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From Illustrations of Chaucer's England, edited by Dorothy Hughes, M.A.; Longmans, Green and Co.; 1919.
Edward, by God’s grace, King of England and France and Lord of Ireland to the honourable Father in God, John by the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England; and to our Chancellor and Treasurer, greeting. — Because we believe that you will gladly hear news as to the state of matters with us, we do you to wit that this last Wednesday before the first of August our adversary of France with all his power came and camped near us, on some high ground on the other side of the marsh. And on his coming some of our host fell in with his men and skirmished with them, taking prisoner a goodly company of knights and squires. On the same day the cardinals1 came to the end of the causeway, and sent their letters to our cousin of Lancaster and other great men of our host, praying that they would speak with them. Wherefore, with our permission, our cousins of Lancaster and Northampton went there, and the cardinals begged them in very pressing manner that treaty might be had, and said that they were assured that our adversary would make us such offers of peace as would reasonably be acceptable. And at the instance of the said cardinals, being ready, as we are, and always have been to accept a reasonable peace whenever it may be offered us, we willingly agreed to such discussion. And therefore our cousin of Lancaster had two pavilions set up on a spot within our ground, between the two armies; where there came together, with the cardinals the Marquis of Juliers, our said cousins of Lancaster and Northampton, our Chamberlain, Sir Bartholomew Burghersh, Sir Reginald Cobham, and Sir Walter Manny, on our part; and the Dukes of Bourbon and Athens, the Chancellor of France, the Lord of 63 Offémont, and Sir Geoffrey de Charny for our adversary. They held discussion together, and those treating for the other party began to speak of the town of Calais, and were all for surrendering the town in such manner that those within might go free with their goods and chattels; and then, when that was done, they would treat of peace. Our people replied that they were not charged to speak about the town, but to treat of peace, if a reasonable means might be shown. But those of the other side were obstinate about the matter of the town, so that they could only with much difficulty be brought to offer anything. But at last they offered the Duchy of Guienne, as the King’s grandfather held it, and the county of Ponthieu. Our people answered that this offer was too small to requite our great damage. They treated so for three days without result, for those of the other side stood always upon parley about the town, to have saved the people within by some subtlety. And then upon the Tuesday, towards vespers, certain great men and knights came from our adversary to the place of treaty, and on his part offered our people battle so that we should be willing to come outside the marsh, and he would give us a fitting place for fighting whenever it pleased us, between then and the Friday evening next following. And they desired that four knights of our people, and four others of theirs should choose a fitting place for both sides. Upon this our people replied that they would cause this offer to be put before us, and would give them answer on the ensuing Wednesday. When this matter was shown to us, we took counsel with the great men, and other discreet persons of our council and our host, and trusting in God and our right, we caused answer to be made that we accepted their offer, and would willingly have battle. And we had our letters of conduct make out for four knights of the other side to come to our host, so that we might take four others of the same estate, 64 and these eight knight should swear to go and view and seek out suitable places until they were agreed. But now, when those of the other side had heard this reply, they began to veer about in their offers, and to talk of the town all afresh as though putting aside the battle; in this way they would hold to nothing certain. And on the Thursday before daybreak our adversary departed with all his people, as though discomfited, making such haste that upon their going they burned their tents and great part of their harness. Our people pursued them close upon their heels, so that at the writing of this they were not yet come back. And for this cause we are not yet certainly resolved what we shall do further; but by all means we intend to go forward in the despatch of our war, with God’s help, as speedily as we can.
1 Annibale Cecccano, Bishop of Frascati, and Etienne Aubert, Bishop of Ostia.
Right dear and very honoured Lord — Please you to hear news from the parts of Brittany that my lord Charles of Blois had laid siege to the town and castle of La Roche Derien, and had in his company 1200 fresh men-at-arms, knights, and squires, and 600 others, and 600 archers of the district, 2000 cross-bowmen, and I know not how many of the common levies. And he had had great entrenchments of ditches made round him, and outside his fortified place he had caused all ditches to be filled, and the hedges to be cut down for the breadth of a good half-league round him, whereby my archers could not find vantage over him and his people, but were perforce obliged 65 to fight in the open field. He and his people knew of my coming upon them by their scouts, and they were drawn up in arms all night. We came upon them, my comrades and I, on the 20th day of June, about the quarter before daybreak, and by God’s grace the business went in such manner that he lost the field, and was plainly discomfited, praised be God.
