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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq; London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 367-384.
AFTER having conquered the before-named knights, don Tello and don Sancho returned with their detachment in great joy to the army, and went in the evening to the quarters of king Henry. The two brothers who had been in this expedition made a present to the king of their prisoners, and related to him, in the presence of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, sir Arnold d’Andreghen and others, how the day had passed, and what road they had taken: how they had first fallen in with the people of sir Hugh Calverly, whom they had slain or chased even to the army of the English: that they had beaten up the quarters of the duke of Lancaster, alarmed the whole army, and done much mischief: that upon their retreat they had met those knights, whom they had taken prisoners. King Henry, who had listened to this account with great pride, replied most graciously to his brother, don Tello, and said: “Amiable brother, well have you performed your promise: I will reward you handsomely for it; and I feel, that all the rest of our enemies must ultimately come to this pass.”
Sir Arnold d’Andreghen, on this, stepped forth and said: “Sire, sire, with your permission, I wish not to doubt your majesty’s words, but to make an amendment by informing you, that when you shall meet the prince of Wales in battle, you will find men at arms such as they ought to be; for with him is the flower of chivalry of the whole world, and hardy and tough combatants: those who, in truth, would rather die on the spot than think of flying. It therefore behoves you to weigh maturely this point, before you determine: and, if you will believe what I am going to say, you may take them all, without striking a stroke. You have only to guard the passes and defiles, so that no provision can be brought them, when famine will do the business for you: they must then return back to their own country in disorder and spiritless, so that you may easily gain your object, and defeat them without striking a blow.”
King Henry answered, “By the soul of my father, marshal, I have such a desire to see this prince, and to try my strength with him, that we will never part without a battle. Thank God, I have enow of men to assist me. In the first place, there are already in our army seven thousand men at arms, each mounted on a good courser, and so well covered with armour that they fear not the arrows of the archer. In addition, I have twenty thousand more, mounted on genets and armed from head to foot. I have besides forty thousand common soldiers, with lances, darts and shields, who will do much service, for they have all sworn they will rather die than leave me; so that, my lord marshal, I ought not to be afraid, but rather place great confidence in the power of God and my men.” Thus ended this conversation: wine and spices were brought in by some knights, of which the king and the lords present partook; and then they all retired to their quarters. The knights and squires who had that day been made prisoners, gave their oaths as such, and were put under the care of different knights.
We will return to the prince, to speak of his arrangements. He and the duke of Lancaster had remained in the position they had taken in the morning, until about vespers, when they were informed that their advanced detachment had been all taken or killed; at which they were much vexed, but they could not then amend it. They retired to their quarters, where they remained that night. On the morrow morning, they called a council, and determined to leave their present position, to advance more into the country. They decamped, and took up their quarters nearer to Vittoria, marching full armed, as if 368 immediately to engage; for they had heard that king Henry and his brothers, with their army, were not far distant: however, they made no advances to meet them.
You must know, the prince and his brother were in great want of provision for themselves and their horses, as they had entered a very barren country, whilst king Henry and his army enjoyed a contrary situation. A loaf of bread, and of no great size, was sold in the prince’s army for a florin; and many were very eager to pay this price whenever they were able to get it. The weather was also extremely bad, with high wind, rain and snow; and in this miserable distressing plight they remained for six days.
When the prince and his lords found the Spaniards make no advances to offer them battle, and that their distress was great where they were, they held a council, and resolved to seek elsewhere for a passage over the Ebro. They therefore decamped, and took the road towards Navarretta, through a country called La Guardia, which having passed, they came to a town called Viana. There the prince, the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Armagnac, and the other lords, halted two days, to refresh themselves. They then crossed the river which divides Castille from Navarre, at the bridge of Logrono, in the midst of gardens and olive trees. They found there a richer country than that which they had left; but even here they were much distressed for want of provision.
When king Henry was told that the prince and his army had crossed the Ebro at the bridge of Logrono, he left St. Miguel, where he had kept his quarters for a long time, advanced to Najarra upon the same river, and there encamped. News was soon brought to the prince of king Henry’s approach. This gave him great joy; and he said aloud, “By St. George, this bastard proves himself a valiant knight, from the desire he shows to meet us in battle. We shall certainly soon see each other; for we cannot fail doing so much longer.” He then summoned his brother, the duke of Lancaster, and some other barons of his council who were there, and wrote, with their advice, an answer to the letter which king Henry had sent to him, in the following terms:
“EDWARD, by the grace of GOD, prince of Wales and of Aquitaine, to the renowned Henry earl of Trastamare, who at this present time calls himself king of Castile:
“Whereas you have sent to us a letter by your herald, in which, among other things, mention is made of your desire to know why we have admitted to our friendship your enemy, our cousin the king don Pedro, and upon what pretext we are carrying on a war against you, and have entered Castille with a large army: in answer to this, we inform you, that it is to maintain justice and in support of reason, as it behoveth all kings to do, and also to preserve the firm alliances made by our lord the king of England, with the king don Pedro, in former times. But as you are much renowned among all good knights, we would wish, if it were possible, to make up these differences between you both; and we would use such earnest entreaties with our cousin, the king don Pedro, that you should have a large portion of the kingdom of Castille, but you must give up all pretensions to the crown of that realm, as well as to its inheritance. Consider well this proposition; and know further, that we shall enter the kingdom of Castille, by whatever place shall be most agreeable to us. Written at Logrono, the 30th day of March, 1367.
When this letter was finished, folded up and sealed, it was given to the herald who had brought king Henry’s, and who had waited for an answer for three weeks. He took his leave of the prince and the other lords, and rode on until he came to Navarretta, near to which place the king was encamped upon the heath. He made for the king’s tent, followed by the principal lords of the army, who, having heard of the return of the herald, were anxious to know what news he had brought.
The herald, on his knees, presented the king the letter which the prince had sent by him. The king took it and opened it, calling sir Bertrand du Guesclin, and some of the lords of his council, to its perusal. When the letter had been read and well considered, sir Bertrand du Guesclin thus spoke to king Henry: “Sire, be assured that very shortly you must have a battle: from what I know of the prince, I am convinced that it must be so. I therefore advise you to look well to this business, to order and arrange your men in the best possible manner.” “Sir Bertrand,” replied king Henry, ”in God’s name so it shall be. I have no dread of the prince’s army: for I have three thousand barbed horses, which will be 369 on our two wings, seven thousand warders*, and upwards of twenty thousand men at arms, the best that can be found in all Castille, Galicia, Portugal, Cordova and Sicily, besides ten thousand cross-bows, and full forty† thousand foot, armed with lances, darts, swords, and all sorts of weapons, who have sworn to die rather than desert me. I trust, therefore, sir Bertrand, that through God’s grace, in whom I put my trust, we shall have the best of it, as well as from the justice of our right in this affair. I therefore entreat you all to be of good courage.”
Thus the king and sir Bertrand conversed together, as well as on different subjects, laying aside all thoughts of the letter which the prince had sent, for king Henry was determined to have a battle. Don Tello and Don Sancho, began to draw up their men in proper order, and to busy themselves in preparing everything: they were much esteemed, for the success of their late expedition. But we must now return to the prince, and show how he was going on.
* This word in D. Sauvage is “guetteurs” — a warder, a watcher, or a spy: this is not very intelligible. Lord Berners says genetours; that is, men mounted on the light Spanish horses called genets. — ED.
† D. Sauvage and Lord Berners say sixty. — ED.
CHAPTER CCXLI. — THE BATTLE OF NAVARRETTA, WHICH THE PRINCE OF WALES, SUPPORTING THE PART OF KING DON PEDRO AGAINST HIS BROTHER THE BASTARD, GAINS. — SIR BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN IS MADE PRISONER, AND KING HENRY FORCED TO FLY, AFTER HAVING FOUGHT MOST VALIANTLY.
