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From The Annals of Roger de Hoveden, Comprising the History of England and of Other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201, Translated from the Latin with Notes and Illustrations by Henry T. Riley, Esq., Volume I, London: H.G. Bohn, 1853; pp. 357-379.

THE  ANNALS  OF
ROGER  DE  HOVEDEN.
Volume I.

[Part 28: 1172-1174 A.D.]

The Charter of Absolution of our lord the King.

“To Henry, by the grace of God, the illustrious king of the English, Albert titular of Saint Laurentius in Lucinia, and Theodinus, titular of Saint Vitalis, cardinal priests, legates of the Apostolic See, health in Him who giveth health unto kings. That the things which take place may not come to be matter of doubt, both custom suggests and the ordinary requirements of utility demand that the same should be regularly stated at length in writing. For this reason it is that we have thought proper to have committed to writing those injunctions which we have given you, because you entertain a fear that those malefactors who slew Thomas of blessed memory, the late archbishop of Canterbury, proceeded to the commission of that crime in consequence of your agitated state of mind, and the perturbation in which they saw you to be. As to which deed, however, you have of your own free-will exculpated yourself in our presence, to the effect that you neither gave command nor wished that he should be put to death; and that, when news reached you of the same, you were greatly concerned thereat. From the ensuing feast of Pentecost, for the period of one year, you shall give as much money as in the opinion of the brethren of the Temple will suffice to maintain two hundred knights for the defence of the land of Jerusalem during a period of one year. Also, from the Nativity of our Lord next ensuing, for a period of three years, you shall assume the cross, and shall in the ensuing summer in person set out for Jerusalem, unless you shall remain at home by the permission of our lord the pope, or of his Catholic successors; provided that if, by reason of urgent necessity, you shall set out for Spain to war against the Saracens, so long a period as shall elapse from the time of your setting out you shall be enabled to defer setting out for Jerusalem. You shall not
A. D.
1172.358 prevent appeals, nor allow them to be prevented; but they shall freely be made to the Roman Pontiff, in causes ecclesiastical, in good faith, and without fraud and evil-intent, in order that causes may be considered by the Roman Pontiff, and be brought to a conclusion by him; yet so, that if any parties shall be suspected by you, they shall give you security that they will not seek the injury of you or of your kingdom. The customs which have been introduced in your time, to the prejudice of the churches of your kingdom, you shall utterly abolish. The possessions of the church of Canterbury, if any have been taken away, you shall restore in full, in the same state in which they were one year before the archbishop departed from England. Moreover, to the clerks and to the laity of either sex, you shall restore your protection and favor and their possessions, who, by reason of the before-named archbishop, have been deprived thereof. These things, by the authority of our lord the pope, we do, for the remission of your sins, enjoin and command you to observe, without fraud and evil-intent. Wherefore, to the above effect, in the presence of a multitude of persons, you have, as you venerate the Divine Majesty, made oath. Your son, also, has made oath to the same effect, with the exception only of that which is especial related personally to yourself. You have also both made oath that you will not withdraw from our lord the pope, Alexander, and his Catholic successors, so long as they shall repute you, like your predecessors, to be Catholic kings. And further, that this may be firmly retained in the memory of the Roman Church, you have ordered your seat to be set thereto.”

The Letter of the same Cardinals to the archbishop of Ravenna.

“To their venerable and beloved brother in Christ, Gilbert, by the grace of God, archbishop of Ravenna, Albert, by the Divine condescension, titular of Saint Laurentius in Lucinia, and Theodinus, titular of Saint Vitalis, cardinal priests, legates of the Apostolic See, that which God has promised that He will grant unto the watchful. Inasmuch as we believe that you are desirous to hear somewhat relative to our present state and the progress of the business which was entrusted to our charge; we have thought proper by this present writing to inform your brotherhood how God has dealt as towards ourselves and through the ministry of our humble exertions. Know, therefore, that
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1172.


LETTER
OF
THE
CARDINALS.359 after the illustrious king of England had learned as a truth that we had arrived in his kingdom, laying aside every obstacle that might retard him, and omitting the transaction of pressing business, he passed over from England into the Norman territories, and instantly sent unto us many messengers of honorable rank, enquiring of us in what place we would prefer to meet and hold a conference with him. It at length pleased us to meet for the purpose of holding a conference at the monastery of Savigny, where we might be aided by the prayers of religious men. We came thither, and thither also came many persons of either order from out of his kingdom to meet us; and we diligently treated, so far as we were able, upon what related to his own salvation and the obedience enjoined by us. As, however, we were unable to agree on all points, he withdrew from us, as though about to cross over to England, and we remained there with the intention of going the following day to the city of Avranches. However, on the next day, there came to us the bishop of Lisieux and two archdeacons, and that being conceded which we demanded, we proceeded to the city before-mentioned. At this place, on the Lord’s Day, on which is sung “Vocem jocunditatis,’¹ we went forth to meet a considerable number of persons, as they did to meet us; and the king then fulfilled the conditions that had been made, with such extreme humility that, beyond a doubt, this may be believed to be the work of Him who looks down upon the earth and maketh it to tremble. Still, how that he showed himself a fearer of God and an obedient son of the Church, it is not necessary, in the present brief narrative, to relate. For this his actions sufficiently manifest, and will manifest still more fully, according to the hopes that have been given us of the future. In the first place, therefore, as to the death of Thomas, of blessed memory, the late archbishop of Canterbury: not in consequence of our exacting it, but of his own free-will, touching the Holy Gospels, he purged his conscience, making oath to the effect that he had neither commanded nor wished that the said archbishop should be put to death; and that, when he heard thereof, he was greatly concerned. But because what had been done he feared had been done through his instrumentality, he made the following oath as to giving
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1172.360 satisfaction for the same. In the first place, he made oath that he will not withdraw from our lord the pope, Alexander, and his Catholic successors, so long as they shall repute him to be a Catholic king and a Christian. The same he also made his eldest son swear in the charter of absolution for the death of the blessed Thomas. He also promised on oath other things very necessary for the clergy and for the people; all of which we have carefully and in their order as he swore them set forth in the charter of his absolution. He also promised other things of his own free-will to be carried out, which are not necessary in their order to be committed to writing. We have written to you to this effect, that you may know that he is obedient to God, and much more disposed to be duteous to the Divine will than heretofore he has been. In addition to this, you must know that his son made oath to the same effect with himself in relation to the customs above-mentioned. Besides this, he publicly announced that he would repeat again, at Caen, all that had passed there, in presence of a greater assemblage of persons, in order that there might be left to no one any room to doubt his sincerity. He has also released the bishops from the promise which they made to him as to observing the customs, and has promised that he will not exact this in future.”