I had in my company about 300 men-at-arms and 4000 archers, besides Sir Richard de Totesham and Hankin de Isprede, and the garrison of La Roche Derien, who came out when it was daylight and they could make us out, and came to us right chivalrously against the enemy; for we came in conflict with the enemy before sunrise, in four battles, one after another. And there were slain in the fight the lord of Laval, the viscount of Rohan, the lord of Chateaubriand, the lord of Malestroit, the lord of Quintin, the lord of Rougé, the lord of Derval and his son and heir, Sir Ralph de Montfort, and many other knights and squires; between 600 and 700 men-at-arms, and I cannot tell you the number of common people. And there were taken that day my lord Charles of Blois, Sir Guy de Laval, son and heir of the lord of Laval who died in the battle, the lord of Rochefort, the lord of Beaumanoir, the lord of Lohéac, the lord of Tinteniac, and a great number of other knights and squires.
. . . The causes of the Parliament were set out by Sir William de Thorp, in presence of our lord the King, the prelates, earls, barons, and Commons of the realm there assembled. And there were two causes especially touching our lord the King and the whole realm of England, namely, the one cause as to the war that the King has 66 undertaken against his adversary of France, by the common consent of all the great men and Commons of his land, in divers Parliaments held before this time, as has often been rehearsed — what shall be done about it when the present truce shall be at an end. And the other cause, as to the peace of England, how, and in what manner it can be better kept. And upon this the knights of the shires and the others of the Commons were commanded that they should treat together, and inform the King and the great men of his council what they thought about these matters.
The knights and others of the Commons having had deliberation thereupon for four days, at length made answer to the article touching the war in the following manner: —
Most dread lord, as to your war, and the disposing of it, we are so ignorant and simple that we know not, and are not able to give counsel thereon; and of this we pray your gracious lordship to hold us excused; and that it may please you to decide upon this point with the advice of the great men and discreet persons of your council, what shall seem best to you for the honour and profit of yourself and your realm. And we will willingly agree to what shall be thus ordained, and will hold it settled and established.
On the 7th day of October, our lord the King, the prelates, and great men being seated in the White Chamber, 67 the Commons were summoned, and it was shown there by Sir Bartholomew Burghersh, the King’s Chamberlain . . . how that our lord the King had considered how he could best ease his people, who have so often been burdened with impositions and heavy aids made to him before this time, by reason of the war that he has maintained against his adversary of France. . . . And how upon this matter he lately sent persons of the most noble and excellent estate of his realm, as the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Lancaster, and other prelates and great men to Guînes, to treat with the deputies of his adversary in the presence of a cardinal whom our Holy Father sent there to act as intermediary, and in no way as party, and to give him an account of the discussion. And after this discussion the King sent his confessor to the Papal court, to inform the Holy Father in confession how far he would be willing to go, in order that the war between himself and his foe might cease (bearing in mind the mortality that there had been from this cause, and the great mischiefs that he and his people had suffered since the beginning of this same war; and also being desirous of spending part of his time in another war, more pleasing to God, and to His greater honour) — namely, that if his adversary would restore to him the Duchy of Guienne, as freely as any of his ancestors held it, the Duchy of Normandy, and the County of Ponthieu, with the lands that he has conquered from his said foe in France, Brittany, and elsewhere, and also the obedience of Flanders, whereof he is seized, all to be held freely, without homage or other service; then he would willingly resign the said crown, to bring the war to an end. Nor even would he stay for Normandy, that he would not willingly suffer that his foe should have it if it could be shown that he had a right to it.
And as to this the Holy Father should, in a secret manner, sound the wishes of his adversary, for otherwise 68 the King would assent to no other treaty of peace; protesting always that in case his adversary would not accept this, his rights should be saved as fully as they had pertained to him before.
Since then the Holy Father has communicated nothing to our lord the King, although the King afterwards sent his clerk, Master William of Wittlesea, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, to him, to learn some result of the business; but the Archdeacon has reported nothing to the purpose. Wherefore it seems to the King and to the great men and others of the Council that he must needs make ready for war against his foe as well for the defence of the realm, as to recover his rights; for the which preparations he must needs have a great sum of money.2
1 Cf. Stubbs, “Const. Hist.,” ii. 429 (1896).
2 The subsidy on wool and skins was continued for three years, the two last being conditional upon the renewal of war; the whole to be spent only for purposes connected with the war.