ON Friday the 2nd of April, the prince decamped from Logrono, where he and all his army had halted. He marched in order of battle, as if an engagement were on the point of commencing; for he knew that king Henry was not far distant. After having marched about two leagues, he arrived before the town of Navarretta, about nine o’clock, where he took up his quarters. As soon as they had dismounted, the prince sent his scouts, to observe the countenance of the enemy and where they lay. These scouts, being mounted on the best of horses, left the army, and advanced until they saw the whole of the Spanish force encamped upon the heaths beyond Navarretta: they instantly informed the prince of this, who was very glad to hear it. Towards evening he gave out secret orders for the army to hold itself in readiness at the first sound of his trumpet: that at the second sound it should arm, and on the third mount, and immediately follow the banners of the marshals and the pennon of St. George; and that no one, under pain of death, should break his rank, without being ordered so to do.
King Henry had done exactly as the prince of Wales, and had sent out his scouts on this Friday evening, to learn the condition of the prince’s army, what appearance they made, and where they were quartered. Those sent brought back true intelligence: upon hearing it, the king and sir Bertrand held a consultation on the subject. They made their men sup and go to bed very early, that they might be more fresh and hearty by midnight, when they were commanded to make themselves ready, arm, and take the field in battle-array; for they well knew that a battle must ensue on the morrow. The Spaniards, therefore, made themselves merry, for they had wherewithal largely to do so: but the English were in the greatest want of provision; for which reason they were anxious to fight.*
The trumpets of king Henry sounded at midnight: on which, his whole army was on foot: at the second blast, they left their tents, took the field, and formed in three battalions. The first battalion was commanded by sir Bertrand du Guesclin and sir Robert de Roquebertin, a viscount of Arragon. Under him were all the foreigners, as well from France as from other countries: among whom were two barons from Hainault, the lord d’Antoing and sir Alard lord de Briseuil. There was also in this division the bègue de Villaines, the bègue de Villiers, sir John de Bergettes, sir Gauvain de Bailleul, l’Allemant de Saint Venant, who was there created a knight, with many other knights from Arragon, France, Provence, and the neighbouring countries. There were in this battalion full 370 four thousand knights and squires, excellently armed, and drawn up according to the French manner.
Don Tello and his brother don Sancho commanded the second division. There were under them twenty-five thousand lance-men, as well on horse as on foot,†, who drew up a little behind the division of sir Bertrand, on his left hand.
The third, and largest battalion without comparison, was commanded by king Henry himself. There were in it, and drawn up in array, upwards of seven thousand horsemen and forty‡ thousand infantry among the cross-bowmen.
When they were thus formed, king Henry mounted a handsome and strong mule, according to the custom of his country, and rode through the ranks, paying his compliments to the lords, graciously entreating them to exert themselves this day in defending his honour, and pointing out to every one of them what they were to do with so much cheerfulness and good humour, that they were all in high spirits. After he had thus visited his army, he returned to his own battalion. It was soon broad day. About sun-rise they began their march towards Navarretta in order of battle, to meet and to engage the enemy.
The prince of Wales, as it has been before related, drew up his army in the manner he intended they should engage, whilst he lay before Vittoria, when the enemy did not appear according to his expectations. He had not since then made any alterations concerning it, and had always marched in this order. At break of day, therefore, the prince’s army took the field, marching in battle-array, as expecting to meet the Spaniards. No one advanced before the battalion of the marshals excepting those who received orders, as scouts; and the two leaders, as well as both the armies, knew, from the intelligence of the scouts, that they should shortly meet: they therefore marched forward with a gentle pace.
When the sun was risen it was a beautiful sight to view these battalions, with their brilliant armour glittering with its beams. In this manner, they nearly approached to each other. The prince, with a few attendants, mounted a small hill, and saw very clearly the enemy marching straight towards them. Upon descending this hill, he extended his line of battle in the plain, and then halted. The Spaniards, seeing the English had halted, did the same in order of battle; then each man tightened his armour, and made ready as for instant combat.
Sir John Chandos advanced in front of the battalions with his banner uncased in his hand. He presented it to the prince, saying: “My lord, here is my banner: I present it to you, that I may display it in whatever manner shall be most agreeable to you; for, thanks to God, I have now sufficient lands to enable me so to do, and maintain the rank which it ought to hold.” The prince, don Pedro being present, took the banner in his hands, which was blazoned with a sharp stake gules on a field argent: after having cut off the tail to make it square, he displayed it, and, returning it to him by the handle, said: “Sir John, I return you your banner. God give you strength and honour to preserve it.§ ”
Upon this, sir John left the prince, went back to his men with the banner in his hand, and said to them: “Gentlemen, behold my banner and yours: you will therefore guard it as it becomes you.” His companions, taking the banner, replied with much cheerfulness, that “if it pleased God and St. George, they would defend it well, and act worthily of it, to the 371 utmost of their abilities.” The banner was put into the hands of a worthy English squire, called William Allestry, who bore it with honour that day, and loyally acquitted himself in the service. The English and Gascons soon after dismounted on the heath, and assembled very orderly together, each lord under his banner or pennon, in the same battle array as when they passed the mountains.
It was delightful to see and examine these banners and pennons, with the noble army that was under them. The two armies began to move a little, and to approach nearer each other; but, before they met, the prince of Wales, with eyes and hands uplifted towards heaven, exclaimed: “GOD of truth, the Father of JESUS CHRIST, who has made and fashioned me, condescend, through thy benign grace, that the success of the battle of this day may be for me and my army; for thou knowest, that in truth I have been solely emboldened to undertake it in the support of justice and reason, to reinstate this king upon his throne, who has been disinherited and driven from it, as well as from his country.” After these words, he extended his right arm, took hold of don Pedro’s hand, who was by his side, and added, “Sir king, you shall this day know whether you will have anything in the kingdom of Castille or not.” He then cried out, “Advance, banners, in the name of God and St. George!”
As he said this, the duke of Lancaster and sir John Chandos came up to him. The duke said to sir William Beauchamp: “William, there are our enemies: you shall see me this day act like a true knight, or die for it.” At these words, the two armies advanced. The first conflict was between the battalion of the duke of Lancaster and sir John Chandos and that of sir Bertrand du Guesclin and the marshal d’Andreghen, who had under them four thousand men at arms. At its commencement, there was a terrible medley of spears and shields. They were in this situation a considerable time before they could make any opening into each other. Many gallant deeds were performed, and many a knight unhorsed, who could not again raise himself.
When these two divisions were thus engaged, the others were not willing to remain idle, but advanced to the combat with eagerness. The prince of Wales, accompanied by the king don Pedro of Castille, and don Martin de la Carra, who represented the king of Navarre, charged the division which was commanded by don Tello and don Sancho. But it seems that, as the prince and his battalion were on the point of engaging, a sudden panic seized don Tello, so that he wheeled about, and fled in disorder without striking a blow, carrying with him two thousand cavalry of his division. No one knew how to account for this conduct. This second division was no sooner broken than it was discomfited; for the captal de Buch and the lord de Clisson, quitting the battalion of the earl d’Armagnac with their men, fell upon them, and slew and wounded immense numbers. The prince and don Pedro, upon this, advanced to the division commanded by king Henry, in which there were at least forty thousand men, as well on foot as on horseback. The fight now began in earnest on all sides; for the Spaniards and Castillians had slings, from which they threw stones with such force as to break helmets and scull-caps, so that they wounded and unhorsed many of their opponents. The English archers, according to their custom, shot sharply with their bows, to the great annoyance and death of the Spaniards. On one side, there were shouts of “Castille, for king Henry!” on the other, “St. George, for Guienne!”
During this time, the first battalion, commanded by the duke of Lancaster, sir John Chandos, and the two marshals, sir Guiscard d’Angle and sir Stephen Cossington, was warmly engaged with that of sir Bertrand du Guesclin and the other knights from Arragon and France. Many valorous actions were done; and each tried his strength to open a passage through the enemy. Several fought with their spears in both hands, with which they dealt about lustily their blows; others made use of short swords and daggers. At the commencement the French and Arragonians made a desperate resistance, and gave the good knights of England much trouble.