On the following day, the above-named cardinals held a great synod there, together with the archbishop, bishops, and clergy of Normandy, and there they agreed to the decrees underwritten, and enjoined that they should be strictly and inviolably observed by all.

The Decrees published at Avranches by the cardinals Albert and Theodinus.

“Youths are, under no circumstance, to be admitted to the government of those churches, and the administration of those offices, in which there is the cure of souls.

“Further, the sons of priest are not to be placed in the churches of their fathers.

“Further, the laity are not to have a share of offerings made in the church.

“Further, churches are not to be entrusted to the charge of vicars hired by the year.

“Further, the priests of the larger churches, who have
A. D.
1172.


DECREES
PUB-
LISHED
AT
AVRANCHES.361 the means of so doing, are to be compelled to have another minister under them.

“Further, priests are not to be ordained without having a sure title.

“Further, churches are not to be let out at a yearly rent.

“Further, let the minister who performs the duties of the church be deprived of no portion of one third part of the tithes.

“Further, let those persons who hold tithes by hereditary right be at liberty to give them to some fitting clerk, whomsoever they may choose; but upon this understanding, that, after him, they are to revert to the church to which of right they belong.

“Let no man while his wife is still living, enter into monastic orders, and so, on the other hand, with regard to the wife, unless they shall have both passed the time for satisfying the lusts of the flesh.

“Further, at the Advent of our Lord, to all who shall be able to obey, and especially to the clergy and the knighthood, let fasting and abstinence from flesh be enjoined.

“Further, clerks are not to be appointed judges² to administer the jurisdiction of secular powers; and those who shall presume so to do, let them be expelled from their ecclesiastical benefices.”

But, as regards the new books relative to those excommunicated, the property of the dead that the priests receive, the benediction of brides, baptism, and the eight-and-forty pounds which are demanded for the absolution of those excommunicated, there was nothing settled, as the bishops of Normandy were unwilling to receive a decree on those subjects. In the same synod, the archbishop of Tours claimed the archbishopric of Dol, as properly belonging to his own archbishopric, affirming that there ought not to be there an archiepiscopal see; but the clergy of Dol stoutly maintained the contrary.

These matters having been thus arranged, about the time of the feast of All Saints, the new king of England, by command of the king, his father, crossed over with his queen from England to Normandy, though much against his will. When
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1173.362 they had come to him, he immediately sent them to have an interview with the king of France; for the king of France greatly longed to see his daughter and to converse with her. When they came to him in France they were received by him with great honor and joyousness, and stayed with him some days.

From this circumstance great injury resulted to the kingdom of England, and to the kingdom of France as well. For Louis, king of France, who always held the king of England in hatred, counselled the new king of England, as soon as he should arrive in Normandy, to request the king, his father, to give him either the whole of England or the whole of Normandy, where he himself might reside with his daughter. He further advised him, if his father should be willing to grant him neither of those countries, to return, together with his queen, to France to him. In the meantime, the king, dreading the deceit and malice of the king of France, which he had frequently experienced, sent to France for his son and his wife; on which, having received permission from the king of France; agreeably to the king’s command, they returned into Normandy.

The festival of the Nativity of our Lord now approaching, the king proceeded toward Anjou, and held his court there on the day of the Nativity of our Lord, leaving his son behind, together with his queen, in Normandy.

In the same year, Adam de Port was charged with being a traitor to the king; and, because on the king’s summons he would not take his trial, he was outlawed from England.

In the year of grace 1173, being the nineteenth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king was, on the day of the Nativity of our Lord, at Chinon, in Anjou, and queen Eleanor was there with him, while the king, his son, and his wife were in Normandy. After the Nativity, the king, the father, sent for the king, the son, and they proceeded to Montferrat, in Auvergne, where they were met by Hubert, earl of Maurienne, who brought with him Alice, his eldest daughter. The king, the father, obtained her for the sum of four thousand marks of silver, as a wife for his son John, together with the whole of the earldom of Maurienne, in case the above-named earl should not have a son by his wife. But, in case he should have a son, lawfully begotten, then the
A. D.
1173.