It was explained by Sir Bartholomew Burghersh the King’s Chamberlain to the great men and Commons there present, how that there had been treaty between the ambassadors of our lord the King and of his adversary of France, and how there was good hope, with God’s help, of a final and acceptable issue. But the King was unwilling to accept this without the assent of the great men and the Commons. Wherefore the Chamberlain asked them in the King’s name if they would agree to peace, in case one might succeed in obtaining it by treaty and agreement of the parties. To which the Commons replied all with one accord, that whatever issue it should please the King and the great men to accept would be agreeable to them. 69 Upon this reply the Chamberlain said to the Commons, “You are willing, then, to agree to a treaty of perpetual peace, if one may have it?” And the Commons replied unhesitatingly and with one voice, “Yea, Yea”.
. . . Then for the more securing of so great a relief, solemn messengers were sent from each kingdom to the Apostolic See, to wit, on behalf of the King of England, this embassy was discharged by the Bishop of Norwich, the Earl of Arundel, and other knights; and they met at Avignon the Archbishop of Rouen, the Duke of Bourbon, Geoffrey de Charny, and others of the council of France. All the ambassadors were received with great honour, the Duke of Lancaster being met by many cardinals and bishops, who conducted him for two miles to the Pope’s palace in the city. And at last, in the council of the Supreme Pontiff, in the presence of himself, the cardinals, and the ambassadors of both sides, the respective causes of each were put forward. The which having been heard, the English asked for the confirmation of the agreements lately made at Calais between themselves and the ambassadors of France there present. The Frenchmen replied that they would gladly have peace; but as for Aquitaine and the aforesaid counties, they said that the King of France could not permit, and they themselves would not consent, that these, with all the rights therein pertaining to the crown of France should be alienated from that Kingdom, whose integrity they had sworn to preserve. Nevertheless, they would agree that a meet lordship of the duchy and the counties, in the same 70 manner as his ancestors had held Aquitaine should come to the King of England; so always that the sovereignty of the royal crown of France were reserved.
But the English, for the sake of having a lasting peace, asked that these lordships should be granted to their King absolutely and unconditionally; for they considered how that same sovereignty had been wont to provoke former Kings of England and France to war, on account of homage and allegiance being delayed. This request, however, was obstinately refused, although, as the Cardinal of Bologna bore witness, it had lately been admitted at Calais, and confirmed by persons having authority to do so. And further, their argument touching their oath and the King’s by which, as they alleged, they were bound to maintain the honour of their Kingdom in its integrity, was met with the reply that, for the sake of a satisfactory peace, the Pope might be pleased to absolve them from their oath, and that, so far as the foregoing articles were concerned, it would be advisable for this to be done. But in spite of that, the Pope did nothing fresh that was of any avail for the peace of the Church and the two Kingdoms. Wherefore the ambassadors, who had been sent there at heavy expense, returned without achieving any result.
My Lord, as for news of our parts, please you to hear that at the writing of these letters my lord the Prince and all the earls, barons, bannerets, knights, and squires were 71 in good health. And in all this expedition my lord has lost no knight or squire except Sir John de Lisle, who was mortally hurt in most marvellous fashion by a crossbow-bolt on the third day after we came into the enemy’s country, and died on the 15th day of October. And, my lord, please you to know that my lord has raided the county of Armagnac, and taken many walled towns there, and burnt and destroyed them, save certain towns that he has made secure. Then he went into the viscounty of Rivière, and took a good town called Plaisance, the chief town of the country, burning and destroying it, and all the country round about. Then he went into the county of Astarac, took many towns, and laid waste all the country; and next into the county of Comminge, where he took many towns and had them burnt, with the surrounding district. He took the chief town, that is called Samatan, a town as big as Norwich. Then he entered the county of Lisle, and took some of the walled towns, burning many other good towns as he passed through. Then he came into the lordship of Toulouse, where we crossed the river Gironde and another very wide one a league above Toulouse, for the enemy had broken all the bridges on both sides of the city saving those within it, for the river runs through Toulouse; at that time the Constable of France, the Marshal of Clermont, and the Count of Armagnac were therein, with great power. The city is very large, strong and fine, and well walled. There was no man in our host that knew a ford there, but by God’s grace we found it. Then he went through the lordship of Tholosane, taking many good walled towns, the which he has burnt and laid waste, with all the surrounding country.