Sir John Chandos shewed himself an able knight, and performed many gallant deeds under his banner: but, in his eagerness in fighting and driving his enemies before him, he was so far engaged as to be surrounded, and in the crowd unhorsed. A large man of Castille, called Martin Ferrand, who was much renowned for courage among the Spaniards, 372 threw himself upon him with a determined resolution to kill him, and kept him down in the greatest danger. Sir John, however, bethought himself of a knife he had in his bosom, which he drew, and struck so well with it this Martin in the sides and back that he gave him his death-blow as he was lying under him: he then turned him over, and rose up as speedily as he could: his people were now all ready about him, for they had with great difficulty broken through the crowd to come to the place where he had fallen.
It was on a Saturday, in the morning, between Najarra and Navarretta, that this severe and bloody battle was fought, in which multitudes of men were slain. In this engagement many were the brilliant actions performed by the prince of Wales, his brother the duke of Lancaster, sir John Chandos, sir Guiscard d’Angle, the captal de Buch, the lords de Clisson and de Raix, sir Hugh Calverley, sir Matthew Gournay, sir Louis de Harcourt, the lords de Pons and de Partenay. On the other hand, among the Gascons, the lords d’Armagnac, d’Albret, de Pommiers and his two brothers, de Mucident, de Rosem, the earls de Perigord, de Comminges, de Carmain, the lords de Condon, de l’Esparre, de Chaumont, de Pincornet, Bartholomew de Cande, de Geronde, sir Bernard d’Albret, sir Aimery de Tarse, the souldich de l’Estrade, sir Petiton de Courton, with many other knights and squires, gave equal proofs of gallantry.
Under the pennon of St. George, and attached to the banner of sir John Chandos, were the free companies, who had in the whole twelve hundred streamers¶. Among them were good and hardy knights and squires, whose courage was proof; namely, sir Robert Cheney, sir Perducas d’Albret, Robert Briquet, sir Garsis du Chastel, sir Gaillard Viguier, sir John Charnels, Nandon de Bagerant, Aymemon d’Ortige, Perrot de Savoye, le bourg Camus, le bourg de l’Esparre, le bourg de Breteuil, Espiote, and several others. I must therefore say, that sir Bertrand du Guesclin, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, don Sancho, don Gomez Garilz¥, and the French and Arragonian knights who had engaged with this battalion, did not find themselves the better for it, as these companies were composed of tried men, who had been long accustomed to arms.
There were besides many other knights and squires from England, under the banners of the dukes of Lancaster and sir John Chandos: among whom were sir William Beauchamp son to the earl of Warwick, sir Ralph Camois, sir Walter Urswick, sir Thomas de Demery, sir John Grandison, sir John Draper, sir John du Pré, sir Aimery de Rochechouart, sir Gaillard de la Motte, and upwards of two hundred other knights whom I am not able to name.
To say the truth, sir Bertrand du Guesclin, the marshal d’Andreghen, le bègue de Villaines, the lords d’Antoing and de Briseuil, sir Gauvain de Bailleul, sir John de Bergettes, le bègue de Villiers, l’Allemand de St. Venant, and the good knights who were then from France, acquitted themselves most valiantly: truly, had the Spaniards as well performed their parts, the English and Gascons would have suffered more than they did.
Those who were near king Henry did their duty like men; for he had before entreated of them to behave courageously. He himself set the example, and performed such valorous acts as gave courage to all around him. He advanced before those who were beginning to give way and fly, calling to them: “My lords, I am your king. You have placed me upon the throne of Castille, and have sworn that you would die sooner than forsake me. For the love of God, preserve your oaths sacred which you have sworn to me, and behave yourselves handsomely in my cause. I will acquit myself towards you, for I will not fly one step as long as I shall see you combating by my side.” By these words, or others of a similar tendency, did king Henry thrice bring back his men to the combat. He himself behaved so valiantly, that he ought to be much honoured and respected. This battle was fought with great perils: many were slain, wounded, and put to flight.
The Spanish commonalty made use of slings, to which they were accustomed, and from which they threw large stones which at first much annoyed the English: but when their first cast 373 was over, and they felt the sharpness of the English arrows, they kept no longer any order. King Henry had in his battalion a large number of good men at arms, as well from Spain as from Lisbon, Arragon, and Portugal, who acquitted themselves exceedingly well, and did not give up so easily, but fought very courageously with lances and guisarmes**, pikes, and swords. He had also upon his two wings bodies of lancemen, mounted on excellent coursers, who kept up the courage of the division; for when they saw any part of it likely to be broken, or willing to give way, they galloped up to them, and drove them back. The English and Gascons had not much advantage here, but what they gained from their experience and by dint of deeds of prowess and vigour. The prince had indeed with him the flower of chivalry, and there were under him the most renowned combatants in the whole world.
A little to the right of the battalion of the prince was the king of Majorca and his company, who fought vigorously, and exerted themselves to the best of their power. On the other hand was don Martin de la Carra, who represented the king of Navarre, and did his duty well. I cannot particularize all that were deserving of notice; but the prince had in his division many well-famed knights from England and Gascony: namely, sir Richard de Pontchardon, sir Thomas Despenser, sir Thomas Holland, sir Nêle Loring, sir Hugh and sir Philip Courtenay, sir John Combes, sir Nicholas Bond, sir Thomas Combes, and several others, such as the sénéschal of Saintonge, sir Baldwin de Franville, the high stewards of Bordeaux, of la Rochelle, of Poitou, of Angoulême, of Rouergue, of Limousin, of Perigord, sir Louis de Marnel, sir Raymond d’Ondueil, and many more. All these you must know fought in earnest, as indeed they had need to do: for the Spaniards and Castillians were near one hundred thousand men in arms, so that their great numbers kept up their courage: there could not but be among them many who fought well and did their utmost.
The king don Pedro was much heated, and very anxious to meet his brother the bastard: he galloped about, calling out, “Where is this son of a whore who calls himself king of Castille?” King Henry was engaged in another part of the field, where he fought manfully, and kept up the courage of his men as well as he could by his speeches to them; he said, “My good people, you have made me your king, and have crowned me: help me to defend the inheritance which you have given to me.” By such words as these which he every now and then addressed to them, many were so bold and valorous that for their honour they fell on the spot, disdaining to fly.
The division on the side of the Spaniards, which behaved the best, and was also the best fought with, was that commanded by sir Bertrand du Guesclin; for there were on both sides true men at arms, who exerted themselves to the utmost of their abilities. Many gallant deeds were performed by them. Sir John Chandos distinguished himself particularly. He governed, that day, the duke of Lancaster, in the same manner he had done the prince of Wales at the battle of Poitiers; for which he was exceedingly praised and honoured, as was indeed but just; when such a valiant and good knight thus acquits himself towards his lords, he is worthy of honour and respect. Sir John, therefore, during the day, never thought of making any prisoners with his own hand, but was solely occupied in fighting and pushing forward. However, many good knights and squires from Arragon, France, and Brittany, were made prisoners by his people, and under his banner: particularly sir Bertrand du Guesclin, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, the bègue de Villaines, with upwards of sixty knights; consequently the battalion of sir Bertrand was discomfited. All those who had come thither from France and Arragon were either slain or taken. Among the slain was the bègue de Villiers. The lord d’Antoing in Hainault, the lord de Briseuil, sir Gauvin de Bailleul, sir John de Bergettes, sir l’Allemand de St. Venant, with many others, were made prisoners.
Upon this the banners and pennons, that is to say, the banner of the duke of Lancaster, and banner of sir John Chandos, the banner of the two marshals, and the pennon of St. George and others, returned toward the division which was commanded by king Henry, shouting out, “St. George, for Guienne!” Upon this the Spaniards, and those who supported them, were repulsed. On one side, was seen the captal de Buch and the lord de Clisson manfully engaged: 374 on another, sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, sir Hugh Calverley, the souldich de l’Estrade, and sir John Devereux, showed themselves good knights.