TREATY
WITH
THE
EARL
OF
MAURIENNE.363 above-named earl granted to them and to their heirs for ever Rousillon, with all his jurisdiction therein, and with all its appurtenances, and the whole of the county of Le Belay, as he then held the same; likewise, Pierrecastel, with all its appurtenances, and the whole of the valley of Novalese, and Chambery, with all its appurtenances, and Aix, and Aspermont, and Rochet, and Montemayor, and Chambres, with the borough and the whole jurisdiction thereof. All these lying on this side of the mountains, with all their appurtenances, he granted to them immediately for ever. Beyond the mountains, also, he gave and granted to them and to their heirs for ever, the whole of Turin, with all its appurtenances, the college of Canorech,³ with all its appurtenances, and all the fees which the earls of Cannes held of him, and their services and fealties. Also, in the earldom of Castro, he granted similar fees, fealties, and services. In the Val D’Aosta he granted to them Castiglione, which the viscount D’Aosta held of him, to hold the same for ever against all men. All these the above-named earl granted to the said son of the king of England for ever, together with his daughter before-mentioned, as freely, fully and quietly, in men and cities, castles, and other places of defence, meadows, leasowes, mills, woods, plains, waters, vallies, mountains, customs, and all other things, as ever he or his father had held or enjoyed all the same as underwritten therein, or even more fully and freely. Furthermore, the said earl was willing immediately, or whenever it should please our lord the king of England, that homage and fealty should be done by all his people throughout the whole of his lands, saving always their fealty to himself so long as he should hold the same. Moreover, he granted to them and to their heirs for ever, all the right that he had in the county of Grenoble, and whatsoever he might acquire therein. But in case his eldest daughter above-named should happen to die, whatever he had granted with the eldest, he did thereby grant the whole of the same, as therein written, together with his second daughter, to the son of the illustrious king of England.

That the covenants above-written should be kept between our lord the king of England, and the earl of Maurienne, both the earl of Maurienne himself, and the count de Cevennes, and nearly all the other nobles of his territory, made oath; to
A. D.
1173.364 the effect that the earl of Maurienne would inviolably observe the said covenants; and if he should in any way depart therefrom, they made oath that, on the summons of our lord the king of England, or of his messenger, and even without any such summons, as soon as they should happen to know that the earl had so departed, they would, from the time of knowing thereof, surrender themselves as hostages to our lord the king of England, in his own realm, wherever he should think fit, and would remain in his custody until such time as they should have prevailed upon the earl to perform the king’s pleasure, or have made an arrangement with the king, to his satisfaction.

Furthermore, Peter, the venerable archbishop of Tarentaise, Ardune, bishop of Cevennes, William, bishop of Maurienne, and the abbat of Saint Michael, the Holy Evangelists being placed before them, at the command of the earl, steadfastly promised that, at the will and pleasure of the king, and at such time as he should think fit, they would excommunicate the person of the earl, and place his lands under interdict, if the earl should not observe the agreement so made between them; that they would also do the same as to the persons of the earl’s liegemen, and as to the lands of those through whom it should be caused, that the agreement so made between the king and the earl was not observed, and would hold those who should refuse to keep the peace and their lands under interdict, until satisfaction should have been made to our lord the king.

Our lord the king made these covenants and the grants above-written, with and to the earl of Maurienne, and by his command the following made oath that by him the same should be observed: William, earl of Mandeville, William, earl of Arundel, Ralph de Fay, William de Courcy, William de Hinnez, Fulk Paynel, Robert de Briencourt, William Mainegot, Theobald Chabot, William de Munlufzun, Peter de Montesson, and Geoffrey Forrester.

In addition thereto, it was to be understood that the earl might give his second daughter in marriage to whomsoever he would, without too greatly diminishing the earldom, after his eldest daughter should have been married to the king’s son, either her lawful age allowing thereof, or through the dispensation of the Church of Rome; and that it should be lawful for her parents or for other persons to give from the lands, for the safety
A. D.
1173.


TREATY
WITH
THE
EARL
OF
MAURIENNE.365 of her soul, without too greatly diminishing the earldom. Also, that the king should make payment immediately to the earl of one thousand marks of silver; and that as soon as he should receive the earl’s daughter, the latter should have at least another thousand marks of silver; and that whatever should remain unpaid of the five thousand marks, the earl should receive the same when the marriage should have taken place between the king’s son and the earl’s daughter, either by reason of lawful age or through the dispensation of the Church of Rome. But, if our lord the king, which God forbid, should chance to die first, or should depart from his territories, then, neither he nor they who, at his command had made oath and had given any security to the earl, should be bound by the covenants above-written, but only our lord the king, the king’s son and his people.

Accordingly, a few days having elapsed, there came into the territories of the king of England, on behalf of the earl of Maurienne, the marquis of Montferrat, Geoffrey de Plozac, and Merlo, his son, the chancellor of earl Richard, and Berlo de Cambot, and Peter de Bouet, his castellans, together with Peter de Saint Genese, and Peter de Turin, knights, and Geoffrey de Aquabella, and Ralph de Varci, burgesses. Touching the Holy Evangelists, these persons made oath that they would strictly cause the earl to observe the covenants made between the king and the earl, as to the son of the king and the daughter of the earl, in such manner as they had been lawfully entered into, written, and understood. And, if he should not observe the same, they made oath that, on the summons of the king or of his messenger, or even without any such summons, if they should happen to know that the earl had departed therefrom, they would, from the time of knowing thereof, surrender themselves as hostages to the king in his own realm, and would remain in his custody until such time as they should have prevailed upon the earl to perform the king’s pleasure, or have made an arrangement with our lord the king to his satisfaction. The before-named envoys also made oath that the earl should not give his second daughter in marriage until his eldest daughter should have been united in marriage with the king’s son, either by reason of being of lawful age, or through the dispensation of the Church of Rome; unless by the consent and desire of our lord
A. D.
1173.366 the king he should in the meantime have given her in marriage to some other person. They also made oath that, if the earl’s daughter, or, which God forbid, the king’s son, should chance to die before a marriage should have taken place between them, then the earl should repay to the king the whole of the money, or act according to the king’s will and pleasure relative thereto, or pay it over to him to whom the king should assign the same; and that they, the parties making the said oath, would, if the king should so wish, and at such time as he should so wish, surrender themselves as hostages in his realm, and into his power until such time as the same should be paid. They likewise made oath that they would use their best endeavours to obtain the grant of Umbert the Younger, in order that thereby the king’s son might have Rousillon and Pierrecastel, and whatever had been granted to him by the earl in the county of Le Belay. But if Umbert should happen to refuse to grant the same, then they made oath that the earl should give him lands in lawful exchange thereof, according to the arbitration of the abbat of Cluse, and of Reginald, archdeacon of Salisbury, or of other lawful persons thereto appointed by the king, if they should not be able to be present.