After that we came into the lordship of Carcassonne, taking many good towns before we came to Carcassonne; we took the town, which is larger, stronger and finer than York; and the whole of this town, and all the others in 72 the district were burnt and destroyed. So we went on several days’ march until we were passed through the country of Carcassonne and were come into the lordship of Narbonne, where we took and pillaged many towns until we came to Narbonne, the which held out against us, and was taken by storm.1 This town is but little smaller than London, and lies on the Greek sea, only two short leagues distant from the open sea; there are a haven and landing-place, whose water comes right up to Narbonne. The town is only 15 leagues from Montpellier, 18 from Aigues-Mortes, and 30 from Avignon. And please you to know that the Holy Father sent his messengers to my lord, who were only seven leagues from him, when they sent a sergeant-at-arms, that was the Holy Father's sergeant-at-arms at the door of his chamber, with their letters to my lord, praying that they might have safe-conduct to come to him; and they showed him their errand from the Holy Father, that was to treat between my lord and his enemies of France. This messenger was two days in the host before my lord would see him or receive his letters; and it was on this occasion that my lord had news that the power of France was come forth from Toulouse, to the neighbourhood of Carcassonne, so that he wished to turn back upon them unexpectedly; and he did so. On the third day, when we were to have come upon them, they had tidings of us before daybreak and withdrew, disappearing into the mountains and strong places, and went by long marches back towards Toulouse. Some of the people of the district, who acted as their guides, to lead them by that road, were captured as they were returning; and because the Holy Father’s sergeant-at-arms was under my guard, I made him question the 73 guides who had been taken in this way; for the man whom he questioned was the guide of the Constable of France, and a native of that district, and he could easily tell and know the bearing of the French from what he had seen. I told the said sergeant that he might tell the Holy Father and all the others at Avignon what he had heard and seen. And as for the answer that my lord made to the messengers, you would think yourself well repaid if you knew all the manner of it. For he would in no wise suffer them to approach nearer to him, but said that if they wished to discuss anything, they should send to the King, and that my lord himself would do nothing except by the King’s command. And as to his turning back after his enemies, the crossing of the Gironde, the taking of castles and towns on the march, and other things that he did against them in the pursuit, they are right noble and illustrious, in manner as my lord Richard Stafford and Sir William Burton can tell you more fully than I can send word by letter. My lord rode against his enemies for eight whole weeks, and tarried not in all these places save eleven days. You must know for certain that since this war began against the King of France, there has never yet been such loss or destruction as he has suffered in this raid. For the districts and good towns that have been laid waste in this expedition found the King of France more every year to carry on his war than did the half of his realm, not reckoning the changing of his money each year, and the custom that he takes of Poitou; as I shall be able to show you by good records that were found in divers towns, in the houses of receivers. For Carcassonne and Limoux, that is as large as Carcassonne, and two other towns near by found the wages of 1000 men-at-arms each year for the King of France, and beyond this, 100,000 old crowns, to maintain his war. And you must know that, from the records 74 that we found, and as burgesses of the great towns, and other persons of the country have told us, the towns laid waste in Tholosane, and the towns of Carcassonne, and the city and country of Narbonne contributed every year, over and above the aforesaid sum, 400,000 old crowns. And with God’s help, if my lord had wherewithal to carry on this war, and to secure the King’s profit and honour, he could greatly extend our marches, and secure many places; for our enemies are much confounded. And at the writing of these letters my lord had resolved to send all the earls and bannerets to stay in various places on the borders, to make raids and harass the enemy.
My lord, I cannot send you other news at present; but what you shall desire of me please you at all times to command me by your letters, as one who is yours with all my might. My right honoured lord, may God grant you long life, joy, and health. Written at Bordeaux, the Wednesday2 next before Christmas Day.
1 Wingfield does not explain the fact, very clearly brought out by Froissart, that the English, here and at Carcassonne, failed to take the fortified “city” as distinguished from the open town.
2 23 December (Kervyn de Lettenhove).