The prince shone pre-eminently: he proved his noble birth, and the gallantry of his knighthood, by his eagerness to seek his enemies, and bravely fighting with them.
On the other hand, king Henry acquitted himself right valiantly in every situation: he more than once rallied his men to the combat; for when they saw don Tello take flight, accompanied by two thousand men, they began to be cast down, and the greater part of them were so much frightened, that they were willing to follow his example; but king Henry galloping up to the foremost, said: “My good lords, what are you doing? why would you thus seek to abandon and betray me? you who have chosen me for your king, and placed the crown of Castille upon my head, giving me the inheritance of it? Return back, and help me to guard, defend, and maintain it: remain steady near to me, for, through God’s grace, the day shall still be ours.” By such speeches as these, he encouraged many, and caused them to fight boldly: they could not for shame fly, when they saw their king and lord act himself so vigorously in the combat, and address such friendly words to them. More than fifteen hundred persons lost their lives by this management, who would otherwise have been saved by taking advantage of a favourable opportunity, if it had not been for their love of the king.
After the defeat of the battalion of sir Bertrand du Guesclin and the marshal d’Andreghen, when all the divisions of the prince were formed into one large body, the Spaniards could no longer keep their ground, but began to fly into great disorder, much frightened, towards the town of Najarra††, and to cross the river which runs by it: in spite of everything king Henry could say, they would not rally nor return to the fight.
When king Henry perceived that his army was totally defeated, without hopes of recovery, he called for his horse, mounted it, and galloped among the crowd of runaways, but was careful not to take the road either to Najarra or to the river: for he wished not to be surrounded; he followed another road, to avoid every danger; in which he acted wisely, as he was fully aware that, if he should be made prisoner, he would be slain without mercy. The English and Gascons now mounted their horses, and went in pursuit of the Spaniards, who were flying in dismay, as far as Najarra. There was much slaughter and effusion of blood at the entrance of the bridge: many were killed and drowned: for great numbers leaped into the river, which was both rapid and deep, preferring the being drowned to being murdered.
In this flight, there were two valiant men of Spain, knights at arms, who wore, however, the dress of monks: one was called the grand prior of St. Jago, the other the grand master of the order of Calatrava: they and their attendants threw themselves for safety into the town of Najarra, but were so closely pursued by the English and Gascons, who were at their heels, that they won the bridge with great slaughter, and entered the town with them. They took possession of a strong house, which was well built with worked stone: but this was soon gained, the knights taken, many of the people killed, and the whole town pillaged. The English and Gascons gained considerable riches: they went to the lodgings of king Henry and the other Spanish lords, where the first comers found quantities of plate and jewels; for king Henry and his army had come thither with much splendour, and after the defeat had not leisure to return to place in security what they had left behind them in the morning.
The defeat was very complete and dreadful, especially upon the banks of this river, where numbers were slain. Some said, as I have heard from those who were there, that the river below Najarra was tinged with the blood of men and horses there killed. This battle was fought between Najarra and Navarretta, in Spain, on Saturday the third day of April, in the year of our Lord 1367.
* They had great desyre to fight outher to wynne or to lese all. — Lord Berners.
† Lord Berners says, “In that batayle with the genetours there were fifteen thousand a fote and a horseback.” D. Sauvage here uses the word Genetaires instead of guetteurs, but no reason appears for Mr. Johnes’ omitting it altogether. The difference in the numbers is remarkable. D. Sauvage had this note in the margin: “The abridgments say sixteen thousand: but Sala adds horses only; and La Chaux, simply men.” — ED.
‡ Lord Berners and D. Sauvage both say sixty. — ED.
§ This ceremony gave Chandos the rank of Knight Banneret, which it is surprising that he, who had seen so many stricken fields, had not received before. This order of knighthood was the most honourable, being conferred only on the field of battle. All the treatises on heraldry say that it must be conferred after the battle, although in this case we see an instance of its being obtained before the fight, the strict rule being probably waived in consideration of the knight’s former fields. It is generally supposed that this order, which took precedence of all others below barons, and whose members were anciently called to parliament by summons, originated in the reign of Edward I., but Edmondson in his Body of Heraldry says they were first created in 736; he does not however quote any authority in support of his assertion. The order was hereditary in France, but in England endured only for life. Knights Bannerets were allowed to bear arms with supporters, which is denied to all others under the degree of a baron. The last Knight Banneret created in England was sir John Smith, who was advanced to the dignity after the battle of Edgehill for rescuing the royal standard; he was slain in battle at Alresford in Hampshire. — ED.
¶ “Pennonceaux: — the pensels, as Lord Berners calls them, or flags attached to the lance of a knight; they were in the form of a swallow’s tail, and when the points were cut off as in the case of sir John Chandos, the flag became a banner, and its master a leader, with knights as well as squires under his particular guidance. — ED.
¥ “Gomez Garilz.” Gomez Carillo di Quintana. — Dillon’s Peter the Cruel..
** Guisarmes, — “a kind of (offensive) long-handled and long-headed weapon; or (as the Spanish visarma) a staff that hath within it two long spikes, which, with a shoot or thrust forward, came forth.” — Cotgrave’s Dictionary.
†† D. Sauvage will have it Navarretta; but I think it must be Najarra, for they would never run away towards Navarretta, but on the contrary towards their own homes. The battle was fought between Najarra and Navarretta. A river runs by Najarra, none by Navarretta. The Ebro is not far distant; but, if they had crossed that river, there would have been mention made of Logrono: and besides, they would then have been in an enemy’s country.
CHAPTER CCXLII. — ALL CASTILLE, AFTER THE BATTLE OF NAVARRETTA, ACKNOWLEDGES DON PEDRO. — HE PROTRACTS THE STAY OF THE PRINCE OF WALES AT VALLADOLID, WHILST HE SEEKS FOR MONEY TO PAY THE ARMY.
AFTER this defeat at the battle of Navarretta, which was completed before noon, the prince of Wales ordered his banner to be fixed in a bush, on a small eminence, as a rallying point for his men, on their return from the pursuit of the enemy. The duke of Lancaster, sir John Chandos, the lord de Clisson, the captal de Buch, the earl of Armagnac, the lord d’Albret and the other barons came thither: their banners were displayed to assemble their men, who formed themselves under them as they returned. The lord James, king of Majorca, was there, with his banner before him: his men collected themselves under it. A little higher, was don Martin de la Carra, with the banner of his lord, the king of Navarre. In similar order were all the other earls and barons drawn up; so that it was a beautiful sight to look on and contemplate.
The king, don Pedro, came thither in a great heat from the pursuit, mounted upon a black courser, with his banner, emblazoned with the arms of Castille, borne before him: he dismounted as soon as he perceived the banner of the prince, and advanced towards it. When the prince saw him coming, he hastened, out of respect, to meet him. Don Pedro would have cast himself on his knees, to return thanks to the prince, but he would not suffer it, and took him by the hand; upon which don Pedro said: “Dear and fair cousin, I owe you many thanks and praises for the happy event of this day, which I have gained through your means.” The prince replied: “Sir, render your thanks to God; for to him alone belongs the praise: the victory comes from him, and not from me.”
