— You may click on the footnote symbol to jump to the note, then click again on that footnote symbol and you will return to the same place in the text. —
————————————————
From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq; London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 215-231.
WHEN the battalions of the king of France were drawn up, and each lord posted under his proper banner, and informed how they were to act, it was ordered, that all those who were armed with lances should shorten them to the length of five feet, that they might be the more manageable, and that every one should take off his spurs. As the French were on the point of marching to their enemies, the cardinal de Perigord, who had left Poitiers that morning early, came full gallop up to the king, making a low reverence, and intreated him, with uplifted hands, for the love of God, to halt a moment, that he might speak to him: he thus began; “Most dear sire, you have here with you all the flower of knighthood of your kingdom against a handful of people, such as the English are, when compared to your army; you may have them upon other terms than by a battle; and it will be more honourable and profitable to you to gain them by this means than to risk such a fine army, and such noble persons as you have now with you. I therefore beseech you, in all humility, and by the love of God, that you will permit me to go to the prince, and remonstrate with him on the dangerous situation he is in.” The king answered, “It is very agreeable to us; but make haste back again.”
The cardinal upon this, set off, and went in all speed to the prince, whom he found on 216 foot in the midst of his army, in the thickest part of a vineyard. When the cardinal came there, he dismounted, and advanced to the prince, who most affably received him, and, after he had made his reverence, said; “Fair son, if you have well considered the great army of the king of France, you will permit me to make up matters between you both, if I possibly can.” The prince, who was but in his youth, replied; “Sir, my own honour, and that of my army saved, I am ready to listen to any reasonable terms.” The cardinal answered; “Fair son, you say well: and I will bring about a treaty, if I can; for it would be a great pity, that so many worthy persons, who are here, should meet in battle.” The cardinal returned to the king of France, and said: “Sir, you have no occasion to be so impatient to fight with them, for they cannot escape from you: I therefore intreat you would grant them a truce from this time, until to-morrow’s sun-rise.” The king at first would not agree to it, for a part of his council refused their consent: however, the cardinal spoke so eloquently, that the king at last assented. He ordered a very handsome and rich pavilion of red silk to be pitched on the spot where he stood, and dismissed his army to their quarters, except the battalion of the constable and marshal.
All this Sunday, the cardinal rode from one army to the other, and was very anxious to reconcile the two parties. But the king would not listen to any other terms than that four principal persons of the English should be given up to his will, and that the prince and his army should unconditionally surrender themselves. Many proposals were made: the prince offered to surrender to the king of France all the towns and castles which he had conquered in this expedition; to give up, without ransom, all his prisoners, and to swear he would not for seven years take up arms against the king of France. The king and his council refused to accept of this, and the affair remained some time in suspense: at last, they declared that, if the prince of Wales and one hundred of his knights did not surrender themselves prisoners to the king of France, he would not allow them to pass on without an engagement. The prince and his army disdained accepting of such conditions.
Whilst the cardinal was riding from one army to the other, endeavouring to make peace, some knights of either party rode forth, skirting their enemy’s army, to examine its disposition. It chanced, on that day, that sir John Chandos had rode out near one of the wings of the French army, and lord John de Clermont, one of the king’s marshals, had done the same, to view the English. As each knight was returning to his quarters, they met; they both had the same device upon the surcoats which they wore over their other clothes; it was a Virgin Mary, embroidered on a field azure, or, encompassed with the rays of the sun argent*. On seeing this, lord Clermont said; “Chandos, how long is it since you have taken upon you to wear my arms?” “It is you who have mine,” replied Chandos; “for it is as much mine as yours.” “I deny that,” said the lord of Clermont; “and were it not for the truce between us, I would soon shew you that you have no right to wear it.” “Ha,” answered sir John Chandos, “you will find me to-morrow in the field, ready prepared to defend, and to prove by force of arms, that it as much mine as yours.” The lord of Clermont replied; “These are the boastings of you English, who can invent nothing new, but take for your own whatever you see handsome belonging to others.” With that they parted, without more words, and each returned to his own army. The cardinal de Perigord, not being able by any means to reconcile the king and prince, returned to Poitiers late in the evening. That same day the French kept in their quarters, where they lived at their ease, having plenty of provisions; whilst the English, on the other hand, were but badly off, nor did they know whither to go for forage, as they were so straitly kept by the French, they could not move without danger. This Sunday they made many mounds and ditches round where the archers were posted, the better to secure them.
On Monday morning, the prince and his army were soon in readiness, and as well arrayed as on the former day. The French were also drawn out by sun-rise. The cardinal, returning again that morning, imagined that, by his exhortations, he could pacify both parties; but the French told him to return where he pleased, and not attempt bringing them any more 217 treaties or pacifications, else worse might betide him. When the cardinal saw that he laboured in vain, he took leave of the king of France, and set out toward the prince of Wales, to whom he said; “Fair son, exert yourself as much as possible, for there must be a battle; I cannot by any means pacify the king of France.” The prince replied, “that such were the intentions of him and his army; and God defend the right.” The cardinal then took leave of him, and returned to Poitiers. In his company, there were some knights and men at arms more inclined to the French than to the English, who, when they saw that a battle was unavoidable, stole away from their master, and, joining the French forces, chose for their leader the castellan of Amposta†, who at that time was attached to the cardinal. The cardinal knew nothing of this, until he was arrived at Poitiers.
The arrangement of the prince’s army, in respect to the battalions, was exactly the same as what the three knights before named had related to the king of France, except that at this time he had ordered some valiant and intelligent knights to remain on horseback, similar to the battalion of the French marshals, and had also commanded three hundred men at arms, and as many archers on horseback, to post themselves on the right on a small hill, that was not too steep nor too high, and, by passing over its summit, to get round the wing of the duke of Normandy’s battalion, who was in person at the foot of it. These were all the alterations the prince had made in his order of battle: he himself was with the main body, in the midst of the vineyards: the whole completely armed, with their horses near, if there should be occasion for them. They had fortified and inclosed the weaker parts, with their waggons and baggage.
I wish to name some of the most renowned knights, who were with the prince of Wales. There were Thomas Beauchamp earl of Warwick, John Vere earl of Oxford, William Montacute earl of Salisbury, Robert Hufford earl of Suffolk, Ralph lord Stafford, the earl of Stafford, the lord Richard Stafford, brother to the earl, sir John Chandos, the lord Reginald Cobham, the lord Edward Spencer, the lord James Audley and his brother the lord Peter, the lord Thomas Berkeley (son of the lord Maurice Berkeley, who died at Calais nine years before),1 Ralph lord Basset of Drayton, John lord Warren (eldest son to John Plantagenet, late earl of Warren, Strathern and Surrey, by his first lady Maude de Hereford), Peter lord Mauley, the sixth of the name, the lord John Willoughby de Eresby, the lord Bartholomew de Burghersh, the lord William Felton and the lord Thomas Felton his brother, the lord Thomas Bradestan; sir Walter Pavely, sir Stephen Cossington, sir Matthew Gournay, sir William de la More, and other English. From Gascony, there were the lord of Pumiers, the lord d’Albret, the captal de Buch, the lord John de Chaumont, the lord de l’Esparre, the lord of Rosen, the lord of Cousen, the lord de Montferrand, the lord de Landulas, the lord Souldich de la Trane‡, and many more whom I cannot remember. Of Hainaulter, there were sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, the lord John de Guystelle, and two other strangers, the lord Daniel Phaselle and lord Denis de Morbeque. The whole army of the prince, including every one, did not amount to eight thousand: when the French, counting all sorts of persons, were upwards of sixty thousand combatants; among whom were more than three thousand knights.
* This blazonry seems erroneous; at all events it is incorrectly expressed. The words in Sauvage’s ed. are “une bleue Dame ouvrée d’une brodure, au ray du soleil:” a blue Madonna worked in embroidery, surrounded by sun-beams, and it is the same in Lord Berners. — ED.