Very dear lord, and right trusty friend, as for news since your departure, please you to wit that there are taken and surrendered five walled towns — namely, Porte Sainte-Marie, Clairac, Tonneins, Bourg Saint-Pierre, Castelsagrat, and Brassac, and seventeen castles. . . . And be pleased to know that Sir John Chandos, Sir James of Audley, and your people who are with them, with the other Gascons who are in their company, Sir Baldwin Botour and his company, and Sir Reginald Cobham took the town called Castelsagrat by storm. And the bastard of l’Isle, captain of the town, was slain as they made the assault, being pierced through the head by an arrow. Sir Reginald is 75 come back to Landak, and Sir Baldwin to Brassac, with their company. Sir John and Sir James, with those of their company remained at Castelsagrat, having enough provisions of all kinds to last until Midsummer, except fresh fish and greens, as they have sent us word by their letters. So that you need not be concerned about your good people. There are in the town more than 300 lances, 300 foot, and 150 archers; they have ridden up to Agen, and burnt all their mills, and they have broken and burnt all their bridges over the Gironde, taking a castle outside the town, the which they secured. Sir John of Armagnac and the seneschal of Agenois who were within the town of Agen would not once put forth their heads, nor any of their men, although our people have been twice before the town. My lord Boucicaut had come up, as well as Sir Ernold of Spain and Grismouton of Chambly with 300 lances and 300 Lombard foot; they are in the town of Moissac in Quercy, but one league from Castelsagrat and one from Brassac, so you may well imagine that there will be a goodly company there to make trial of each other. Please you to know that Sir Bartholomew is at Cognac, with six score men-at-arms of my lord’s household, and six score archers; with the Captal de Buch, the lord Montferrand, and the lord of Carton, who have in their company full 300 lances, six score archers, and 200 foot.
And there are men-at-arms in Taillebourg, Tonnay, and Rochefort, so that when they are together, they may well be 600 lances. At the making of these letters they were out on an expedition to Anjou and Poitou; the Earls of Suffolk, Oxford and Salisbury, the lord of Mucidan, Sir Elie de Pomiers, with other Gascons, well over 500 lances, 200 foot, and 300 archers had been gone more than twelve days towards the parts of Notre Dame de Rochemade, and were not yet returned. Sir John Chandos, Sir James and Sir Baldwin, and those of their company are also 76 departed on a raid, towards their own borders, and so likewise are Sir Reginald and those of the household, with the Gascons in their company. The Earl of Warwick has been at Tonneins and Clairac, to take these towns, and at the writing of these he is gone towards Marmande to destroy their supplies, and whatever else he may. My lord himself is at Libourne, and the lord of Pomiers at Fronsac, but a quarter of a league away; my lord’s people were lying both at Saint-Emilion and at Libourne, and Sir Bernard de Bret is with him. He is awaiting tidings of what shall take place, and according to these he will go where it shall seem best for his honour. At the making of these letters the Count of Armagnac was at Avignon, and the King of Aragon. And as to all other reports that there have been in divers places, whereof you have heard, I can tell you no more, save that you take care to send news to my lord as soon as you can well do so. Right dear Sir, may Our Lord grant you good life and long. Written at Libourne, the 2nd day of January.
Reverend father in God — as we have sure hope that it is by the good and devout prayers of persons of Holy Church and other Christians that the quarrel that we have to pursue on behalf of our very honoured lord and father the King, in these parts will reach the most favourable issue, we earnestly entreat you, putting our trust in you, that you will have the same especially in your devotion; and will command all your subjects, as well the religious 77 parsons, vicars, and others of your jurisdiction, to go twice each week in procession, praying for us; and to pray daily for us in good masses, by some special prayer to be appointed by you. So that by these devotions we may the better win the rights of our said dear lord, and our own. Reverend father in God, the Holy Ghost be guardian of you. Given under our secret seal at Bordeaux, on the 25th day of June.
Right dear and well-beloved, concerning news from the parts wherein we are, be pleased to know that since the time when we informed our most dread lord and father the King that we were of purpose to make a raid against the enemy into parts of France, we took the road towards the country of Perigord and Limousin, and straight n towards Bourges, in Vienne, where we thought to have found the King’s son, the Count of Poitiers. And the principal cause of our going into these parts was that we expected to have news of our lord and father the King, as of his passage. And because we did not find the said Count, nor any other great force there, we drew towards the Loire, and sent our people to ride on and see if we could find a crossing anywhere; these encountered the enemy and they fought together, so that some of the enemy were slain, and taken. The prisoners said that the King of France has sent Grismouton, who was in this company, to give him certain tidings of us and of our power; and that for the 78 same reason he had sent the lord of Creon, the lord Boucicaut, the Marshal of Clermont and others in another direction. The said prisoners also said that the King had made certain resolve to fight with us what time we were on the road towards Tours; and he was on the march in the neighbourhood of Orleans. The next day we had news there where we were lodged that the said lords of Clermont and Boucicaut were in a castle very near our camp; so we resolved to go there, and we came and camped round about them. We agreed to assault the place,2 the which was taken by storm, wherein there were full many of their men taken and slain, and some of ours were slain there too. But the said lords of Clermont and Boucicaut withdrew into a strong tower that was there, the which held out for five days before it was won, whereupon they surrendered. There we were informed that all the bridges over the Loire were broken, and that we could nowhere have passage. Upon this we made our way straight to Tours, and stayed for four days before the town, wherein were the Count of Anjou and the Marshal of Clermont, with great force of men. And on our departing thence we took our road so as to escape any risks from the high floods, expecting to have fallen in with our dear cousin the Duke of Lancaster, from whom we had certain tidings that he would endeavour to come to us.