The lords of the council of the prince were now assembled, and conversed on different matters. The prince remained there so long that all his men were returned from the pursuit, when he ordered four knights, with as many heralds, to search the field of battle, and see what men of rank had been killed; and also to know for a truth what was become of king Henry called the Bastard, if he were among the dead or not, for at that time they knew nothing certain about him. After having given these orders, the prince and his barons descended towards the quarters of king Henry and the Spaniards. The army, according to orders, spread itself abroad among the tents of the enemy, where they found plenty of every sort of provision, from the want of which they had so lately suffered. They made themselves very comfortable, and supped with great joy. After supper, the knights and heralds who had been sent to examine the field of battle, returned, and reported, from the account they had taken, that only five hundred and sixty men at arms lay dead; that they had not found the body of king Henry, which was displeasing information to don Pedro. Among the dead, they had only found four knights of their party; two of whom were Gascons, one a German, and the other an Englishman. But of the commonalty they said there were about seven thousand five hundred dead, without counting those drowned, the numbers of whom they were ignorant of: and of their own party about forty common men.
They reposed themselves this Saturday night at their ease: they were well enabled to do so, from the great plenty of provision and wine which they had met with. They remained there the whole of the ensuing day, which was Palm-Sunday, to refresh themselves.
On that morning, about six o’clock, when the prince was risen and dressed, he came forth from his tent, and the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Armagnac, the lord d’Albret, sir John Chandos, the captal de Buch, the lord de Pommiers, sir Guiscard d’Angle, the king of Majorca, with a great number of knights and squires, advanced to pay their respects to him. Soon afterward, the king don Pedro came thither, to whom the prince paid every respect and honour. Don Pedro, having saluted him, said: “Dear lord and fair cousin, I entreat and beseech you, as a mark of your friendship, that you will have the kindness to deliver up to me the traitors of my country, especially my brother Sancho the bastard, and the others, that I may cut off their heads; for they have done me much injury.”
The prince of Wales, after having considered for a moment the request which don Pedro had just made him, answered: “Sir king, I have also a request to make you; and I beg of you, in the name of our friendship and connexion, that you will not deny it to me.” Don 376 Pedro, who could refuse him nothing, most cheerfully assented, saying: “My lord and fair cousin, whatever I have is yours.” Upon which, the prince replied: “Sir king, I entreat and beg of you to pardon all the ill which your rebellious subjects have done against you. You will do an act of kindness and generosity, and will by this manner remain in peace in your kingdom. But I except from this amnesty Gomez Garilz; for I am willing that you should do with him as best pleases you.”
The king don Pedro granted this favour, though much against his inclination: he dared not refuse it, feeling himself under so many obligations: he therefore answered: “Fair cousin, I willingly grant your request.” All the Spanish prisoners who were in the army of the prince were sent for, and he gave them up to the king don Pedro, their lord. The king kissed the earl don Sancho, his brother, and forgave him all his misdeeds towards him, as well as all the others, on condition they would swear fealty, homage, and service, and would become his vassals, and acknowledge him for their lord.
This courtesy and much more did the prince to don Pedro, who had but very little remembered them, as you will see in the continuation of this history. He made also very liberal presents to the barons of Spain who had been his prisoners. If the king could have had them given up to him; in his rage he would infallibly have put them all to death. Gomez Garilz was delivered up to him; for whom he would not hear of any ransom, so much did he hate him, but had him beheaded before his eyes, on the outside of the tent. After this, don Pedro mounted on horseback, attended by his brother don Sancho. and all those who were again become his subjects, with the two marshals of the prince, sir Guiscard d’Angle and sir Stephen Cossington, and upwards of five hundred men at arms; they set out from the army of the prince, and rode towards Burgos, where they arrived on the Monday morning.
The inhabitants of Burgos, who had been informed of the defeat of king Henry, had neither the will nor inclination to shut themselves up in the town, to hold out against their prince. The richest and principal persons of the city went out of the gates, to present the keys to don Pedro, whom, after acknowledging for their lord, they conducted with all his company, in great pomp and solemnity, into the city of Burgos.
The prince remained all Sunday, in his newly-acquired quarters. On the Monday, about vespers, he and his army decamped, and marched to Villorado, where he halted until the Wednesday following, when he marched to Burgos. The prince entered the town in great parade. With him were the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Armagnac, and others of the principal lords. The army encamped in the plains without the town, in which there was not room to quarter them comfortably. The prince visited his army every day during its encampment on the plain; for his tent was there pitched, and he gave judgment concerning arms and all things thereunto belonging: he there kept the field and wager of battle; so that one may truly say, all Spain was for some days under his command.
The prince of Wales and the king don Pedro celebrated the festival of Easter in the city of Burgos, where they tarried upwards of three weeks. On Easter-day, the deputies from Asturias, Toledo, Leon, Cordova, Gallicia, Seville, and from all the other provinces and towns dependent on the crown of Castille, came to Burgos, to do homage to don Pedro. That loyal knight of Castille, don Ferdinand de Castro, came also thither to pay his respects, whom they handsomely entertained, and were very happy in seeing.
When the king don Pedro had resided in Burgos rather more than the time I have mentioned, and had learnt from exact information that the rebellion was at an end, all having returned to their allegiance, the prince of Wales, in order to satisfy his army, and to act conformably to what was becoming him, said to the king: “Sir king, you are now, thanks to God, king and lord over your country: all rebellion and opposition to you are at an end: we therefore remain here at such very great expense that I must desire you will provide yourself with money sufficient to pay those who have replaced you in your kingdom, and that you now fulfil all the articles of the treaties which you have sworn and sealed to perform. We shall feel ourselves obliged by your so doing, and as speedily as it may be possible which will be the more profitable to you; for you know that men at arms will live, and, if they be not paid, will help themselves.” The king don Pedro replied as follows: “Sir cousin, we will punctually perform, as far as shall be in our loyal power, whatever we have promised and 377 sworn to: but at this moment we have no money: we will therefore set out for Seville and its environs, and will there collect a sufficiency to satisfy every one. If you will march to Valladolid, which is a fertile country, we will return to you as soon as it shall be in our power, but at the latest by Whitsuntide.”
This answer was agreeable to the prince and his council. The king don Pedro left the prince abruptly, and went to Seville with the intention of procuring money. The prince marched to Valladolid, where he fixed his quarters. The army was spread over the country about that town, in order to find provision for themselves and horses; they continued there with little profit to the peasants, for the companies could not refrain from pillaging.
News was immediately carried through France, England, Germany, and other countries, that the prince of Wales had defeated king Henry (who was himself either taken, drowned, or slain) with upwards of a hundred thousand men, in a regular battle. The prince was therefore the more honoured and renowned for it wherever true knighthood and deeds of enterprise were esteemed, particularly in the empire of Germany and in England. The Germans, Flemings, and English declared the prince of Wales was the mirror of knighthood, and that such a prince was worthy of governing the whole world, who, by personal prowess, had gained three glorious victories: the first at Crecy in Ponthieu, the second at Poitiers ten years afterwards, and the third in Spain at Najarra. The citizens of London made solemn shows, triumphs, and feasts, for this victory; such as were formerly done in honour of their kings, who had taken a town or defeated their enemies.
But in France, there was much lamentation for the knights of that kingdom, who had been either slain or made prisoners; more especially for sir Bertrand du Guesclin, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, and several others, who, however, were courteously treated, and some immediately set at liberty on their ransom. Sir Bertrand had not his freedom so soon; for sir John Chandos, whose prisoner he was, being unwilling to consent to it, sir Bertrand was not over-pressing on the subject.
We will now speak a little of king Henry, what became of him after his flight from the battle, and then return to the prince of Wales and king don Pedro of Castille.
CHAPTER CCXLIII. — KING HENRY OF CASTILLE HAVING ESCAPED FROM THE BATTLE OF NAJARRA, MAKES WAR UPON AQUITAINE. — THE PRINCE OF WALES LEAVES SPAIN, DISCONTENTED WITH THE KING DON PEDRO.
KING HENRY, as has been before related, escaped the best way he could, and leaving his enemies behind him, conducted his wife and children as quickly as he was able to the city of Valencia, where the king of Arragon resided, who was his godfather and friend: to him he related the ill success of the battle. Upon considering the state of his affairs, he determined to make a long journey, and visit the duke of Anjou, who was then at Montpellier, to tell him of his misfortunes.