After this, the king of England, the father, and the king, the son, came together to Limoges; and thither Raymond, earl of Saint Gilles, came, and there did homage to both the kings of England, and to Richard, earl of Poitou, for Toulouse, to hold the same of them by hereditary right, by the service of appearing before them at their summons, and staying with them and serving for forty days, without any cost on their part; but if they should wish to have him longer in their service, then they were to pay his reasonable expenses. And further, the said earl of Saint Gilles was to give them from Toulouse and its appurtenances one hundred marks of silver, or else ten chargers worth ten marks a-piece.

There also came to Limoges the earl of Maurienne, and desired to know how much of his own territory the king of England intended to grant to his son John; and on the king expressing an intention to give him the castle of Chinon, the castle of Lodun, and the castle of Mirabel, the king, his son, would in nowise agree thereto, nor allow it to be done. For he was already greatly offended that his father was unwilling to assign
A. D.
1173.


PRINCE
HENRY
REVOLTS
FROM
HIS
FATHER.367 to him some portion of his territories, where he, with his wife, might take up their residence. Indeed, he had requested his father to give him either Normandy, or Anjou, or England, which request he had made at the suggestion of the king of France, and of those of the earls and barons of England and Normandy who disliked his father: and from this time it was that the king, the son, had been seeking pretexts and an opportunity for withdrawing from his father. And he had now so entirely revolted in feeling from obeying his wishes, that he could not even converse with him on any subject in a peaceable manner.

Having now gained his opportunity, both as to place and occasion, the king, the son, left his father, and proceeded to the king of France. However, Richard Barre, his chancellor, Walter, his chaplain, Ailward, his chamberlain, and William Blund, his apparitor, left him, and returned to the king, his father. Thus did the king’s son lose both his feelings and his senses; he repulsed the innocent, persecuted a father, usurped authority, seized upon a kingdom; he alone was the guilty one, and yet a whole army conspired against his father; “so does the madness of one make many mad.”⁴ For he it was who thirsted for the blood of a father, the gore of a parent!

In the meantime, Louis, king of the Franks, held a great council at Paris, at which he and all the principal men of France made oath to the son of the king of England that they would assist him in every way in expelling his father from the kingdom, if he should not accede to his wishes: on which he swore to them that he would not make peace with his father, except with their sanction and consent. After this, he swore that he would give to Philip, earl of Flanders, for his homage, a thousand pounds of yearly revenues in England, and the whole of Kent, together with Dover castle, and Rochester castle; to Matthew, earl of Boulogne, for his homage, the Soke of Kirketon in Lindsey, and the earldom of Mortaigne, with the honor of Hay; and to Theobald, earl of Blois, for his homage, two hundred⁵ pounds of yearly revenues in Anjou, and the castle of Amboise, with all the jurisdiction which he had claimed to hold in Touraine; and he
A. D.
1173.368 also quitted claim to him of all right that the king his father and himself had claimed in Chateau Regnaud. All these gifts, and many besides that he made to other persons, he confirmed under his new seal, which the king of France had ordered to be made for him.

Besides these, he made other gifts, which, under the same seal, he confirmed; namely, to William, king of Scotland, for his assistance, the whole of Northumberland as far as the river Tyne. To the brother of the same king he gave for his services the earldom of Huntingdon and of Cambridgeshire, and to earl Hugh Bigot, for his services, the castle of Norwich.

Immediately after Easter, in this year, the whole of the kingdom of France, and the king, the son of the king of England, Richard his brother, earl of Poitou, and Geoffrey, earl of Bretagne, and nearly all the earls and barons of England, Normandy, Aquitaine, Anjou, and Brittany, arose against the king of England the father, and laid waste his lands on every side with fire, sword, and rapine: they also laid siege to his castles, and took them by storm, and there was no one to relieve them. Still, he made all the resistance against them that he possibly could: for he had with him twenty thousand Brabanters, who served him faithfully, but not without large pay which he gave them.

Then seems to have been fulfilled this prophecy of Merlin, which says: “The cubs shall awake and shall roar aloud, and, leaving the woods, shall seek their prey within the walls of the cities; among those who shall be in their way they shall make great carnage, and shall tear out the tongues of bulls. The necks of them as they roar aloud they shall load with chains, and shall thus renew the times of their forefathers.”

Upon this, the king wrote letters of complaint to all the emperors and kings whom he thought to be friendly to him, relative to the misfortunes which had befallen him through the exalted position which he had given to his sons, strongly advising them not to exalt their own sons beyond what it was their duty to do. On receiving his letter, William king of Sicily wrote to him to the following effect:

“To Henry, by the grace of God the illustrious king of the English, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou, William, by the same grace, king of Sicily, the dukedom of Apulia, and the principality of Capua, the enjoyment
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1173.