At this time the Cardinal of Perigord came to us at Montbezon three leagues from Tours, where he had much to say to us concerning a truce, and peace. Upon which parley we made answer that we had no power to make peace, nor would we intermeddle with it without the command and desire of our right honoured lord and father the King; nor, as to a truce, were we at that time of the opinion that it would be best for us to agree to one. For we were there more fully certified that the King had made 79 ready by all possible means to fight with us. So we drew on thence towards Châtelherault for the passage of the river Vienne, where we lay four days, waiting to know more certainly of him. The said King came with his power to Chauvigny, five leagues from us, to cross over the same river towards Poitiers, whereupon we resolved to hasten towards him, on the road that he must take, in order to have fought with him. But his battles were all passed before we could come to the place where we expected to encounter him, saving some part of their people, about 700 men-at-arms, who fought with ours. Here there were taken the Counts of Soussoire and Jounhy, the lord of Châtillon, and great plenty of others, were taken prisoner and slain, both of their men and ours. Our people pursued them as far as Chauvigny, full three leagues off; wherefore we were obliged to lodge that day as near that place as we could, to gather our men together. The next day we set out on our march straight towards the King. We sent on our scouts, who found him with his power ready for battle in the fields a league from Poitiers; so we went as near to him as we could, to take up our position. And we ourselves were on foot and in battle array, ready to fight with him, when the aforesaid Cardinal came up, begging right earnestly , for a little sufferance, so that parley might be arranged between certain persons from both sides, for the purpose of making accord, and having a good peace, which he undertook to bring about in good faith. Whereupon we took counsel and granted his request. Then certain persons from both sides were appointed to treat about this matter, the which treaty brought forth no result. Then the Cardinal wished to have procured a truce at his pleasure, in hindrance of the battle, but this we would not agree to accept. The French asked that certain knights of one side and the other might choose a fair place, so that the battle could in no wise fail; and in this wise it 80 was delayed that day, and the battles of both sides stood all night in their places until the morrow about the hour of prime, and for any forces that were between them, one would not give the other vantage by undertaking the attack. Then for lack of victuals as well as for other reasons it was agreed that we should set out on our march, keeping before them on their flank in such manner that if they desired battle, or to draw towards us in a spot that was not greatly to our disadvantage, we would accept it; and so it was done. Whereupon the battle was joined two days before the Feast of St. Matthew; and, praised be God, the enemy was discomfited, and the King and his son taken prisoner, great plenty of other great men being captured and slain, as our dear batchelor Sir Nigel Loring our Chamberlain, the bearer of this who has full knowledge of it will be able more fully to explain to you, than we may write it. To whom be pleased to give full faith and credence. May Our Lord be pleased to keep you. Given under our secret seal at Bordeaux, the 22nd of October.
1 A translation is given in Riley’s “Memorials of London”.
2 Vierzon.
Truly this battle which was near Poitiers in the fields of Beaumanoir and Maupertuis was right great and perilous, and many deeds of arms were done there which all came not to knowledge, and the fighters on both sides endured much pain. King John with his own hands did that day marvels in arms; he had an axe in his hands wherewith he defended himself. In the breaking of the press there were taken near to him the Earl of Tankarville, Sir Jaques of Bourbon, count of Ponthieu, and the lord John of Artois, count of Eu; and a little above that, under the banner of the Captal de Buch was taken Sir Charles of 81 Artois and many other knights. The chase endured to the gates of Poitiers; there were many slain and beaten down horse and man for they of Poitiers closed their gates and would suffer none to enter. Wherefore in the street before the gate was horrible murder, men hurt and beaten down. The Frenchmen yielded themselves up as far off as they could see an Englishman; and there were many English archers that had four, five, or six prisoners. . . .