The king of Arragon approved of this plan, and consented to his leaving him, because the duke was an enemy to the prince of Wales, who was his too near neighbour. King Henry then departed from the king of Arragon, leaving his wife and children in the city of Valencia. Pursuing his journey, he passed through Narbonne, which is the first city of the realm of France on that side; then through Beziers, and that country, until he arrived at Montpelier, where he found the duke of Anjou, who loved him much and as cordially hated the English, though he was not at war with them.
The duke, who had before heard of his ill fortune, received king Henry in the handsomest manner and comforted him by every means in his power. He remained with him some time, and then set out for Avignon, to visit pope Urban V. who was about to depart for Rome, which he shortly afterwards did. King Henry then returned to Montpellier, to the duke of Anjou, when some treaties were entered into between them. It was related to me, by those who at the time thought themselves well informed of what was going on, (and there is every appearance from ensuing circumstances that it was true,) that king Henry bought 378 or borrowed of the duke of Anjou, a castle situated near Toulouse, upon the borders of the principality; which castle was called Roquemaure*. He there assembled some of the free companions, such as Bretons and others, who had not followed the prince into Spain: they amounted, at this commencement, to three hundred.
News was immediately dispatched to the princess of Wales, who had remained at Bordeaux, that king Henry was seeking for assistance, and making preparations on all sides, to wage war upon the principality and the duchy of Guienne. She was much astonished on hearing it; but, since he was upon the territories belonging to the crown of France, she sent special ambassadors to the king of France, to entreat that he would not suffer the bastard of Spain to make war upon her, nor to have any support from France to carry such designs into effect, for too serious evils would arise from it.
The king of France immediately assented to the request of the princess: he sent messengers in haste to the bastard Henry (who still remained in the castle of Roquemaure, near to Montauban, and who had already begun to make war upon Aquitaine and the territories of the prince,) commanding him, as he was a resident in his kingdom, not to wage war on the principality of his dear nephew the prince of Wales and of Aquitaine. To give greater weight to these orders, and as an example for his subjects not to form any alliance with the bastard Henry, he sent the young earl of Auxerre to prison in the castle of the Louvre in Paris, because he had entered into treaties with king Henry, and as it was said, was to join him with a large body of men at arms: the king of France made him give up this expedition, and dissolve the connexion.
King Henry paid obedience to the orders of the king of France, as it was natural he should: but for all this he did not think the less of his attempt. He departed from the castle of Roquemaure, with about four hundred Bretons, having for his allies the following knights and squires: sir Arnold de Limousin, sir Geoffry Ricons, sir Pons de Laconet, Silvester Budes, Aliot de Calais†, and Alain de St. Pol. These men at arms, Bretons as well as others, advanced into the territories of the prince, and galloping boldly through the mountains, entered the principality by Bigorre, and took by escalade a town called Bagnieres‡. They repaired and fortified it very strongly; whence they made irruptions on the territories of the prince, to which they did much mischief. But the princess sent after them sir James Audley, who had remained as governor in Aquitaine, to guard the country. Notwithstanding this, king Henry and the Bretons did a great deal of damage; for his army was continually increasing.
We will now return to the prince of Wales and his army, who had been encamped at Valladolid and its environs waiting for the return of don Pedro.
The prince had continued at Valladolid until after the feast of St. John the Baptist, expecting don Pedro, who did not return, nor could he learn any certain tidings of him. He became very melancholy, and assembled his council, that they might deliberate what was best to be done. The council advised the prince to sent two or three knights to remonstrate with the king on his situation, and to demand the reason why he did not keep to the agreement he had made, nor return the day he had himself appointed. Sir Nêle Loring, sir Richard Pontchardon, and sir Thomas Banister were ordered to make themselves ready to wait on don Pedro. These knights of the prince set out immediately, and rode on until they 379 came to the city of Seville, where don Pedro was, who, in outward appearance, received them with great joy.
The knights delivered their message punctually and literally, as they had been ordered by the prince. The king don Pedro replied, and by way of excusing himself, said: “It is, my lords, very displeasing most certainly to us, that we have not been able to perform what we had covenanted to do with our cousin the prince. We have remonstrated ourselves, and made others do so with our subjects, frequently on this business; but our people excuse themselves, and say they cannot collect any money as long as the free companies remain in the country; for they have already killed three or four of our treasurers, who were carrying sums of money towards the prince our cousin. You will therefore tell him from us, that we entreat he will have the goodness to send out of our kingdom these wicked companies, and that he will leave with us some of his knights, to whom, in his name, we will pay such sums of money as he demands, and which we hold ourselves obliged and bound to pay him.”
This was all the answer the knights could obtain. They took leave of don Pedro, and returned to the prince at Valladolid; to whom, and to his council, they related all they had seen or heard. This answer made the prince more melancholy than before, because he clearly found that, though the king don Pedro entered into agreements, he put off the fulfilling of them.
During the stay the prince made at Valladolid, which was upwards of four of the hottest months, the king of Majorca was confined to his bed, through sickness; at which the prince and the other lords were very much concerned. At this place, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, and le bègue de Villaines, with several knights of France and Brittany, who had been made prisoners, were ransomed, or exchanged, for sir Thomas Felton, sir Richard Causton, sir Hugh Hastings, and others. But sir Bertrand du Guesclin remained still in the power of the prince, for he was not ransomed so soon. The English and council of the prince thought, that if he obtained his liberty, he would immediately join the bastard Henry, and carry on the war with fresh vigour. The prince had heard that Henry had entered Bigorre, had taken Bagnieres, and was wasting his principality: on which account, he was not in any haste to grant sir Bertrand his liberty.
When the prince of Wales had considered the answer of don Pedro, he was more disturbed than ever, and ordered his council to give him their opinions on it. His people, who were anxious to return, (for the air and heat of Span had been very hurtful to their health; even the prince himself was unwell, and in low spirits;) recommended a retreat, and declared that don Pedro had shamefully and dishonourably failed in his engagements.
Orders were immediately given for the return of the army. When they were on the eve of their departure, the prince sent sir Hugh Courtenay and sir John Chandos to inform the king of Majorca of the reasons why he was about to quit Spain; and that he should be very much concerned to leave him behind, in case he wished to return. The king of Majorca replied to the knights: “I give my lord the prince, our brother soldier, my best thanks; but for the present I cannot ride, nor, until God please, can I raise my foot to the stirrup.” The knights answered, by inquiring if he wished the prince should leave behind some men at arms, as a guard for him, and to conduct him when he should be in a situation to mount on horseback? The king said, “By no means, for it is uncertain how long I may be forced to remain here.”
Upon this, the knights took leave of the king, and returned to the prince; to whom they related what had passed, with the answers of the king of Majorca. He replied, “Be it so, then.” The prince and his whole army now began their march towards a good city called Madrigay§, where he stayed a short time. He then advanced to a valley called de Foirie¶, upon the borders of Spain, Arragon, and Navarre, where he and his army remained upwards of a month: for some of the passes on the borders of Arragon were shut against him; and it was reported in the army, that the king of Navarre (who had lately come out of prison) 380 had compromised his quarrel with the bastard of Spain and the king of Arragon, and had engaged to cut off the retreat of the prince through his dominions. However, as it appeared afterwards, there was no truth in this report: nevertheless, it was suspected, because he was in his kingdom, and had not waited on the prince.
While the prince remained in this situation, he sent negotiators to an appointed place between Spain and Arragon, where they met others from the king of Arragon, with whom they had long conferences for several days: at last, it was finally agreed, that the king of Arragon should open his country for the peaceable return of the prince and his army: through which they were to pass, without doing any violence or molestation, and paying courteously for whatever they should want.
The king of Navarre, when he found that a treaty had been entered into with the king of Arragon, came to meet the prince, attended by don Martin de la Carra. He paid him every respect and honour, handsomely offering a passage through his dominions, for himself, his brother, the duke of Lancaster, as well as for several barons and knights of England and of Gascony; but he was anxious that the free companies should take any other road than through Navarre.