INVASION
OF
NORMANDY.369 of health, and the wished-for triumph in victory over his enemies. On the receipt of your letter, we learned a thing of which indeed we cannot without the greatest astonishment make mention, how that, forgetting the ordinary usages of humanity and violating the law of nature, the son has risen in rebellion against the father, the begotten against the begetter, the bowels have been moved to intestine war, the entrails have had recourse to arms, and, a new miracle taking place, quite unheard of in our times, the flesh has waged war against the blood, and the blood has sought means how to shed itself. And, although for the purpose of checking the violence of such extreme madness, the inconvenience of the distance does not allow of our power affording any assistance, still, with all the loving-kindness we possibly can, the expression of which, distance of place does not prevent, sincerely embracing your person and honor, we sympathize with your sorrow, and are indignant at your persecution, which we regard as though it were our own. However, we do hope and trust in the Lord, by whose judgment the judgments of kings are directed, that He will no longer allow your sons to be tempted beyond what they are able or ought to endure; and that He who became obedient to the Father even unto death, will inspire them with the light of filial obedience, whereby they shall be brought to recollect that they are your flesh and blood, and, leaving the errors of their hostility, shall acknowledge themselves to be your sons, and return to their father, and thereby heal the disruption of nature, and that the former union, being restored, will cement the bonds of natural affection.”

Accordingly, immediately after Easter, as previously mentioned, the wicked fury of the traitors burst forth. For, raving with diabolical frenzy, they laid waste the territories of the king of England on both sides of the sea with fire and sword in every direction. Philip, earl of Flanders, with a large army, entered Normandy, and laid siege to Aumarle, and took it. Proceeding thence, he laid siege to the castle of Drincourt, which was surrendered to him; here his brother Matthew, earl of Boulogne, died of a wound which he received from an arrow when off his guard. On his decease, his brother Peter, the bishop elect of Cambray, succeeded him in the earldom of Boulogne, and renouncing his election, was made a knight, but died shortly after without issue.

In the meantime, Louis, king of the Franks, and the king of England, the son, laid siege to Verneuil; but Hugh de Lacy and Hugh de Beauchamp, who were the constables thereof, defended the town of Verneuil boldly and with resolute spirit. In consequence of this, the king of France, after remaining there a whole month, with difficulty took a small portion of the town on the side where his engines of war had been planted. There were in Verneuil, besides the castle, three burghs; each of which was separated from the other, and enclosed with a strong wall and a foss filled with water. One of these was called the Great Burgh, beyond the walls of which were pitched the tents of the king of France and his engines of war. At the end of this month, when the burghers in the Great Burgh saw that food and necessaries were failing them, and that they should have nothing to eat, being compelled by hunger and want, they made a truce for three days with the king of France, for the purpose of going to their lord the king of England, in order to obtain succour of him; and they made an agreement that if they should not have succour within the next three days, they would surrender to him that burgh. The peremptory day for so doing was appointed on the vigil of Saint Laurence.

They then gave hostages to the king of France to the above effect, and the king of France, the king of England, the son, and earl Robert, the brother of the king of France, earl Henry de Trois, Theobald, earl of Blois, and William, archbishop of Sens made oath to them, that if they should surrender the burgh to the king of France at the period named, the king of France would restore to them their hostages free and unmolested, and would do no injury to them, nor allow it to be done by others. This composition having been made to the above effect, the burgesses before-mentioned came to their lord the king of England, and announced to him the agreement which they had made with the king of France and the king his son.

On hearing of this, the king of England collected as large an army as he possibly could from Normandy and the rest of his dominions, and came to Breteuil, a castle belonging to Robert, earl of Leicester, which the earl himself, taking to flight on his approach, left without any protection. This the king entirely reduced to ashes, and the next day, for the purpose of engaging with the king of France, proceeded to a
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1173.


FLIGHT
OF
THE
KING
OF
FRANCE.371 high hill, near Verneuil, with the whole of his army, and drew up his troops in order of battle. This too was the peremptory day upon which that portion of Verneuil was to be surrendered if it did not obtain succour.

Upon this, Louis, king of the Franks, sent William, archbishop of Sens, earl Henry, and earl Theobald, to the king of England, the father, who appointed an interview to be held between them on the morrow; and the king of England, to his misfortune, placed his confidence in them; for he was deceived. For on the morrow the king of France neither came to the interview, nor yet sent any messenger. On this, the king of England sent out spies to observe the position of the king of France and his army; but while the spies were delaying their return, the portion of Verneuil was surrendered to the king of France to which he had laid siege. However, he did not dare retain it in his hands, having transgressed the oath which he had made to the burghers. For he neither restored to them their hostages, nor preserved the peace as he had promised; but, entering the town, made the burghers prisoners, carried off their property, set fire to the Burgh, and then, taking to flight, carried away with him the burghers before-mentioned into France.

When word was brought of this to the king of England, he pursued them with the edge of the sword, slew many of hem, and took considerable numbers, and at nightfall arrived at Verneuil, where he remained one night, and ordered the walls which had been levelled to be rebuilt. But, in order that these events may be kept in memory, it is as well to know that this flight of the king of France took place on the fifth day before the ides of August, being the fifth day of the week, upon the vigil of Saint Laurence, to the praise and glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, who by punishing the crime of perfidy, so speedily avenged the indignity done to his Martyr.