So many English and Gascons came up from all directions that perforce they broke up the ranks of the King’s battle, and the French were so mingled with their enemies that at times there were five men upon one gentleman. There were taken the lord of Pompadour, and the lord Bartholomew de Brunes, and Sir Geoffrey de Charny was slain with the banner of France in his hands; and the lord Reynold Cobham took the Earl of Dammartyn. Then there was great press upon the King, for eagerness to take him, and such as were nearest cried, “Sir, yield you, yield, or else you are but dead”. There was a knight of St. Omer, retained in wages with the King of England, called Sir Denis de Morbecke, who had served the English for about five years, because in his youth he had forfeited the realm of France for a murder that he did at St. Omer. It happened so well for him that he was quite near the King when they were about to take him; he pushed through the press by force of his body and arms, for he was tall and strong; and said to the King in good French, “Sir, yield you”. The King, who was in sore straits, and too hard pressed by his enemies, beheld the knight, and said, “To whom shall I yield me? Where is my cousin the Prince of Wales? If I might see him, I would speak with him.” Denis answered, “Sir, he is not here, but yield you to me, and I will bring you to him.” “Who be you?” said the King. “Sir, I am Denis of Morbecke, a knight 82 of Artois, but I serve the King of England, because I am banished the realm of France. . . . Then the King answered, as I was afterwards informed, “I yield me to you,” giving him his right gauntlet, and the knight took it, being greatly rejoiced. There was great press about the King, for every man strove to say, “I have taken him,” so that the King could not go forward with the lord Philip his young son.
Then the Prince had his banner set up high on a bush and trumpets and clarions began to sound; the Prince took off his basinet . . . and a little red pavilion was put up wherein he entered, and drink was brought to the Prince and to the lords who were about him, the which still increased as they came from the chase, for they tarried there and their prisoners with them. When the two marshals were come to the Prince, he demanded of them if they knew any tidings of the French King; they replied, “No, Sir, not of a certainty, but we think he is either dead or taken, for he has not gone out of the battle”. Then the Prince said to the Earl of Warwick and to Sir Reynold Cobham, “I beg of you to go forth, and to ride as far forth that at your return you may show me the truth”. These two lords took their horses and departed from the place, and rode up a little hill to look about them. Then they perceived a great flock of men-at-arms on foot advancing very slowly. There was the King of France in great peril, for Englishmen and Gascons had mastered him; and had taken him from Sir Denis de Morbecke, and separated him from him; and such as were of most force were shouting, “I have taken him”. The King, who knew the rivalry there was among them to have him, to escape the peril said, “Sirs, lead me courteously to my cousin the Prince, and strive not together for my taking, for I am so great a lord as to make you all rich”. The 83 King’s words somewhat appeased then, howbeit ever as they went they continued their brawling.
When the two aforesaid lords saw that strife among them they spurred their horses toward them, saying “Sirs, what is the matter?” They were answered “It is the King of France who is taken prisoner, and there be more than ten knights and squires that challenge the taking of him”. Then the two lords broke up the press with their horses, causing every man to draw back, and ordered them in the Prince’s name on pain of their heads to approach the King no nearer unless they were commanded. . . .
When every man was come back from the chase, they found that they had twice as many prisoners as they were in number in all; then it was counselled among them, because of the great charge and doubt to keep so many, that they should put many of them to ransom incontinent in the field, and so they did. And the knights and squires who were prisoners found the Englishmen and Gascons right courteous; there were many that day let go only on their promise of faith and truth to return again between then and Christmas to Bordeaux with their ransoms. Then that night they lay in the field beside where as the battle had been. Some unarmed them, but not all, and they unarmed all their prisoners, and every man made good cheer to his prisoner; for whosoever took any prisoner in the battle, he was clear his, and he might quit or ransom him at his pleasure. . . . They let them ransom themselves and go quit more courteously than ever men did before; they constrained them no otherwise but that they asked them on their honour how much they could pay, without burdening them too much, and willingly believed what they told them. For they said that they would set no knight’s or squire’s ransom so 84 high but that he might pay at his ease and maintain his degree according to his estate, and ride about to advance his person and his honour. The custom of the Germans nor their courtesy is not such, for they have neither pity nor mercy upon any gentleman, but ransom them to the full extent of their means, and beyond, and put them in stocks and chains, and keep them in prison as straitly as they can, to extort greater ransom from them.
All such as were in this battle with the Prince were all made rich with honour and goods, as well by ransoming of prisoners as by winning of gold, silver, plate, and jewels, that there were found, and of chests filled with rich heavy belts and fine cloaks. There was no man that did set anything by rich harness, whereof there was great plenty, for the French had come there richly arrayed, as weening [ blank 3 ems worth of space in text] have had the day for themselves.