† Among the cortes of Spain was the castellan of Amposta.
‡ He is called sir Sandich de la Trane in the account of the knights of the garter. See Anstis’ Order of the Garter, where there is a short history of him. He supposes the word Souldich (but he says he can nowhere fine the meaning of it) to be that of some office, like to captal, which, in the customs of Bordeaux, article 75, is ranked with the viscounts and barons.
1 According to the entry for Berkeley, in the Encyclopædia Britannica of 1910; p. 778, Froissart was wrong here. The Lord Berkeley that was captured was Maurice. He is also stated to be Maurice in the article on Berkeley Castle by Arthur Shadwell Martin, on this site. — Elf.Ed.
WHEN the prince of Wales saw, from the departure of the cardinal without being able to obtain any honourable terms, that a battle was inevitable, and that the king of France held both him and his army in great contempt, he thus addressed himself to them: “Now, my gallant fellows, what though we be a small body when compared to the army of our enemies; do not let us be cast down on that account, for victory does not always follow numbers, but 218 where the Almighty God pleases to bestow it. If, through good fortune, the day shall be ours, we will gain the greatest honour and glory in this world: if the contrary should happen and we be slain, I have a father and beloved brethren alive, and you all have some relations or good friends, who will be sure to revenge our deaths. I therefore entreat of you to exert yourselves, and combat manfully; for, if it please God and St. George, you shall see me this day act like a true knight*.” By such words and arguments as these, the prince harangued his men; as did the marshals, by his orders; so that they were all in high spirits. Sir John Chandos placed himself near the prince, to guard and advise him; and never, during that day, would he, on any account, quit his post.
The lord James Audley remained also a considerable time near him; but, when he saw that they must certainly engage, he said to the prince: “Sir, I have ever served most loyally my lord your father, and yourself, and shall continue so to do, as long as I have life. Dear sir, I must now acquaint you, that formerly I made a vow, if ever I should be engaged in any battle where the king your father or any of his sons were, that I would be the foremost in the attack, and the best combatant on his side, or die in the attempt. I beg therefore most earnestly, as a reward for any services I may have done, that you would grant me permission honourably to quit you, that I may post myself in such wise to accomplish my vow.” The prince granted this request, and, holding out his hand to him, said; “Sir James, God grant that this day you may shine in valour above all other knights.” The knight then set off, and posted himself at the front of the battalion, with only four squires whom he had detained with him to guard his person. This lord James was a prudent and valiant knight; and by his advice the army had thus been drawn up in order of battle. Lord James began to advance, in order to fight with the battalion of the marshal. In like manner, sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt took great pains to be the first to engage, and was so, or near it: and, at the time that lord James Audley was pushing forward to seek his enemies, it thus befel sir Eustace. I mentioned before, that the Germans attached to the French interest were drawn up in one battalion on horseback, and remained so, to assist the marshals. Sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, being mounted, placed his lance on its rest, and, fixing his shield, stuck spurs into his horse, and galloped up to this battalion. A German knight, called lord Lewis von Coucibras (who bore for arms five roses, gules, on a shield argent, while those of sir Eustace were ermine, three humets, in pale gules), perceiving sir Eustace quit his army, left his battalion that was under the command of earl John of Nassau, and made up to him: the shock of their meeting was so violent, that they both fell to the ground. The German was wounded in the shoulder, so that he could not rise again so nimbly as sir Eustace, who, when upon his legs, after he had taken breath, was hastening to the knight that lay on the ground; but five German men at arms came upon him, struck him down, and made him prisoner. They led him to those that were attached to the earl of Nassau, who did not pay much attention to him, nor do I know if they made him swear himself their prisoner: but they tied him to a car with some of their harness.
The engagement now began on both sides: and the battalion of the marshals was advancing before those who were intended to break the battalion of the archers, and had entered the lane where the hedges on both sides were lined by the archers; who, as soon as they saw them fairly entered, began shooting with their bows in such an excellent manner, from each side of the hedge, that the horses, smarting under the pain of the wounds made by their bearded arrows, would not advance, but turned about, and, by their unruliness, threw their masters, who could not manage them, nor could those that had fallen get up again for the confusion: so that this battalion of the marshals could never approach that of the prince: however, there were some knights and squires so well mounted, that, by the strength of their horses, they passed through, and broke the hedge, but, in spite of their efforts, could not 219 get up to the battalion of the prince. The lord James Audley, attended by his four squires†, had placed himself, sword in hand, in front of this battalion, much before the rest, and was performing wonders. He had advanced, through his eagerness, so far, that he engaged the lord Arnold d’Andreghen, marshal of France, under his banner, when they fought a considerable time, and the lord Arnold was roughly enough treated. The battalion of the marshal was soon after put to the rout by the arrows of the archers, and the assistance of the men at arms, who rushed among them as they were struck down, and seized and slew them at their pleasure. The lord Arnold d’Andreghen was there made prisoner, but by others than the lord James Audley or his four squires; for that knight never stopped to make any one his prisoner that day, but was the whole time employed in fighting and following his enemies. In another part, the lord John Clermont fought under his banner as long as he was able; but being struck down, he could neither get up again nor procure his ransom: he was killed on the spot. Some say, this treatment was owing to his altercation on the preceding day with sir John Chandos.
In a short time, this battalion of the marshals was totally discomfited; for they fell back so much on each other, that the army could not advance, and those who were in the rear, not being able to get forward, fell back upon the battalion commanded by the duke of Normandy, which was broad and thick in the front, but it was soon thin enough in the rear; for, when they learnt that the marshals had been defeated, they mounted their horses and set off. At this time, a body of English came down from the hill, and, passing along the battalions on horseback, accompanied by a large body of archers, fell upon one of the wings of the duke of Normandy’s division. To say the truth, the English archers were of infinite service to their army, for they shot so thickly and so well, that the French did not know which way to turn themselves, to avoid their arrows: by this means they kept advancing by little and little, and gained ground. When the men at arms perceived that the first battalion was beaten, and that the one under the duke of Normandy was in disorder, and beginning to open, they hastened to mount their horses, which they had, ready prepared, close at hand. As soon as they were all mounted, they gave a shout of “St. George, for Guienne!” and sir John Chandos said to the prince; “Sir, sir, now push forward, for the day is ours: God will this day put it in your hand. Let us make for our adversary the king of France; for where he is will lie the main stress of the business: I well know that his valour will not let him fly; and he will remain with us, if it please God and St. George: but he must be well fought with; and you have before said, that you would show yourself this day a good knight.” The prince replied; “John, get forward; you shall not see me turn my back this day, but I will always be among the foremost.” He then said to sir Walter Woodland, his banner-bearer, “Banner, advance, in the name of God and St. George.” The knight obeyed the commands of the prince. In that part, the battle was very hot, and greatly crowded: many a one was unhorsed: and you must know, that whenever any one fell, he could not get up again, unless he were quickly and well assisted. As the prince was thus advancing upon his enemies, followed by his division, and upon the point of charging them, he perceived the lord Robert de Duras lying dead near a small bush on his right hand, with his banner beside him, and ten or twelve of his people: upon which he ordered two of his squires and three archers to place the body upon a shield, carry it to Poitiers, and present it from him to the cardinal of Perigord, and say, that “I salute him by that token.” This was done; for he had been informed how the suite of the cardinal had remained in the field of battle in arms against him, which was nor very becoming, nor a fit deed for churchmen to do, as they, under pretext of doing good and establishing peace, pass from one army to the other, they ought not therefore to take up arms on either side. These, however, had done so, at which the prince was much enraged, and for this had sent the cardinal his nephew sir Robert de Duras, and was desirous of striking off the head of the castellan of Amposta, who had been made prisoner, notwithstanding he belonged to the cardinal‡, but sir John Chandos said, “My lord, do not think of such things at this 220 moment, when you must look to others of the greatest importance: perhaps the cardinal may excuse himself so well, that you will be convinced he was not to blame.”