The prince and the lords, who knew that their march would be much shortened by going through Navarre, were not willing to renounce such a favour: they therefore greatly thanked the king for his offer: and the prince managed him so well that he obtained the same permission for the companies as for the rest of his army, assuring the king, upon his word and oath, that they should pass so peaceably, and pay so well for what they might want, that he would be satisfied with them.
The prince, therefore, and his men at arms, quitted the kingdom of Castille, on their return, marching as quietly as they could through Navarre. The prince was attended by the king of Navarre and don Martin de la Carra, as far as Roncevaux; whence he continued his march to Bayonne, where he was received with great joy. He remained there four days, to repose and recruit himself. When he approached Bordeaux, he was received with 381 great solemnity; the princess of Wales came out to meet him, accompanied with her eldest son, Edward, who was then about three years old.
He there disbanded his army; the men at arms departed different ways: the lords, barons, and knights of Gascony, to their castles; the knights of England to their governments, or high stewardships; and the free companies, as they returned, remained in the principality waiting for payment. The prince, who thought himself much obliged to them, was desirous of satisfying them as far as was in his power, and as soon as money could be raised. He said, that “although don Pedro had not kept his engagements, it was not becoming him to act in like manner to those who had so well served him.”
* “Roquemaure.” From all the searches I have made, Froissart seems to have been misinformed as to the castle king Henry retired to from Montpellier.
“Henry and the duke of Anjou went together to Avignon. — On their return, they entered into a treaty, as well against don Pedro as the English: but this was kept secret. Henry then retired to his comté de Cessenon, in the diocese of S. Pons and of Beziers. Being distressed for money, he sold this county, with the castles of Cessenon, of Servian, Thesan, &c. to the king of France, for the sum of 27,000 gold francs. Henry gave a receipt for this sum, 27th July, and then went with his family to reside at the castle of Pierre Pertuse, where he had rested on coming from Spain.” — Hist. de Languedoc.
This castle of Pierre Pertuse I believe to be the castle which Froissart calls Roquemaure. It was demolished by Louis XIV. after the peace of Nimeguen, who built the castle of Bellegarde on its ruins. It is a very strong situation, commanded the Col de Pertus. Roussillon at that time was attached to the crown of Arragon.
There is a town called Roquemaure in Upper Languedoc, near to and in the diocese of Montauban, so that Froissart may be right, notwithstanding what the historian of Languedoc says, which I have just quoted.
† Barnes calls him Eliot du Carbais.
‡ “Bagnieres” — a town of Bigorre, diocese of Tarbes.
§ “Madrigay.” Agreda — Collin’s Hist. of the Black Prince.
¶ “Foirie.” Vale of Sona, between Arragon and Spain. — Collins.
CHAPTER CCXLIV. — AFTER THE RETURN OF THE PRINCE TO AQUITAINE, HENRY KING OF CASTILLE LEAVES BAGNIERES IN BIGORRE, AND RETIRES TO THE KINGDOM OF ARRAGON. — SIR BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN OBTAINS HIS RANSOM. — THE FREE COMPANIES OF THE PRINCE ENTER THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE. — SOME OF THE GREAT BARONS OF AQUITAINE COMPLAIN TO KING CHARLES OF FRANCE OF A CERTAIN TAX, CALLED FOUAGE*, WHICH THE PRINCE WAS ABOUT TO LAY ON THEIR LANDS.
AS soon as king Henry, who had remained in the garrison of Bagnieres for a considerable time, heard of the prince’s return from Spain into the principality, he set out, accompanied by all his men at arms, Bretons and companions, towards the king of Arragon, who had much affection for him, and who received him with great joy. He passed there the whole winter; when new treaties were entered into between them, to carry on the war against don Pedro. The Bretons, who were his adherents, had already made incursions into Spain, in the name of king Henry: they were commanded by sir Arnold de Limousin, sir Geoffry Ricons and sir Pons de Lakonet.
We will now relate how sir Bertrand du Guesclin obtained his liberty. After the prince was returned to Aquitaine, his brother the duke of Lancaster to England, and all the other barons to their different homes, sir Bertrand du Guesclin remained prisoner to the prince and to sir John Chandos; for he could not by any means obtain his ransom; which was highly displeasing to king Henry, but he could not remedy it.
Now it happened (as I have been informed) that one day, when the prince was in great good humour, he called sir Bertrand du Guesclin, and asked him how he was. “My lord,” replied sir Bertrand, “I was never better: I cannot otherwise but be well, for I am, though in prison, the most honoured knight in the world.” “How so?” rejoined the prince. “They say in France,” answered sir Bertrand, “as well as in other countries, that you are so much afraid of me, and have such a dread of my gaining my liberty, that you dare not set me free; and this is my reason for thinking myself so much valued and honoured.” The prince, on hearing these words, thought sir Bertrand had spoken with much good 382 sense; for, in truth, his council were unwilling he should have his liberty, until don Pedro had paid to the prince and his army the money he had engaged to do: he answered, ”What, sir Bertrand, do you imagine that we keep you prisoner for fear of your prowess? By St. George, it is not so; for, my good sir, if you will pay one hundred thousand francs, you shall be free.” Sir Bertrand was anxious for his liberty, and now having heard upon what terms he could obtain it, taking the prince at his word, replied, “My lord, through God’s will, I will never pay a less sum.” The prince, when he heard this, began to repent of what he had done. It is said, that some of his council went farther, and told him; “My lord, you have acted very wrong, in thus granting him so easily his ransom.” They wanted to break through the agreement; but the prince, who was a good and loyal knight, replied, “Since we have granted it, we will keep to it, and not act any way contrary; for it would be a shame, and we should be blamed by every one for not agreeing to his ransom, when he has offered to pay so largely for it as one hundred thousand francs.”
From the time of this conversation, sir Bertrand was taking great pains to seek the money, and was so active, that by the assistance of the king of France and the duke of Anjou, who loved him well, he paid in less than a month the hundred thousand francs, and went to the aid of the duke of Anjou, with two thousand combatants, in Provence, where the duke was laying siege to Tarascon, which held out for the queen of Naples.
At this period†, a treaty of marriage was entered into between the lord Lionel, duke of Clarence and earl of Ulster, with the daughter of the lord Galeas, sovereign of Milan. This young lady was niece to the earl of Savoy, being daughter of the lady Blanche, his sister. The treaty was so well conducted on both sides that it was agreed upon. The duke of Clarence came from England, attended by a great number of English knights and squires to France, where he was received by the king, the duke of Burgundy, the duke of Bourbon, the lord de Coucy, and magnificently feasted at Paris. He passed through France, and entered Savoy, where the gallant earl received him most honourably, at Chamberry: he was handsomely entertained there, during three days, by the ladies, both young and old. On the fourth day, he departed. The earl of Savoy conducted him to Milan, where he espoused his niece, the daughter of the lord Galeas, on the Monday after Trinity, in the year 1368. We will now return to the affairs of France.
You have before heard of the expedition which the prince of Wales made into Spain; how he had left it, discontented with the conduct of don Pedro, and was returned to Aquitaine. When he arrived at Bordeaux, he was followed by all the men at arms; for they were unwilling to remain in Spain longer, because they could not obtain their pay from don Pedro, according to the engagements he had entered into with them. At the time of their return, the prince had not been able to collect money sufficient for them as speedily as he could have wished; for it was wonderful to imagine how much this expedition had impoverished and drained him: for which reason, those men kept their quarters in Aquitaine, and could not be prevented from doing mischief, as they were upwards of six thousand fighting men. The prince had them spoken to, and entreated that they would change their quarters, and seek elsewhere for a maintenance, for he could not longer support them.