The King to all those who shall see or hear these letters, greeting. It has been declared to us by our dear and well-beloved Ralph Spigurnel, knight, John of Buckingham, Dean of Lichfield, David de Wollore, and John de Codington, clerks of the Chancery, sent by our Council in England to view the condition of Denis de Morbecke, knight, lying ill in the City of London, as it was said — That they and others of our Council on the 10th day of January last past, came to the house where the said Denis is lodged, in a street near the Church called Barking Chapel in the said City of London. And they 85 found him in his chamber, lying in his bed, sorely ill, in their opinion, and the said Ralph addressed him in the following manner — “Sir Denis, you know how that lately at Sandwich you were pursued by an appeal of one Bernard de Troye, a squire of Gascony, by reason of the taking of the King of France at the battle of Poitiers. And because our lord the King was so busy about his passage that he could not give attention to the trying of the said appeal, a day was then assigned you by his Constable and Marshal to be before him wheresoever he might be in the realm of France or England, at Candlemas next coming, to do and receive what should then be adjudged by our lord the King upon the said appeal. And this day and place you expressly accepted, wherefore we are sent to you from the King’s Council, to know whether you are able and willing to perform what you undertook in this manner.”
Whereto Sir Denis at once answered openly before the said Ralph, John, David, and John, and others of our Council there, in the presence of notaries, that his desire was always, and still is, to make his way to us to perform his promise, and to do his duty in all things touching the said appeal, if his body might suffice and endure it, even though he were to die by the way; and as to this he made a declaration at Sandwich before the Constable and Marshal. but he thought that he could not do so until God should have lent him better health, and visited him with His grace.
And the better to know the truth, and that the said Denis made no pretence in this matter, they made him uncover his body, arms, hands, and feet; and when they had seen these, it was the opinion of Ralph, John, David, and John, and of the notaries, physicians, surgeons, and all others who were come there for this cause, that the said Denis was by reason of his sickness so prostrated, 86 wasted and reduced in all his members that he might scarcely recover as long as he lived, unless a great miracle were performed for him.
And nevertheless Denis swore the same upon the Holy Gospels; and moreover, Master John Paladyn, physician, and John of Cornhill, surgeon, questioned about this, swore on the Holy Gospels, and upon their honour, in peril of their souls, that by reason of his sickness the said Denis was so feeble that he had not strength to help himself, nor to move feet, legs, arms, or hands, without assistance.
The which matters aforesaid are all comprised in an instrument drawn up hereupon; and we, so that they may come to the notice of all men, have caused these our letters patent to be made, and sealed with our Great Seal, in testimony of the truth.
When King Edward was come to Calais, with the Prince of Wales, and his two brothers, he gave order to unload the ships, for he did not wish to tarry there, but to go and seek his dear cousin the Duke of Lancaster. Thus he set out from Calais with the finest baggage-train that was ever seen, for it was said that there were full 6000 carts well furnished and drawn, that had all come from England. Moreover he ordered his battles in such striking fashion that it was most pleasing to see them. He had appointed as his Constable my lord of 87 March, and made him ride half a league before him with 600 men-at-arms, of the best arrayed in the host, and 1000 archers. Afterwards he ordered his own battle, taking full 3000 men-at-arms and 5000 archers, and rode always in close array after his marshal, so that he might be able to fight at once, if need were. After this great battle came the waggons, that stretched full two French leagues, and carried everything that one can think of needed for his household and for fighting; as hand-mills, and ovens for baking bread, for fear lest all the ovens and mills on their march should be destroyed. After this came the Prince of Wales and the Earl of Richmond his brother, and they had in their battle 2500 mounted men-at-arms, nobly and richly equipped, 4000 archers and as many men on foot; and they did not leave one groom by the way, but they could not march more than three leagues a day. You must know that it rained constantly day and night, which was great hardship both for the men and the horses. They found all the country laid waste, wherefore you may understand that all, high and low, were in great straits for bread, wine, meat, and especially on account of the bad weather. . . .
And you must know that the noble King and his people had full 10,000 to 12,000 waggons,1 with three good horses each, brought from England; and the lords brought on their waggons tents and pavilions, forges and ovens, to do what was necessary . . .; and they had several skiffs and small boats of leather, so subtly made that they could easily hold three men for fishing on a lake or river, if it were desired. And so the lords and men of condition had fish during Lent, but the commons made shift with what they might get. And with all this, the noble King had full 30 falconers, all with their hawks, and at least 60 88 couples of great hounds, and as many harriers, with which he hunted every day. The host was always divided in three parts, and each division rode separately, each with its van-guard and rear-guard, and they camped a league apart.
1 An increase upon his previous estimate.