The prince, upon this, charged the division of the duke of Athens, and very sharp the encounter was, so that many were beaten down. The French, who fought in large bodies, cried out, “Montjoye St. Denis!” and the English answered them with, “St. George for Guienne!” The prince next met the battalion of Germans, under the command of the earl of Saltzburg, the earl of Nassau, and the earl of Neydo; but they were soon overthrown, and put to flight. The English archers shot so well, that none dared to come within reach of their arrows, and they put to death many who could not ransom themselves. The three above-named earls were slain there, as well as many other knights and squires attached to them. In the confusion, sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt was rescued by his own men, who remounted him: he afterwards performed many gallant deeds of arms, and made many good captures that day.
When the battalion of the duke of Normandy saw the prince advancing so quick upon them, they bethought themselves how to escape. The sons of the king, the duke of Normandy, the earl of Poitiers, and the earl of Touraine, who were very young, too easily believed what those under whose management they were placed said to them: however, the lord Guiscard d’Angle and sir John de Saintré, who were near the earl of Poitiers, would not fly, but rushed into the thickest of the combat. The three sons of the king, according to the advice given them, gallopped away, with upwards of eight hundred lances who had never been near the enemy, and took the road to Chauvigny. When the lord John de Landas, who, with the lord Theobald de Bodenay and the lord of St. Venant, were the guardians of the duke of Normandy, had fled with him a good league, they took leave of him, and besought the lord of St. Venant not to quit him until they were all arrived at a place of safety; for, by doing thus, he would acquire more honour than if he were to remain on the field of battle. On their return, they met the division of the duke of Orleans, quite whole and unhurt, who had fled from behind the rear of the king’s battalion. True it is, there were many good knights and squired among them, who, notwithstanding the flight of their leaders, had much rather have suffered death than the smallest reproach§. The king’s battalion advanced in good order, to meet the English: many hard blows were given with swords, battle-axes, and other warlike weapons. The king of France, with the lord Philip his youngest son, attacked the division of the marshals, the earls of Warwick and Suffolk: there were also with the marshals some Gascons, such as the captal de Buch, the lord of Pumiers, the lord Amery de Charree, the lord of Languran, the lord de l’Estrade. The lord John de Landas, with the lord Theobald de Bodenay, returning in good time, dismounted, and joined the battalion of the king. On one side, the duke of Athens, constable of France, was engaged with his division; and, a little higher up, the duke of Bourbon, surrounded with good knights, from the Bourbonois and Picardy. Near to these were the men of Poitou, the lord de Pons, the lord de Partenay, the lord de Dampmaire, the lord de Montabouton, the lord de Surgeres, the lord John de Saintré, the lord Guiscard d’Angle, the lord d’Argenton, the lord de Linieres, the lord de Montrande, the viscount de Rochechouart, the earl of Aulnoy. Many others were also engaged, such as the lord James de Beaujeu, the lord of Chateau-Villain, and other knights and squires from Burgundy. In another part were the earls of Vantadour and Montpensier, the lord James de Bourbon, the lord John d’Artois, and the lord James his brother, the lord Arnold de Cervolle, surnamed the Archpriest, armed as the young earl of Alençon. There were also from Auvergne, the lord de 221 Marcueil, the lord de la Tour, the lord de Chalenton, the lord de Montague, the lord de Rochefort, the lord de la Chaire, the lord d’Achon; and from Limousin, the lord de Linal, the lord de Naruel, and the lord Pierre de Buffiere. From Picardy, there were the lord William de Merle, the lord Arnold de Renneval, the lord Geoffry de St. Dizier, the lord de Chauny, the lord de Hely, the lord de Monsant, the lord de Hagnes, and many others. The lord Douglas¶, from Scotland, was also in the king’s battalion, and for some time fought very valiantly; but, when he perceived that the discomfiture was complete on the side of the French, he saved himself as fast as he could; for he dreaded so much being taken by the English, that he had rather have been slain.
The lord James Audley, with the assistance of his four squires, was always engaged in the heat of the battle. he was severely wounded in the body, head and face; and as long as his strength and breath permitted him, he maintained the fight, and advanced forward: he continued to do so until he was covered with blood: the, towards the close of the engagement, his four squires, who were as his body-guard, took him, and led him out of the engagement, very weak and wounded, towards a hedge, that he might cool and take breath. They disarmed him as gently as they could, in order to examine his wounds, dress them, and sew up the most dangerous.
King John, on his part, proved himself a good knight; and, if the fourth of his people had behaved as well, the day would have been his own. Those, however, who had remained with him acquitted themselves to the best of their power, and were either slain or taken prisoners. Scarcely any who were with the king attempted to escape. Among the slain, were the duke Peter de Bourbon, the duke of Athens, constable of France, the bishop of Chalons¥ in Champagne, the lord Guiscard de Beaujeu, and the lord of Landas. The archpriest, sir Theobald de Bodenay and the lord of Pompadour, were made prisoners, badly wounded. In another part of the field of battle, the earls of Vaudemont and Genville, and the earl of Vendôme, were prisoners. Not far from that spot were slain, the lord William de Nesle and the lord Eustace de Ribeaumont, the lord de la Tour and the lord William de 222 Montagu. The lord Lewis de Melval, the lord Pierre de Buffiere and the lord de Senerach, were taken. In this engagement, upwards of two hundred knights and squires were killed or captured. A band of Norman knights still kept up the battle, in another part of the field; and of these, sir Guinenton de Chambly and sir Baudrin de la House, were slain: many others were discomfited, who were fighting in small bodies.
* Now sirs, though we be but a small company, as in regarde to the puyssance of our ennemyes, let us nat be abasshed therefore, for the vyctorie lyeth nat in the multitude of people but wher as God wyll sende it; if it fortune that the iourney be ours, we shal be the most honoured people of all the worlde; and if we dye in our right quarell, I have the kyng my father and bretherne, and also ye have good frendes and kynsmen; these shall reuenge us. Therfore sirs, for Goddes sake, I requyre you do you deuoyers this day, for if God be pleased and Saynt George, this day ye shall se me a good knyght. — Lord Berners.
† Their names were: Dutton of Dutton, — Delves of Doddington, — Fowlehurst of Crew, — Hawkestone of Wainehill. — Ashmole’s Garter.
‡ This is incorrectly translated;2 the castellan’s connection with the cardinal was the very reason why the prince desired his death. Lord Berners properly translates the words of the original, “pourtant qu’il estoit,” ”bycause he was pertaynynge.” — ED.
2 This assumption of a mistake by Johnes, here, does not mention that Johnes’ translated correctly the fact that the Prince of Wales was furious with the Cardinal because of the presence of his men at the battle. At most then this was an accidental mistake, not an outright misinterpretation. This is reported correctly in detail later in Chapter CLXVIII here. — Elf.Ed.
§ My manuscripts make here a new chapter, and it begins as follows:
“You have heard before related in this history the battle of Crecy, and how fortune was marvellously unfavourable to the French. They had equal ill-luck at the battle of Poitiers; for the French men at arms were at least seven to one. It must therefore be looked upon as very unfortunate that, with this advantage, they could not gain the field from their enemies. But, to say the truth, this battle of Poitiers was much better fought than that of Crecy; and the men at arms had more leisure, and better opportunities to observe their enemies, than they had at Crecy; for that battle did not begin before vespers, and with an army in disorder, whilst the battle of Poitiers commenced early in the morning, and the French army well arranged. There were many more gallant deeds performed, without comparison, in this than in the former battle; and there were not so many great lords slain. Those that were there behaved themselves so loyally, that their heirs, to this day, are honoured for their sake.”