On the following day, the king of England, the father, left Verneuil, and took the castle of Damville, which belonged to Gilbert de Tilieres, and captured with it a great number of knights and men-at-arms. After this, the king came to Rouen, and thence dispatched his Brabanters, in whom he placed more confidence than the rest, into Brittany, against Hugh, earl of Chester, and Ralph de Fougeres, who had now gained possession of nearly the whole of it. When these troops approached,
A. D.
1173.372 the earl of Chester and Ralph de Fougeres went forth to meet them. In consequence of this, preparations were made for battle; the troops were drawn out in battle array, and everything put in readiness for the combat. Accordingly, the engagement having commenced, the enemies of the king of England were routed, and the men of Brittany were laid prostrate and utterly defeated. The earl, however, and Ralph de Fougeres, with many of the most powerful men of Brittany, shut themselves up in the fort of Dol, which they had taken by stratagem;⁶ on which, the Brabanters besieged them on every side, on the thirteenth day before the calends of September, being the second day of the week. In this battle there were taken by the Brabanters seventeen knights remarkable for their valour, whose names were as follow: Hascuil de Saint Hilaire, William Patrick, Patrick de la Laude, Haimer de Falaise, Geoffrey Farcy, William de Rulent, Ralph de Sens, John Boteler, Vicaire de Dol, William des Loges, William de la Motte, Robert de Treham, Payen Cornute, Reginald Pincun, Reginald de Champ Lambert, and Eudo Bastard.⁷ Besides these, many others were captured, both horse and foot, and more than fifteen hundred of the Bretons were slain.

Now, on the day after this capture and slaughter, “Rumour, than which nothing in speed more swift exists,”⁸ reached the ears of the king of England, who, immediately setting out on his march towards Dol, arrived there on the fifth day of the week, and immediately ordered his stone-engines, and other engines of war, to be got in readiness. The earl of Chester, however, and those who were with him in the fort, being unable to defend it, surrendered it to the king, on the seventeenth day before the calends of September, being the Lord’s Day; and, in like manner, the whole of Brittany, with all its fortresses, was restored to him, and its chief men were carried into captivity. In the fortress of Dol many knights and yeomen were taken prisoners, whose names were as follow: Hugh, earl of Chester, Ralph de Fougeres, William de Fougeres, Hamo⁹
A. D.
1173.


CONFER-
ENCE
BETWEEN
HENRY
AND
LOUIS.373 L’Espine, Robert Patrick, Ingelram Patrick, Richard de Lovecot, Gwigain Guiun, Oliver de Roche, Alan de Tintimac, Ivel, son of Ralph de Fougeres, Gilo de Castel Girun, Philip de Landewi, William de Gorham, Ivel de Mayne, Geoffrey de Buissiers, Reginald de Marche Lemarchis, Hervey de Nitri, Hamelin de Eni, William de Saint Brice, William de Chastelar, William de Orange, Ralph Waintras, Robert Boteler, Henry de Grey, Grimbald Fitz-Haket, Geoffrey Abbat, John Guarein, John de Breerec, Hugh Avenel, Hamelin de Pratelles, Swalo de la Bosothe, Secard Burdin, Walter Bruno, John Ramart, Hugh de Bussay, Jerdan de Masrue, Henry de Saint Hilaire, the brothers Hascuil, Bartholomew de Busserie, Herbert de Buillon, Bauran de Tanet, Roland Fitz-Ralph, Roellin Fitz-Ralph, Geoffrey de Minihac, Guido Butefact, Celdewin Guiun, Ivel de Pont, Hamelin Abbat, Robert de Baioches, Elias d’Aubigny, Reginald Cactus, John de Curtis, Philip de Luvenni, Henry de Wastines, Henry de Saint Stephen, William Deschapelles, Roger des Loges, Bencellard de Serland, William de Bois Berenger, John de Ruel, Oliver de Montsorel, Hamund de Rochefort, Robert de Lespiney, John des Loges, Geoffrey Carlisle, Ralph de Tomal, Ralph le Poters, Gilbert de Croi, Ralph Pucin, Matthew de Praels, Richard de Cambrai, William le Francais, Oliver Rande, Ralph Ruffin, — Springard, Roger de Chevereul, William des Loges, and many others, the names of whom are not written in this book.

After these victories which God granted to the king of England, the son of the empress Matilda, the king of France and his supporters fell into despondency, and used all possible endeavours, that peace might be made between the king of England and his sons. In consequence of this, there was at length a meeting between Gisors and Trie, at which Louis, king of the Franks, attended, accompanied by the archbishops, bishops, earls, and barons of his realm, and bringing with him Henry, Richard, and Geoffrey, the sons of the king of England. Henry, king of England, the father, attended, with the archbishops, bishops, earls, and barons of his dominions.

A conference was accordingly held between him and his sons, for the purpose of establishing peace, on the seventh day before the calends of October, being the third day of the week. At this conference, the king, the father, offered to the king, his
A. D.
1173.374 son, a moiety of the revenues of his demesnes in England, and four fitting castles in the same territory; or, if his son should prefer to remain in Normandy, the king, the father, offered a moiety of the revenues of Normandy, and all the revenues of the lands that were his father’s, the earl of Anjou, and three convenient castles in Normandy, and one fitting castle in Anjou, one fitting castle in Maine, and one fitting castle in Touraine. To his son Richard, also, he offered a moiety of the revenues of Aquitaine, and four fitting castles in the same territory. And to his son Geoffrey he offered all the lands that belonged, by right of inheritance, to the daughter of duke Conan, if he should, with the sanction of our lord the pope, be allowed to marry the above-named lady. The king, the father, also submitted himself entirely to the arbitration of the archbishop of Tarento and the legates of our lord the pope, as to adding to the above as much more of his revenues, and giving the same to his sons, as they should pronounce to be reasonable, reserving to himself the administration of justice and the royal authority.

But if did not suit the purpose of the king of France that the king’s sons should at present make peace with their father: in addition to which, at the same conference, Robert, earl of Leicester, uttered much opprobrious and abusive language to the king of England, the father, and laid his hand on his sword for the purpose of striking the king; but he was hindered by the byestanders from so doing, and the conference was immediately brought to a close.