The captains of these companies (who were all English or Gascons; namely, sir Robert Briquet, John Tresnelle, sir Robert Cheney, sir Gaillard Viguier, le bourg de Breteuil, le bourg Camus, le bourg de l’Esparre, Nandon de Bagerant, Bernard de la Salle, Ortigo, la Nuit, and several others) were not willing to anger the prince; they therefore quitted the principality as soon as possible, and entered France, which they called their home, by crossing the river Loire. They halted in Champagne, in the archbishopric of Rheims, in the bishoprics of Noyons and Soissons, and their numbers were daily increasing. They were so much blamed for their former deeds by the French, which greatly irritated them, that they would willingly, as it appeared, have fought with all France, if they had been listened to: and to put this to the hazard, they made incursions through the kingdom of France, where they did so much damage and such wicked acts, as caused great tribulation. Complaints were frequently made of them to the king of France and to his council; but they 383 could not remedy it, for they were afraid of risking a battle, and some of those who had been made prisoners from the French garrisons said that the prince of Wales encouraged them underhand. Many in France were astonished at this conduct of the prince. At last, the king of France sent for the lord de Clisson, and appointed him captain against these disorderly companies, because he was a good and hardy knight, for which the king was very fond of him.
At this time, a marriage was concluded between the lord d’Albret and the lady Isabella de Bourbon, which was not very agreeable to the prince of Wales, who would have wished that he had chosen his wife from another house. He spoke very coarsely and rudely both of him and his bride. The principal persons of his council, as well knights and squires, made excuses for him as well as they could, by saying, “Every one advances and aggrandizes himself in the best way he can; and a gallant knight ought never to be blamed, if he seek for honour and profit in the way most agreeable to himself, provided he do not fail in his service to the lord whose vassal he is.” By these, and such like words, was the prince answered, in hopes of appeasing him: but nevertheless, in spite of appearances, he was very far from being satisfied; for he was well aware that this marriage would cause an estrangement of affection from him and from his party, as in truth it happened, according to what will be hereafter more fully explained.
During the time the companies were quartering themselves in France, the prince of Wales was advised by some of his council to lay a tax on the lands of Aquitaine: the bishop of Rhodez in Rouergue, in particular, took great pains to persuade him to it. The establishments of the prince and the princess were so grand, that no prince in Christendom maintained greater magnificence.
The barons of Gascony, Poitou, Saintonge and Rouergue, who had the right of remonstrating, as well as those from the principal towns in Aquitaine, were summoned to a council on this tax. This parliament was held at Niort; when the bishop of Rhodez, chancellor of Aquitaine, in the presence of the prince, explained fully the nature of this tax, in what manner it was to be levied, and that the prince had not any intentions to continue it longer than for five years, or until he should have satisfied the large debt which had been caused by the Spanish expedition. The deputies from Poitou, Saintonge, Limousin, Rouergue and La Rochelle, were agreeable to this imposition, provided the prince would keep his coin to the same standard for seven years: but it was refused by those from the upper parts of Gascony, namely, the earl of Armagnac, the lord d’Albret, his nephew, the earl of Comminges, the viscount of Carmain, the lord de la Barde, the lord de Cande, the lord de Pincornet, and several great barons from the counties, cities and good towns under their jurisdiction, saying, that “in former times, when they were under the vassalage of the king of France, they were not oppressed by any tax, subsidy, imposition or gabelle, and that they never would submit to any such oppression so long as they could defend themselves: that their lands and lordships were free from all duties, and that the prince had sworn to maintain them in this state. Nevertheless, in order to leave the parliament of the prince in an amicable manner, they declared, they would, when returned to their own country, consider this business more fully: and that they would consult several prelates, bishops, abbots, barons and knights, to whom it belonged to speak more deliberately on this demand than had hitherto been done.” The prince of Wales and his council not being able to gain more at this time, the parliament broke up at Niort, and each person returned to his own home; but they were commanded by the prince to return again by a certain day, which had been fixed upon before they broke up.
These lords and barons of Gascony being arrived in their own country, and having their opinions strengthened, were resolved neither to return again to the parliament of the prince nor to suffer this tax to be imposed upon their lands, even should they be obliged to oppose force in preventing it. Thus this country began its rebellion against the prince. The lords of Armagnac, d’Albret, de Comminges, the earl of Perigord, and several great prelates, barons, knights and squires of Gascony, went to France, to lay their complaints before the court of the king of France (the king and his peers being present) of the wrongs the prince was about to do them. They said, they were under the jurisdiction of the king of France, and that they were bound to return to him as to their sovereign lord.
384The king of France, who was desirous not openly to infringe the peace between the king of England and him, dissembled his joy at these words, and replied in a guarded manner to the barons of Gascony, saying; “Certainly, my lords, we shall always be very anxious to preserve and even augment the jurisdiction of our inheritance, and of the crown of France; but we have sworn, as our father had done, to several articles of the peace, all of which we do not now recollect; we will have them looked into and examined, and all that shall be in them to our and to your advantage we will aid you to preserve. We will endeavour to make up your differences with our dear nephew the prince of Wales; for perhaps if has been through evil advisers that he has wished to encroach upon you and your vassals’ franchises.” With this answer, which the king made to them off hand, the Gascons were mightily satisfied, and remained at Paris, near the king’s person, without wishing to return home.
The prince was not pleased at this conduct. He continued to persevere, and to make his council persevere, in the affair of the hearth-tax. Sir John Chandos, who was one of the principal of his council and a valorous knight, was of a contrary opinion, and wanted the prince to desist: so that, when he saw he could not succeed, in order that he might not be accused, nor have any blame, he requested leave of the prince to visit his estate of St. Sauveur le Vicomte, of which he was lord, for he had not been there these three years. The price granted him leave; and sir John Chandos set out from Poitou to Coutantin, and remained in the town of St. Sauveur upwards of half a year. In the mean time, the prince proceeded with this tax, which, if it had been properly managed, would have been worth twelve hundred thousand francs, one paying with the other one franc each fire. We will now return to king Henry, who had remained in the kingdom of Arragon, and relate how he conducted his affairs.
* Fouage, — “a yearly tax levied in old time, by supreme lords, upon every chimney or house fire kept within their dominions. In Charles V.’s time, it was four livres tournois. Since that time, in most places the tailles have been introduced in lieu thereof. The tailles were originally only allowed in four cases; nouvelle chevalerie, marriage des filles, voyage d’outre-mer, et captivité. Charles VII. made them ordinary. All gentlemen, or such of a gentlemanly profession, are exempted from them.” — Colgrave’s Dictionary — Fouage — Taille.
“The taille was levied on goods, moveable and immoveable. It amounted to the tenth part of the revenues. A false declaration occasioned the confiscation of the overplus. — (Beaumanoir, chap. L.) When the kings imposed the taille on the subjects of their domain, those barons who were bound to serve them in their wars laid it on their vassals. According to a regulation of St. Louis, the parishes elected thirty or forty men, who from among themselves chose twelve that were appointed to apportion this tax: and they swore on the Gospels, neither to favour nor injure any one through love or hatred. These twelve men elected in their turn four who were appointed to raise this tax.
“The aide was a tax which the principal barons levied in money from their vassals. There were two sorts of aides, ‘l’aide légitime,’ which was rigorously exacted in certain instances, such as the ransom of the lord, the marriage of the eldest daughter, the knighthood of the son, the accession of the presumptive heir to the estate. From this aide, the clergy were not exempted. The other was called “l’aide gracieux.” It was demanded as a gift in certain cases, and depended on the will of the inferior. It was granted when the lord went croisading to Palestine, — when he himself, or his brother, was armed knight, — when he married his sister or younger children, — when he built or repaired any castle, — when he was at war for the defence of his lands. This voluntary tax was not long before it became a forced one.” — Introduction to M. Levesque’s Hist. of France under the fist five Valois, vol. i. pp. 325, &c.
† See Rymer, 1366, 1367, 1368, where the treaty is at length, and the names of those who accompanied the duke of Clarence to Milan.
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