¶ “Lord Douglas, forgetful of his religious pilgrimage, offered his sword to the French king. He was received with distinguished honours, ‘was made a knight of his hande,’ Scala Chron. ap. Leland, and his service was accepted. To say that a person received the honour of knighthood, is, in modern language, uninteresting, and sometimes it is ludicrous. This must always be the case, when names and ceremonies are retained, while from a total change of manners, that which gave dignity to such names and ceremonies is forgotten by the vulgar.
Great carnage was made of the Scots at the battle of Poitiers. Lord Douglas, after having been wounded, was forced off the field by his surviving companions. Archibald Douglas, a warrior eminent in our history, fell into the power of the enemy; but, by the extraordinary presence of mind of sir William Ramsay of Colluthy, he was concealed, and escaped unknown. The story of Archibald Douglas’s escape, as related by Fordun, is curious. It shall be translated as nearly as possible in his own manner. ‘Archibald Douglas, having been made prisoner along with the rest, appeared in more sumptuous armour than the other Scottish prisoners; and, therefore, he was supposed by the English to be some great lord. Late in the evening after the battle, when the English were about to strip off his armour, sir William Ramsay of Colluthy, happening to be present, fixed his eyes on Archibald Douglas, and, affecting to be in a violent passion, cried out, “You cursed, damnable murderer, how comes it, in the name of mischief (ex parte diaboli), that you are thus proudly decked in your master’s armour? Come hither, and pull off my boots.” Douglas approached trembling, kneeled down, and pulled off one of the boots. Ramsay, taking up the boot, beat Douglas with it. The English bystanders, imagining him out of his senses, interposed, and rescued Douglas. They said, that the person whom he had beaten was certainly of great rank, and a lord. “What, he a lord?” cried Ramsay; “he is a scullion, and a base knave, and, as I suppose, has killed his master. Go, you villain, to the field, search for the body of my cousin, you master; and when you have found it, come back, that at least I may give him a decent burial.” Then he ransomed the feigned serving-man for forty shillings; and, having buffeted him smartly, he cried, “Get you gone; fly.” Douglas bore all this patiently, carried on the deceit, and was soon beyond the reach of his enemies.’
“This story, as to some of its circumstances, may not seem altogether probable; yet, in the main, it has the appearance of truth. Had I been at liberty to vary the narrative, I would have made Ramsay suspect, that the feigned serving man had stripped his master, after he had been slain or mortally wounded. This Archibald was the natural son of the renowned sir James Douglas, slain by the Saracens in Granada.” — Lord Haile’s Annals of Scotland, vol. i, pp. 240, 241.
¥ The bishop of Chalons. We see, by the example of this prelate and of the archbishop of Sens, who assisted at the battle of Poitiers, that the custom, arising out of the feudal law, which obliged ecclesiastics to personal service in the armies, subsisted in many parts of France. The laws of the church condemned this practice, to which their temporal possessions subjected the clergy. This contradiction in the form of our government with the spirit of our religion existed until the practice was insensibly abolished by different dispensations, and exchanged for contributions of money and men. Francis I. by his edict of the 4th July, 1541, regulated the clauses for their exemption. Since that period, the clergy have been exempted from service of ban and arriere ban, by different letters patent, and particularly by an edict of the 29th April 1636, under Lewis XIII. — Villaret, Hist. de France, vol. v. p. 104.
AMONG the battles, skirmishes, flights and pursuits, which happened in the course of this day, an adventure befel sir Edward de Roucy, which I cannot omit relating in this place. He had left the field of battle, as he perceived the day was irrecoverably lost; and, not wishing to fall into the hands of the English, was got about a league off; when he was pursued by an English knight, his lance in the rest, who cried to him, “Sir knight, turn about: you ought to be ashamed thus to fly.” Upon this, sir Edward halted, and the Englishman attacked him, thinking to fix his lance in his target; but he failed, for sir Edward turned the stroke aside, nevertheless he did not miss his own: with his spear he hit his enemy so violent a blow on the helmet, that he was stunned and fell to the ground, where he remained senseless. Sir Edward dismounted, and, placing his lance on his breast, told him that he would certainly kill him, if he did not surrender himself his prisoner, rescued or not. The Englishman surrendered, and went with sir Edward, who afterward ransomed him.
It happened that, in the midst of the general pursuit, a squire from Picardy, named John de Helennes, had quitted the king’s division, and, meeting his page with a fresh horse, had mounted him, and made off as fast as he could. At that time, there was near to him the lord of Berkeley,3 a young knight, who, for the first time, had that day displayed his banner: he immediately set out in pursuit of him. When the lord Berkeley had followed him for some little time, John de Helennes turned about, put his sword under his arm in the manner of a lance, and thus advanced upon the lord Berkeley, who taking his sword by the handle, flourished it, and lifted up his arm in order to strike the squire as he passed. John de Helennes, seeing the intended stroke, avoided it, but did not miss his own; for as they passed each other, by a blow on the arm he made lord Berkeley’s sword fall to the ground. When the knight found that he had lost his sword, and that the squire had his, he dismounted, and made for the place where his sword lay: but he could not get there before the squire gave him a violent thrust which passed through both his thighs, so that, not being able to help himself, he fell to the ground. John upon this dismounted, and, seizing the sword of the knight, advanced up to him and asked him if he were willing to surrender. The knight required his name: “I am called John de Helennes,” said he, “what is your name?” “In truth, companion,” replied the knight, “my name is Thomas, and I am lord of Berkeley, a very handsome castle situated on the river Severn, on the borders of Wales.” “Lord of Berkeley,” said the squire, “you shall be my prisoner: I will place you in safety, and take care you are healed, for you appear to me to be badly wounded.” The knight answered, “I surrender myself willingly, for you have loyally conquered me.” He gave him his word that he would be his prisoner, rescued or not. John then drew his sword out of the knight’s thighs and the wounds remained open; but he bound them up tightly, and, placing him on his horse, led him a foot-pace to Châtelherault. He continued there, out of friendship to him, for fifteen days, and had medicines administered to him. When the knight was a little recovered, he had him placed in a litter, and conducted him safe to his house in Picardy; where he remained more than a year before he was quite cured, though he continued lame; and when he departed, he paid for his ransom six thousand nobles, so that this squire became a knight by the great profit he got from the lord of Berkeley.
* This chap. in the original ed. is numbered CLX., and chap. XIX. is there numbered XVIII.; consequently from the latter point to this chapter, the present numbering is one higher, and henceforward will be two higher, than the original ed. of Mr. Johnes. This is here noticed to avoid confusion in quotations. — ED.
3 According to the entry for Berkeley in the Encyclopædia Britannica of 1910; p. 778, Maurice is the Lord Berkeley captured and wounded here, not Thomas, who Froissart mentions as being the Lord of Berkeley present at the Battle of Poitiers in the previous chapter. Maurice died within two years from complications of his wounds. This is corroborated in the article on Berkeley Castle by Arthur Shadwell Martin, on this site. — Elf.Ed.
IT often happens, that fortune in war and love turns out more favourable and wonderful than could have been hoped for or expected. To say the truth, this battle which was fought near Poitiers, in the plains of Beauvoir and Maupertuis, was very bloody and perilous: many gallant deeds of arms were performed that were never known, and the combatants on each side suffered much. King John himself did wonders: he was armed with a battle-axe, with which he fought and defended himself. The earl of Tancarville, in endeavouring to break through the crowd was made prisoner close to him: as were also sir James de Bourbon, earl of Ponthieu, and the lord John d’Artois, earl of Eu. In another part, a little farther off, the lord Charles d’Artois and many other knights and squires were captured by the division under the banner of the captal de Buch. The pursuit continued even to the gates of Poitiers, where there was much slaughter and overthrow of men and horses; for the inhabitants of Poitiers had shut their gates, and would suffer none to enter: upon which account, there was great butchery on the causeway, before the gate, where such numbers were killed or wounded, that several surrendered themselves the moment they spied an Englishman: and there were many English archers who had four, five, or six prisoners.
