, that from henceforth no man of the said realm shall have right of taking, but only himself and the queen his companion. And moreover . . . it is 174 ordained and established that upon such purveyances henceforth to be made for the households of the King and queen, ready payment shall be made in hand, namely, the price for which such victuals are sold commonly in the neighbouring markets.
And that the hateful name of purveyor be changed, and named buyer; and if the buyer cannot well agree with the seller of that which he requires, then the takings which shall be made for the said two households shall be made by view, testimony, or appraisement of the lords, or their bailiffs, constables, and four good men of every town, and that by indenture to be made between the buyers and the said lords or bailiffs. . . .
And the takings shall be made in fitting and easy manner, without duresse, compulsion, menace, or other villainy, and in such places where there is greatest plenty, and at a meet time. And that no more be taken than be required for the same two households; and that the number of the buyers be diminished as much as well may be; and such persons shall be buyers as be sufficient to answer to the King and his people. . . .
And that none be bound to obey the buyers of other lords against his will, nor those of the said two households, unless they make ready payment in hand. . . .
And for the carriage . . . for all manner of takings and buyings to be made . . . ready payment shall be given, in the same manner as for the takings. . . .1
And if any buyer, after the new commissions be made, make any takings or buyings, or any taking of carriage in other manner than is specified . . . he shall have punishment of life and limb, as in other statutes is ordained of purveyors.
1 It was customary for payment to be made by means of receipts, or tallies, payable often at some place a considerable distance away.
175The commons pray that whereas in times past our lord the King and his progenitors used to have their own carriage, namely, horse and carts for the service of their household — now the purveyors of his household, in default of his own carriage, and of good management, take horses, carriages and carts of the poor commons, for ten leagues around where the King is keeping his household, as well those of persons belonging to districts three or four score away, passing along the road, as of persons dwelling in the same district. . . . Wherefore they entreat, as a work of charity, that it may be ordained that our lord the King be served for himself and his household with carriage . . . at his own cost, without burdening or damaging the poor commons.
Because by the laws and customs of our realm, which by the oath made at our coronation, we are bound to preserve, all our lieges within the said realm, as well poor as rich, ought freely to sue, defend, and have justice and right, and the accomplishment and execution thereof, in any of our courts and elsewhere, without being disturbed or oppressed by maintenance, threat, or in any other manner; — and now so it is, that in many of our Parliaments heretofore held, especially in the Parliaments held last at Cambridge and Westminster, grievous plaint and great clamour hath been made to us, as well by the lords spiritual and temporal as by the commons of the said realm, of the great and outrageous oppressions and maintenance made to the 176 damage of us and our people, in divers parts of the realm, by divers maintainors, instigators, barettors, procurours, and embracers of quarrels and inquests in the country, many of whom are all the more encouraged and bold in their maintenance and evil deeds aforesaid, because they are of the retinue of lords and others of our realm, with fees, robes and other liveries called liveries of company —
We have ordained and straitly forbidden, by the advice of our great council, that any prelate or other man of Holy Church, or batchelor, squire, or other of less estate, give any manner of such livery called livery of company.
And that no duke, earl, baron, or banneret give such livery of company to a knight or squire, if he be not retained with him by indenture for the term of his life, for peace or war, without fraud or evil device, or unless he be a domestic and familiar dwelling in his household; nor to any valet called yeoman archer, nor other of less estate than squire, if he be not in like manner a familiar abiding in his household.
And that all lords spiritual and temporal, and all others of what condition or estate they be, shall utterly oust all such maintainors . . . from their fees, robes, and all manner of liveries, and from their service, company and retinue, without receiving any such in their retinue in time to come; and that no lord spiritual or any other who hath or shall have people of his retinue, shall suffer any that belong to him to be a maintainor . . . in any manner, but shall put them away from his service, as soon as it can be discovered. . . .
And that none of our lieges, great or small, of whatever condition or estate, whether he be of the retinue of any lord or other person whatever not being of a retinue, shall undertake any quarrel other than his own, nor maintain it by himself or by other, secretly or openly; and that all 177 those who use and wear such livery called livery of company, contrary to this our ordinance, shall leave them off altogether within ten days after the proclamation of this ordinance, without using or wearing them any more afterwards.