On the day after the conference, the knights of the king of France had a skirmish with the knights of the king of England, between Curteles and Gisors; in which fight Ingelram, castellan of Trie, was made prisoner by earl William de Mandeville, and presented to the king, the father. In the meantime, Robert, earl of Leicester, having raised a large army, crossed over into England, and was received by earl Hugh Bigot in the castle of Fremingham,¹⁰ where he supplied him with all necessaries. After this, the said Robert, earl of Leicester, laid siege to Hakeneck, the castle of Ranulph de Broc, and took it; for, at this period, Richard de Lucy, justiciary of England, and Humphrey de Bohun, the king’s constable, had marched with a large army into Lothian, the territory of the king of Scotland, for the purpose of ravaging it.

When, however, they heard of the arrival of the earl of Leicester in England, they were greatly alarmed, and laying all other matters aside, gave and received a truce from the king of Scotland, and, after hostages were delivered on both sides for the preservation of peace until the feast of Saint Hilary, hastened with all possible speed to Saint Edmund’s. Thither also came to them Reginald, earl of Cornwall, the king’s uncle, Robert, earl of Gloucester, and William, earl of Arundel. On the approach of the festival of All Saints, the above-named earl of Leicester withdrew from Fremingham for the purpose of marching to Leicester, and came with his army to a place near St. Edmund’s, which is known as Fornham, situate on a piece of marshy ground, not far from the church of Saint Genevieve. On his arrival being known, the earls, with a considerable force, and Humphrey de Bohun with three hundred knights, soldiers of the king, went forth armed for battle to meet the earl of Leicester, carrying before them the banner of Saint Edmund the king and Martyr as their standard. The ranks being drawn up in battle array, by virtue of the aid of God and of his most glorious Martyr Saint Edmund, they attacked the line in which the earl of Leicester had taken his position, and in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, the earl of Leicester was vanquished and taken prisoner, as also his wife and Hugh des Chateaux, a nobleman of the kingdom of France, and all their might was utterly crushed.

There fell in this battle more than ten thousand Flemings, while all the rest were taken prisoners, and being thrown into prison in irons, were there starved to death. As for the earl of Leicester and his wife and Hugh des Chateaux, and the rest of the more wealthy men who were captured with them, they were sent into Normandy to the king the father; on which the king placed them in confinement at Falaise, and Hugh, earl of Chester, with them.

On the feast of Saint Martin, king Henry, the father, entered Anjou with his army, and shortly after Geoffrey, lord of Hay, surrendered to him the castle of Hay. After this there were surrendered to him the castle of Pruilly and the castle of Campigny, which Robert de Ble had held against him. In this castle there were many knights and men-at-arms taken prisoners, whose names were as follow: Haimeric de Ble, Baldwin de Brisehaie, Hugh de Laloc, Hugh de Danars, Hugh Delamotte,
A. D.
1174.376 William de Rivan, Simon de Bernezai, John Maumonie, Hubert Ruscevals, William Maingot, Saer de Terreis, John de Champigny, Walter de Powis, Brice de Ceaux, Haimeric Ripant, Robert L’Anglais, Grossin Champemain, Isambert Wellun, Geoffrey Carre, Payen Juge, William Bugun, Castey, vassal of Saer de Terreis, Guiard, vassal of John Maumonie, Roger, vassal of William Rivan, Peter, vassal of John de Champigny, Philip, vassal of Hugh le Davis, Russell, vassal of Hubert Ruscevals, Vulgier and Haimeric, vassals of Peter de Poscy, Osmund, Everard, and Geoffrey, vassals of Haimeric de Ble, Gilbert and Albinus, vassals of Hugh de Laloc, Brito and Geoffrey, vassals of Walter Powis, Haimeric and Peter, vassals of Hugh Delamotte, and Brito and Sunennes, vassals of Simon de Bernezai.

In the same year, Louis, king of the Franks, knighted Richard, the son of king Henry. In this year, also, Robert the prior of Dare, who was bishop elect of the church of Arras, renounced that election, and was elected bishop of the diocese of Cambrai, but before he was consecrated was slain by his enemies. In the same year, Henry, king of England, contrary to the prohibition of his son, king Henry, and after appeal made to our lord the pope, gave the archbishopric of Canterbury, to Richard prior of Dover, the bishopric of Bath to Reginald, son of Jocelyn, bishop of Salisbury, the bishopric of Winchester to Richard de Ivechester, archdeacon of Poitou, the bishopric of Hereford to Robert Folliot, the bishopric of Ely to Geoffrey Riddel, archdeacon of Canterbury, and the bishopric of Chichester to John de Greneford. After this, at the time of the feast of Saint Andrew, the king of England, the father, took Vendôme by storm, which was held against him by Bucard de Lavardin, who had expelled therefrom his father, the earl of Vendôme.

In the year of grace 1174, being the twentieth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said Henry spent the festival of the Nativity of our Lord at Caen in Normandy, and a truce was made between him and Louis, king of the Franks, from the feast of Saint Hilary until the end of Easter. In the same year, and at the time above-named, Hugh, bishop of Durham, at an interview held between himself and William, king of the Scots, on the confines of the kingdoms of England and Scotland, namely at Revedeur, gave
A. D.
1174.


THE
EARL
OF
FERRERS
SACKS
NOTTING-
HAM.377 to the above-named king of the Scots three hundred marks of silver from the lands of the barons of Northumberland, for granting a truce from the feast of Saint Hilary until the end of Easter.

In the meantime, Roger de Mowbray, fortified his castle at Kinardeferie, in Axholme;¹¹ and Hugh, bishop of Durham, fortified the castle of Alverton.¹² After Easter, breaking the truce, Henry, the son of the king of England, and Philip, earl of Flanders, having raised a large army, determined to come over to England.