The lord of Pons, a powerful baron in Poitou, was slain there, as were several other knights and squires. The viscount de Rochechouart, the lords de Partenay and de Saintonge, and the lord of Montendre, were taken prisoners: as was the lord John de Saintré, but so beaten that he never afterward recovered his health: he was looked upon as the most accomplished knight in France. The lord Guiscard d’Angle was left for slain among the dead. He had fought well that day. The lord de Chargny, who was near the king, combated bravely during the whole engagement: he was always in the crowd, because he carried the king’s sovereign banner: his own also was displayed in the field, with his arms, which were three escutcheons argent on a field gules. The English and Gascons poured so fast upon the king’s division that they broke through the ranks by force; and the French were so intermixed with their enemies, that at times there were five men attacking one gentleman. The lord of Pompadour and the lord Bartholomew de Brunes were there captured. The lord de Chargny† was slain, with the banner of France in his hands, by the lord Reginald Cobham; and afterwards the earl of Dammartin shared the same fate.
There was much pressing at this time, through eagerness to take the king; and those who were nearest to him, and knew him, cried out, “Surrender yourself, surrender yourself, or you are a dead man.” In that part of the field was a young knight from St. Omer, who was engaged by a salary in the service of the king of England; his name was Denys de Morbeque; who for five years had attached himself to the English, on account of having been banished in his younger days from France for a murder committed in an affray at St. Omer. It fortunately happened for this knight that he was at the time near to the king of France, when he was so much pulled about; he, by dint of force, for he was very strong and robust, pushed through the crowd, and said to the king in good French, “Sire, sire, surrender yourself.” The king who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning to him, asked, “To whom shall I surrender myself: to whom? Where is my cousin the prince of Wales? if I could see him, I would speak to him.” “Sire,” replied sir Denys, “he is not here; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him.” “Who are you?” said the king. “Sire, I am Denys de Morbeque, a knight from Artois; but I serve the king of England, because I cannot belong to France, having forfeited all I possessed there.” The king them gave him his right glove, and said, “I surrender myself to you.” There was much crowding and pushing about, for every one was eager to cry out, “I have taken him.” Neither the king nor his youngest son Philip were able to get forward, and free themselves from the throng.
The prince of Wales, who was as courageous as a lion†, took great delight that day 224 to combat his enemies. Sir John Chandos, who was near his person, and had never quitted it during the whole of the day, nor stopped to make prisoners, said to him towards the end of the battle; “Sir, it will be proper for you to halt here, and plant your banner on the top of this bush, which will serve to rally your forces, that seem very much scattered; for I do not see any banners or pennons of the French, nor any considerable bodies able to rally against us; and you mush refresh yourself a little, as I perceive you are very much heated.” Upon this the banner of the prince was placed on a high bush: the minstrels began to play, and trumpets and clarions to do their duty. The prince took off his helmet, and the knights attendant on his person, and belonging to his chamber, were soon ready, and pitched a small pavilion of crimson colour, which the prince entered. Liquor was then brought to him and the other knights who were with him: they increased every moment; for they were returning from the pursuit, and stopped there surrounded by their prisoners.
As soon as the two marshals were come back, the prince asked them f they knew any thing of the king of France: they replied, “No, sir, not for a certainty; but we believe he must be either killed or made prisoner, since he has never quitted his battalion.” The prince then, addressing the earl of Warwick and lord Cobham, said; “I beg of you to mount your horses, and ride over the field, so that on your return you may bring me some certain intelligence of him.” The two barons, immediately mounting their horses, left the prince, and made for a small hillock, that they might look about them: from their stand they perceived a crowd of men at arms on foot, who were advancing very slowly. The king of France was in the midst of them, and in great danger; for the English and Gascons had taken him from sir Denys de Morbeque, and were disputing who should have him, the stoutest bawling out, “It is I that have got him:” “No. no,” replied the others, “we have him.” The king, to escape from this peril, said, “Gentleman, gentlemen, I pray you conduct me and my son in a courteous manner to my cousin the prince; and do not make such a riot about my capture, for I am so great a lord that I can make all sufficiently rich.” These words, and others which fell from the king, appeased them a little; but the disputes were always beginning again, and they did not move a step without rioting. When the two barons saw this troop of people, they descended from the hillock, and sticking spurs into their horses, made up to them. On their arrival, they asked what was the matter: they were answered, that it was the king of France, who had been made prisoner, and that upwards of ten knights and squires challenged him at the same time, as belonging to each of them. The two barons then pushed through the crowd by main force, and ordered all to draw aside. They commanded, in the name of the prince and under pain of instant death, that every one should keep his distance, and not approach unless ordered or desired so to do. They all retreated behind the king; and the two barons, dismounting, advanced to the king with profound reverences, and conducted him in a peaceable manner to the prince of Wales.
* Monsiegneur Geoffroy de Chargny. — D. Sauvage.
† Courageous and cruel as a lion, says Lord Berners; the edition of D. Sauvage has the same words.
SOON after the earl of Warwick and the lord Reginald Cobham had left the prince, as has been above related, he inquired from those knights who were about him of lord James Audley, and asked if any one knew what was become of him: “Yes, sir,” replied some of the company, “he is very badly wounded, and is lying in a litter hard by.” “By my troth,” replied the prince, “I am sore vexed that he is so wounded. See, I beg of you, if he be able to bear being carried hither: otherwise I will come and visit him.” Two knights directly left the prince, and, coming to lord James, told him how desirous the prince was of seeing him. “A thousand thanks to the prince,” answered lord James, “for condescending to remember so poor a knight as myself.” He then called eight of his servants, and had himself borne in his litter to where the prince was. When he was come into his presence, the prince bent down over him, and embraced him, saying, “My lord James, I am bound to honour you very much; for, by your valour this day, you have acquired glory and 225 renown above us all, and your prowess has proved you the bravest knight.” Lord James replied; “My lord, you have a right to say whatever you please, but I wish it were as you have said. If I have this day been forward to serve you, it has been to accomplish a vow that I had made, and it ought not to be thought so much of.” “Sir James,” answered the prince, “I and all the rest of us deem you the bravest knight on our side in this battle; and to increase your renown, and furnish you withal to pursue your career of glory in war, I retain you henceforward, for ever, as my knight, with five hundred marcs* of yearly revenue, which I will secure to you from my estates in England.” “Sir,” said lord James, “God make me deserving of the good fortune you bestow upon me.” At these words he took leave of the prince, as he was very weak, and his servants carried him back to his tent: he could not have been at a great distance, when the earl of Warwick and lord Reginald Cobham entered the pavilion of the prince, and presented the king of France to him. The prince made a very low obeisance to the king, and gave him as much comfort as he was able, which he knew well how to administer. He ordered wine and spices to be brought, which he presented to the king himself, as a mark of his great affection.
* The marc is 13s. 4d. — Phillips.
THUS was this battle won, as you have heard related, in the plains of Maupertuis, two leagues from the city of Poitiers, on the 19th day of September, 1356*. It commenced about nine o’clock, and was ended by noon; but the English were not all returned from the pursuit, and it was to recall his people that the prince had placed his banner upon a high bush. They did not return till late after vespers from pursuing the enemy. It was reported that all the flower of French knighthood were slain; and that, with the king and his son the lord Philip, seventeen earls, without counting barons, knights or squires were made prisoners, and from five to six thousand of all sorts left dead in the field. When they were all collected, they found they had twice as many prisoners as themselves: they therefore consulted, if, considering the risk they might run, it would not be more advisable to ransom them on the spot. 226 This was done; and the prisoners found the English and Gascons very civil, for there were many set at liberty that day on their promise of coming to Bordeaux before Christmas to pay their ransom.