In the meantime, William, king of the Scots, came into Northumberland with a large force, and there with his Scotch and Galloway men committed execrable deeds. For his men ripped asunder pregnant women, and, dragging forth the embryos, tossed them upon the points of lances. Infants, children, youths, aged men, all of both sexes, from the highest to the lowest, they slew alike without mercy or ransom. The priests and clergy they murdered in the very churches upon the altars. Consequently, wherever the Scots and the Galloway men came, horror and carnage prevailed. Shortly after, the king of the Scots sent his brother David to Leicester, in order to assist the troops of the earl of Leicester; but before he arrived there, Reginald, earl of Cornwall, and Richard de Lacy, justiciary of England, had burned the city of Leicester to the ground, together with its churches and buildings, with the exception of the castle.

After Pentecost, Anketill Mallory, the constable of Leicester, fought a battle with the burgesses of Northampton, and defeated them, taking more than two hundred prisoners, and slaying a considerable number. Shortly after, Robert, earl of Ferrers, together with the knights of Leicester, came at daybreak to Nottingham, a royal town, which Reginald de Lucy had in his charge; and having taken it, sacked it, and then set it on fire, carrying away with him the burgesses thereof.

At this period, Geoffrey, bishop elect of Lincoln, son of king Henry,¹³ took the castle of Kinardeferie, and levelled it with the ground. Also, Robert¹⁴ de Mowbray, the constable
A. D.
1174.378 of the same castle, while going towards Leicester to obtain assistance, was taken prisoner on the road, by the people of Clay, and detained. Earl Hugh Bigot also took the city of Norwich by storm, and burned it. In addition to this, the bishop elect of Lincoln, with Roger, the archbishop of York, laid siege to Malasert, a castle belonging to Roger de Mowbray, and took it with many knights and men-at-arms therein, and gave it into the charge of the archbishop of York. Before he departed, he also fortified the castle of Topcliffe, which he delivered into the charge of William de Stuteville.

In the meantime, Richard, the archbishop elect of Canterbury, and Reginald, the bishop elect of Bath, set out for Rome, for the purpose of confirming their own elections and those of the other bishops elect of England. To oppose them, king Henry, the son, sent to Rome Master Berter, a native of Orleans. When the said parties had come into the presence of pope Alexander, and the cardinals, and our lord the pope had greatly censured the absence of the other bishops elect of England, and the archbishop elect of Canterbury had done all in his power to exculpate them, our lord the pope asked, with still greater earnestness, why the bishop elect of Ely had not come; on which Berter of Orleans made answer: “My lord, he has a Scriptural excuse;”¹⁵ to whom the pope made answer: “Brother, what is the excuse?” on which the other replied: “He has married a wife, and therefore cannot come.” In the end, however, although there was a great altercation and considerable bandying of hard language on both sides before our lord the pope and the cardinals, our lord the pope confirmed the election of the archbishop of Canterbury: on which, Reginald, bishop elect of Bath wrote to his master the king of England to the following effect:

“To Henry, the illustrious king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou, his most dearly beloved lord, Reginald, by the grace of God, bishop elect of Bath, health in Him who gives health to kings. Be it known to the prudence of your majesty, that, at the court of our lord the pope, we found determined opponents from the kingdom of France, and others still more determined from your own territories. In consequence of this, we were obliged to submit to many hardships there, and to make a tedious stay, till at last, at our repeated entreaties, by the co-operation of
A. D.
1174.


THE
KING
OF
THE
SCOTS
BESIEGES
CARLISLE.379 the Divine grace, the obduracy of our lord the pope was so far softened, that, in the presence of all, he solemnly confirmed the election of the lord archbishop elect of Canterbury; and after having so confirmed his election, consecrated him on the Lord’s day following. On the third day after his consecration, he gave him the pall, and a short period of time having intervened, conferred on him the dignity of the primacy. In addition to this, it being our desire that he should have full power of inflicting ecclesiastical vengeance upon those men of your realms who have iniquitously and in the treachery of their wickedness, raised their heel against your innocence, we did, after much solicitation, obtain the favour of the bestowal by our lord the pope of the legateship on the same province. As for my own election, and those of the others, they are matters still in suspense; and our lord the pope has determined to settle and determine nothing with regard to us, until such time as your son shall have been brought to a reconciliation. However, we put our trust in the Lord that the interests of myself, and of all the other bishops elect, may be safely entrusted to the prudent care of my lord the archbishop of Canterbury.”

FOOTNOTES

 ¹   “The voice of gladness:” the beginning of the introit for the fifth Sunday after Easter.

 ²  The text has “clerici Judæi,” “Jewish clerks.” This is clearly an error. The word is probably “judices,” “judges.”

 ³  Holinshed calls this place “Gavoreth.”

⁴  ”Unius dementia dementes effecit multos.”

 ⁵  A various reading makes it five hundred.

 ⁶  Our author evidently intends a pun here. “Incluserunt se infra turrim Doli, quam dolo ceperant.”

 ⁷  There are but sixteen named here.

 ⁸  A quotation from Virgil —

“Fama, malum quo non aliud velocius ullum

  Mobilitate viget.”

 ⁹  Most of these names are evidently corrupt. After this name follows, “Ceones,” evidently part of some other name.

¹⁰  Framlingham, in Suffolk.

¹¹  In Lincolnshire.

¹²  North Allerton, in Yorkshire.

¹³  His eldest illegitimate son.

¹⁴  Called above, Roger: which is the name given by the other chroniclers.

¹⁵  Alluding to St. Luke xiv. 20.

~~~~~~~

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