When all were returned to their banners, they retired to their camp, which was adjoining to the field of battle. Some disarmed themselves, and did the same to their prisoners, to whom they showed every kindness; for whoever made any prisoners, they were solely at his disposal, to ransom or not, as he pleased. It may easily be supposed that all those who accompanied the prince were very rich in glory and wealth, as well by the ransoms of his prisoners, as by the quantities of gold and silver plate, rich jewels, and trunks stuffed full of belts, that were weighty from their gold and silver ornaments, and furred mantles. They set no value on armour, tents, or other things; for the French had come there as magnificently and richly dressed as if they had been sure of gaining the victory.
* Froissart calls it on the 22d day of September, 1357; but Bouchet proves it to be a mistake, in his Annales d’Aquitaine, from the registers of the convent where the noblemen that were slain were buried: and in my two MSS. it is 1356. Also in the Annales Rerum Anglicarum, Wilhemi Wincester, 1356. “Hoc anno, XIX die Septembris, captio regis Johannis Franciæ, per Edwardum principem.”
WHEN the lord James Audley was brought back to his tent, after having most respectfully thanked the prince for his gift, he did not remain long before he sent for his brother sir Peter Audley, the lord Bartholomew Burghersh, sir Stephen Coffington, lord Willoughby of Eresby, and lord William Ferrers of Groby: they were all his relations. He then sent for his four squires that had attended upon him that day, and, addressing himself to the knights, said: “Gentlemen, it has pleased my lord the prince to give me five hundred marcs as a yearly inheritance; for which gift I have done him very trifling bodily service. You see here these four squires, who have always served me most loyally, and especially in this day’s engagement. What glory I may have gained has been through their means, and by their valour; on which account I wish to reward them. I therefore give and resign into their hands the gift of five hundred marcs, which my lord the prince has been pleased to bestow on me, in the same form and manner that it has been presented to me. I disinherit myself of it, and give it to them simply, and without a possibility of revoking it.” The knights present looked on each other, and said, “It is becoming the noble mind of lord James to make such a gift;” and then unanimously added: “May the Lord God remember you for it! We will bear witness of this gift to them wheresoever and whensoever they may call on us.” They then took leave of him; when some went to the prince of Wales, who that night was to give a supper to the king of France from his own provisions; for the French had brought vast quantities with them, which were now fallen into the hands of the English, many of whom had not tasted bread for the last three days.
WHEN evening was come, the prince of Wales gave a supper in his pavilion to the king of France, and to the greater part of the princes and barons who were prisoners. The prince seated the king of Franc and his son the lord Philip at an elevated and well-covered table: with them were, sir James de Bourbon, the lord John d’Artois, the earls of Tancarville, of Estampes, of Dammartin, of Graville, and the lord of Partenay. The other knights and squires were placed at different tables. The prince himself served the king’s table, as well as the others, with every mark of humility, and would not sit down at it, in spite of all his entreaties for him so to do, saying, that “he was not worthy of such an honour, nor did it appertain to him to seat himself at the table of so great a king, or of so valiant a man as he had shown himself by his actions that day.” He added also with a noble air: “Dear sir, do not make a poor meal because the Almighty God has not gratified your wishes in the event of this day; for be assured that my lord and father will show you every 272 honour and friendship in his power, and will arrange your ransom so reasonably, that you will henceforward always remain friends. In my opinion, you have cause to be glad that the success of this battle did not turn out as you desired; for you have this day acquired such high renown for prowess, that you have surpassed all the best knights on your side. I do not, dear sir, say this to flatter you, for all those of our side who have seen and observed the actions of each party, have unanimously allowed this to be your due, and decree you the prize and garland for it.” At the end of this speech there were murmurs of praise heard from every one; and the French said, the prince had spoken nobly and truly, and that he would be one of the most gallant princes in Christendom, if God should grant him life to pursue his career of glory*.
* Extract taken from the convent of the Frères Mineurs, in the city of Poitiers, of the names of those knight who were slain in the battle of Poitiers, and other gentlemen that were buried in that convent.
“First, the underneath knights:
The duke of Athens, constable of France.
The bishop of Chalon, (Regnauld Chaveau — Chronique de Wassebourg)
M. André, viscount of Chauvigny
Sir Lewis de Brosse
Sir John, lord of Mailly in Berry
Sir Geoffry de Chargny in Champagne
M. de Montjouan
Sir John de Lisle
Sir Gris Mouton de Chambely
Sir Peter de Chambley, his brother
M. de Chateau Vilain, in Champagne
Sir John de Montigny
Sir John de Maulmont
Sir John de Bourbon
Sir Philip de Boutennillier
Sir Hugh de Maille
Sir Geoffry de St. Dizier
Sir Aymery de la Barre
Sir William de Blese
Sir John de Grillon
M. de Chitre, lord of Rademonde
M. Clerin de Cherues
M. Baudin de Gargalingaen
Sir Ansiaulme de Hois
Sir Michael de Pommoy
Sir Richard de Beaulieu
Sir William de Fuylle
Sir Hugh Bonnyn
M. Dannée de Melon
Sir William de Creneur
Sir William de Linnieres
Sir Olivier de St. Giles
Sir William de Romeneuil
Sir John de Cranches
M. Yvon du Pont, lord of Rochecheruiere
Sir William da Mongy
Sir John de Tigny
Sir John Brigdene
Sir John de Noirterre
Sir William de Paty
Sir Robert de Chalus
Sir Adam de Beauvilliers
Sir Bonabes de Roges
Sir Vynies de St. Denis
Sir Macé de Grosbois
Sir Louis de Nully
Sir Simon Oynepuille
Sir Henry, his brother
M. de Champrecour
Sir William Sauvage
Sir William du Retail
Sir Sequin de Cloux
M. le Vidame de la Roche Dagon
Sir Raol de Resay
Sir John de Mirabeau
Sir Guiscard de Chantylon
M. Ancelin de Carou, lord of Hes
M. Guy des Barres, lord of Chaumont
Sir John de Cloys
M. le Borgne de Prie.
Bernard de Douzenac.
Robert Gilles de Miraumont
Guicheaux de Maronnay
Girard de Pierre
William de la Fosse
Robert de la Roche Pierre de Bras
John Ribriche, lord of Corbon
Celart Herausant
Hopart de Hanpedourt
Guymon Pery
William de la Jarracere
William Griau
Olivier de la Rosay
Girard Delec
Berart de Lemont
Heymonnet Embert
Jobert d’Artoy
Richard de Vendel
William Seurin
John du Flume
John Defleat
Guy de Bournay
Le Moine de Montigny
Guinet de Buysson
John de Brinac
Ymbert de Chamborant
Brunet d’Augun
John Sarrayn
Peter de St. Denis
Perrine de Pache
Ferry Pate
John Dynie
Le Petit d’Inchequin
Jehannot de Moutabis
Jolivet Buffart
John de Bourmeuille
John Martin
Ardouyn de la Touche
William de Lusange
Le Petit Bidaut de la Rochedegon.
“Many other bodies slain at the aforesaid battle, by licence from the official, and permission of the mayor of Poitiers, were brought in carts from the Frères Mineurs of that town, and buried in large graves in their church-yard, without the church, the feast-day of St. Valentine, 1356; and honourable obsequies were performed in all the churches and convents in the town of Poitiers, at the cost of the good citizens of that town.
“Underneath are the names of those who were buried in the church of les Frères Prescheurs, of the town of Poitiers, which I have taken and extracted from the book called the Kalendar of the Convent, and translated from the Latin into French, chapter fifth.
The duke of Bourbon on the right of the great altar.
The marechal de Clermont on the opposite side.
Lower down, but near him, sir Aubert d’Anget.
After him the viscount de Rochechouart.
In the middle of the choir, Aumer de la Rochefoucault.
At the entrance of the choir, on the right, sir John de Sancerre.
In the chapel of the Magdalen, Sir John de St. Didier.
In the same chapel, near the wall, Thibaut de Laval.
In the chapel of the Apostles, near the wall, sir Thomas de Motuz.
In the chapel of the our Lady, sir Walter de Montagu.
Adjoining to him, sir Raoul Rabinard.
In the nave, near the door, sir John Ferchaut.
Near to him, sir Peter Marchadier, and Heliot his brother.
Opposite the statue of St. Michael, sir Oliver de Mouville.
On the other side, sir Philip de Forges.
Before the great door, sir William de Bar and sir John de Nully.
“The names of those who were interred in the cloisters of the said convent
Le chevalier Miloton
Sir John de Chambes
Sir John Macillon
Sir Oliver de St. George
Sir Ymbert de St. Saturnin
Sir John de Ridde
Sir Hugh Odard
Sir Giles Cherchemont
Sir John de Senycé
Sir Wm. de Digoyne and his son
Sir John Dronyn de Metz in Loraine
Sir Robert d’Aulnay
Master John Dannermarie
Sir John de la Lang
Sir Simon de Renouylle
Sir Philip de Pierreficte
Sir William de Mausenac
Sir William de Miners
Sir Raoul de Bouteillier
Sir Peter de la Rocdete
The lord de la Fayete
A German called Erroys Pincerne
Sir Boulenuille, viscount d’Aumalle
Sir John Fretart
Sir Robert Daucre
Sir John Garpe, ung appel le filz de roy
Sir Lewis Defcrinel
Sir John de Vernicourt
Sir Peter Audouyn
Sir John de Vernoil
Sir John de Montmorillon and his son
Sir Hugelin de Vaux
Sir John de Almaigne
The lord d’Espraigny
Sir Hugh de Tinctes
The lord of St. Gildart
Sir Henry de l’Aunoy
Sir Girard de Helchemanc
Sir Gourard Guenif
Sir Vipert Beau
Sir Henry Michiner
Sir John de Brie
Sir Raoul Seil
Sir Symon de Blesy
Sir Hugh Orry de Melle
Sir Segnyn de Cluys
Sir Thomas de Baignel
Sir Peter Baillon.
“Eight were buried in three graves, whose names and surnames were unknown; and among them was the body of a knight, whose surcoat of arms was three chevrons or, in a shield gules.
“The arms of all the princes, knights, and lords above-mentioned were blazoned on the stalls of the convent, in order to keep them in perpetual remembrance.”
Bouchet’s Annales d’Aquitaine, 4me parte, folio 15.
WHEN they had supped and sufficiently regaled themselves, each departed to his lodging with the knights and squires they had captured. Those that had taken them asked, what they could pay for their ransoms, without much hurting their fortunes; and willingly believed whatever they told them; for they had declared publicly, that they did not wish to deal harshly with any knight or squire that his ransom should be so burdensome as to prevent his following the profession of arms, or advancing his fortune. Towards morning, when these lords had heard mass, and had eaten and drunk a little, whilst the servants were packing up or loading the baggage, they decamped and advanced towards Poitiers.
That same night, the lord of Roye had entered the city of Poitiers with a hundred lances, that had not been engaged in the battle, for, having met the duke of Normandy near Chauvigny, he had commanded him to march for Poitiers, and to guard it until he should receive other orders. When the lord of Roye had entered Poitiers, he ordered the gates, towers, and walls, to be well watched that night, on account of the English being so near; and on the morning he armed all sorts of people, and posted them wherever he judged most convenient for the defence of the town. The English, however, passed by, without making any attempt upon it; for they were so laden with gold, silver, jewels, and great prisoners, that they did not attack any fortress in their march, but thought they should do great things if they were able to convey the king of France and his son, with all their booty, in safety to the city of Bordeaux. They returned, therefore, by easy marches, on account of their prisoners and heavy baggage, never advancing more than four or five leagues a-day: they encamped early, and marched in one compact body, without quitting the road, except the division of the marshals, who advanced in front, with about five hundred men at arms, to clear the country. They met with no resistance any where; for the whole country was in a state of consternation, and all the men at arms had retreated into the strong fortresses.
During this march, the prince of Wales was informed how lord James Audley had made a present of his pension of five hundred marcs to his four squires. He sent for him: lord James was carried in his litter to the presence of the prince, who received him very graciously, and said to him: “Sir James, I have been informed, that after you had taken leave of me, and were returned to your tent, you made a present to your four squires of the gift I presented to you. I should like to know if this be true, why you did so, and if the gift were not agreeable to you.” “Yes, my lord,” answered lord James, “it was most agreeable to me, and I will tell you the reasons which induced me to bestow it on my squires. These 229 four squires, who are here, have long and loyally served me, on many great and dangerous occasions; and until the day that I made them this present, I had not any way rewarded them for all their services; and never in this life were they of such help to me as on that day. I hold myself much bound to them for what they did at the battle of Poitiers; for, dear sir, I am but a single man, and can do no more than my powers admit, but, through their aid and assistance, I have accomplished my vow, which for a long time I had made, and by their means was the first combatant, and should have paid for it with my life, if they had not been near to me. When, therefore, I consider their courage, and the love they bear to me, I should not have been courteous nor grateful, if I had not rewarded them. Thank God, my lord, I have a sufficiency for my life, to maintain my state; and wealth has never yet failed me, nor do I believe it ever will. If, therefore, I have in this acted contrary to your wished, I beseech you, dear sir, to pardon me; for you will be ever as loyally served by me and my squires, to whom I gave your present, as heretofore.” The prince answered: “Sir James, I do not in the least blame you for what you have done, but, on the contrary, acknowledge your bounty to your squires whom you praise so much. I readily confirm your gift to them; but I shall insist upon your accepting of six hundred marcs, upon the same terms and conditions as the former gift.”
The prince of Wales and his army kept advancing, without meeting any obstacle, and, having passed through Poitou and Saintonge, came to Blaye, where he crossed the Garonne, and arrived in the good city of Bordeaux*. It is not possible to relate all the feasts and entertainments which the citizens and clergy of Bordeaux made for the prince, and with what joy they received him and the king of France. The prince conducted the king to the monastery of St. Andrew, where they were both lodged; the king on one side, and the prince on the other. The prince purchased from the barons, knights and squires of Gascony, 230 the ransoms of the greater part of the French earls who were there, and paid ready money for them. There were many meetings and disputes among the knights and squires of Gascony, and others, relative to the capture of the king of France. On this account, Denys de Morbeque, truly and by right of arms claimed him. He challenged another squire of Gascony, named Bernard de Trouttes, who had declared that he had an equal right to him. There was much disputing between them before the prince and the barons present: and as they had engaged to fight each other, the prince put them under an arrest, until they should be arrived in England, and forbade any thing more being said on the subject till they were in the presence of the king his father. However, as the king of France gave every assistance to sir Denys in support of his claim, and leaned more to him than to any of the other claimants, the prince ordered two thousand nobles to be given privately to Sir Denys, in order to enable him the better to support his rank.
Soon after the prince’s arrival at Bordeaux, the cardinal de Perigord came thither as, it was said, ambassador from the pope. It was upwards of a fortnight before the prince would speak to him, on account of the castellan of Amposta and his people having been engaged against him at the battle of Poitiers. The prince believed that the cardinal had sent them thither; but the cardinal, through the means of his relations, the lord of Chaumont, the lord of Montferrant, and the captal of Buch, gave such good reasons for his conduct to the prince, that he admitted him to an audience. Having obtained this, he exculpated himself so clearly that the prince and his council were satisfied; and he regained the place he before held in the prince’s affection. All his people were set at liberty at moderate ransoms: the castellan’s amounted to ten thousand francs, which he paid. The cardinal, soon after, began to touch upon the deliverance of king John: but I shall say little on that head, as nothing was done in the business. The prince, with his Gascons and English, remained all that winter at Bordeaux, where was much feasting and merriment; and they foolishly expended the gold and silver they had gained. In England also, there were great rejoicings, when the news arrived of the affair of Poitiers, and of the defeat of the French. Solemn thankgivings were offered up in all churches, and bonfires made in every town and village. Those knights and squires who returned to England; after having been in this battle, were honoured in preference to any others.
* “A letter from the Black Prince to the bishop of Worcester, dated 20th October 1356, relating to the battle of Poitiers, wherein the French king was made prisoner, &c. Ex registro Reginaldi Brien, Wigorn, episcopi, fol. 113.
‘L’ra D’ni Principis Wall’ de Capcione R. Franciae par le prince de Gales.
‘Reve’nt piere en Dieu, et tresch’ ami. — Nous vous mercions entierment de ce que nous avons entendu q’ vous estes si bien et si naturelment porte dev’s nous, en p’ant Dieux p’r nous et p’r n’re exploit; et sumes tout certiens q’ p’r cause de vous devoutes p’eres et dautres, Dieu nous a en toutes nos besoignes be’ vucliz aide; de quoi nous sumes a tous jo’s tenuz de lui grazier, en p’ant que v’re part ancy vieullietz faire en continuant dev’s nous come devant ces heures avetz fait de quoi nous nous tenons g’n’ment tenuz a vous. Et, rev’ent piere, endroit de n’re estat, dont nous penceons bien q’vous desirez la v’re merci doier bones nouvelles, vuellietz entendre q’ a la faisance de cestes estions sains et heures et tout en bon point, loiez en soit Dieux q’ nous donit y ces mesmes de vous toutes soitz oir et saver, et de ce nous vuellietz certifier p’r vos l’res et p’ les entrevenantz a plus souvent q’vous p’res bonement en droit de nouvelles ceandroitz. Vueilletz savior q’la veille de la translation Saint Thomas de Canterbire, nouz commenceasmes a chivauch’ ove n’re povar v’s les parties de France et souvraignement p’ cause q’nous entesdismes la venue de n’re treshonn’e seign’r et piere le roy la endroitz, et si neismes dev’s les parties de Bergies en Berye, Orlions et Tours, et avions nouvelles q’ le roy de France ove g’nt povar bien pres de celles marches venoit, p’combattre ove no’s, et approcheasmes tantq’ la battaille se prist entre nous en tiele maniere q’ les ennemis estoient disconsitez, grace en soit Dieux, et le dit roi et son fils et plusieurs autres g’ntz pris et mortz, les noms de queauz nous vous envions p’ n’re tresch’ bachiler mons’ Roger de Cottesford, portoir de cestes. Rev’ent piere en Dieux, et n’re tresch’ami, le Saint Esprit vous ait toute jours en sa guarde.
‘Donné souz n’re seal a Birdeaux, le xxe jour d’Octob’r.” — Archæologia, vol. 1. p. 213.
We subjoin a translation of this curious letter. — ED.
Reverend father in God, and very dear friend. — We thank you heartily for, as we have heard, you have been well and affectionately (naturelment) inclined towards us in praying to God for us and our enterprize; which we are very certain succeeded on account of your prayers and those of others. God has been pleased to aid us in all our necessities; for which we are bound to give him thanks for ever, and we pray that you will also do your part continuing with us as heretofore, for which service we hold ourselves much indebted to you. And, reverend father, in regard to our health, of which we believe that you in your kindness desire to hear good news, know that at this time we are well and happy and altogether in a good condition, praise be to God, which enables us now to let you hear and know that which we wish you to certify in your letters, and in frequent visits which you priests good naturedly permit, for the purpose of circulating news. You must know that on the eve of the translation of St. Thomas of Canterbury, we commenced an incursion with our power, into the French territory, chiefly because we expected the arrival of our much honoured lord and father in those parts; and thus we advanced into the countries of Berges in Berry, Orleans and Tours, and had news that the king of France with a great power was at hand, and was coming to fight with us, and we approached so near that a battle took place between us, in which the enemy was discomfited, thanks be to God, and the said king and his son, and several other gentlemen, were taken or killed, for whose names we refer you to our very dear bachelor Mr. Roger de Cottesford, the bearer of these. Render thanks to God, and may the Holy Ghost have you our very dear friend, always in his keeping.
Given under our seal at Bourdeaux, the twentieth day of October.
DURING the time of this defeat at Poitiers, the duke of Lancaster was in the county of Evreux, on the borders of Coutantin; and with him were sir Philip de Navarre and the lord Godfrey de Harcourt. They had made war on Normandy from that quarter, and had continued to do so all that summer, on account of the king of Navarre, whom the king of France detained in prison. These three lords had done all in their power to join the prince of Wales; but it was not possible, for all the passages of the river Loire were too well guarded. When they were informed that the prince had made the king of France prisoner, and of the manner in which the battle of Poitiers had been won, they were much pleased, and put an end to their excursions; for the duke of Lancaster and sir Philip de Navarre wished to go to England, which they did. They sent sir Godfrey de Harcourt to guard the frontiers, at St. Sauveur le Vicomte.
If the kingdom of England and its allies were much delighted with the capture of the king of France, that realm was sore troubled and vexed. It had very good cause to be so; for there were great distresses and desolations in every quarter, and men of understanding foresaw that greater mischiefs might arise: since the king of France and all the flower of chivalry of that kingdom were either slain or made prisoners, and the three sons of the king, Charles, Louis, and John, who had escaped, were very young in years and understanding, so that no great expectation could be formed from them; and neither were they willing to undertake the government of the kingdom. Add to this, that the knights and squires who 231 had returned from the battle were so much despised and blamed by the common people, that they very unwillingly entered the great towns.
There were many conferences held, and much discontent appeared; when the most prudent and wise perceived that this state could not continue, nor longer go on without some remedy; for the English and Navarrois were in force in Coutantin, under sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who was overrunning and destroying the country. The prelates of the church, bishops, and abbots, and all the noblemen and knights, the provost of merchants and citizens of Paris, as well as the council from the other capital towns in the kingdom, assembled together in the city of Paris, in order to consult and advise upon the best manner of governing the kingdom of France, until king John should be set at liberty. But they were first determined to inquire what was become of the great sums of money that had been raised in France by way of dismes, maletostes*, subsidies, by the coinage and other vexations. Notwithstanding the country had been much harassed and distressed by levying them, the army had been badly paid, and the kingdom ill guarded and defended: but there was no one who could give any account of them. The clergy, therefore, resolved to select twelve of the wisest from among themselves, to consider and determine what would be most advisable to be done. The barons and knights chose twelve also, to attend to this business. The citizens likewise did the same, according to their unanimous agreement. These thirty-six personages were to remain at Paris, in order to confer together upon the better government of the kingdom; and all affairs were to be laid before these three estates: all prelates, noblemen, and all cities, towns and commonalties, were to obey them and execute their orders. In the beginning, however, there were many in this selection that were not agreeable to the duke of Normandy, or to his council.
The first act of the three estates was to forbid the coining any money in the manner in which it was then done, and to seize the dies. They next required of the duke of Normandy, that he would order the chancellor of the king his father to be arrested, the lord Robert Lorris, the lord Simon de Buci†, as well as many other masters of accounts and counsellors in former times to the king, that they might give a just account of what sums through their advice had been levied and raised in the kingdom. When all these personages heard of this, they quitted the realm as speedily as possible, and took refuge in other kingdoms until the face of affairs should be changed.
* Maletoste, — an extraordinary tax, or subsidy, levied the year 1296, by Philip le Bel, viz. at first the value of the hundredth, and afterwards of the fiftieth part of all either lay or churchmen’s goods. — Cotgrave’s Dictionary.
† He was first president of the parliament. — Hainault.
————————