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From The Annals of Roger de Hoveden, Comprising the History of England and of Other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201, Translated from the Latin with Notes and Illustrations by Henry T. Riley, Esq., Volume I, London: H.G. Bohn, 1853; pp. 255-279.

THE  ANNALS  OF
ROGER  DE  HOVEDEN.
Volume I.

[Part 23: 1155-1166 A.D.]


___________

THE SECOND PART.

IN the year 1155, being the first year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king laid siege to the castles of his enemies in England, and captured them; some of which he retained in his own hands, and some he levelled with the ground. After this, he crossed over into Normandy, and did homage to Louis, king of the Franks, for Normandy, Aquitaine, Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, with all their appurtenances. In the same year, died pope Anastasius, who was succeeded by Adrian.

In the year of grace 1156, being the second year of the reign of Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king returned from Normandy to England, and caused nearly all the castles, which had been erected in England in the time of king Stephen, to be demolished, and issued a new coinage, which was the only one received and current throughout the realm; he also established peace in the kingdom, and commanded the laws of king Henry, his grandfather, to be observed inviolably throughout the whole of his kingdom, and in many matters followed the advice of Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury.

In this year, a convent of nuns was established a second time at Eccles.

In the year of grace 1157, being the third year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king,
A. D.
1159.256 by the advice and entreaty of Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, conferred the chancellorship upon Thomas, archdeacon of Canterbury, and bestowed upon him many revenues, both ecclesiastical and of a secular nature, and received him so much into his esteem and familiarity, that throughout the kingdom there was no one his equal, save the king alone. In the same year, Malcolm, king of the Scots, came to the king of England at Chester, and did homage to him in the same way that his grandfather had done homage to the former king Henry, saving always all his dignities.

In the year of grace 1158, being the fourth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king Henry caused himself to be crowned a second time at Lincoln, without¹ the walls of the city, at Wikeford. In the same year, by the king’s command, the castle of Werk,² was rebuilt. The king, and Malcolm, king of the Scots, met at Carlisle, but separated mutually displeased; in consequence of which, the king of Scots was not created a knight for the present.

In the year of grace 1159, being the fifth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king Henry caused himself, a third time, together with his wife Eleanor, to be crowned at Worcester, at the festival of Easter;³ and when they came to the offertory, they took off their crowns and offered them upon the altar; vowing before God, that they would never in all their lives wear them again. In the same year died Waltheof, abbat of Melrose, on the fourth day before the nones of August; he was uncle to king Malcolm.

In the same year, pope Adrian departed this life, and was succeeded by pope Alexander the Third, who was canonically elected and consecrated. But Frederic, emperor of the Romans, being unwilling to acknowledge him, erected an idol for himself, Octavianus, an antipope, and, an execrable convention and league being formed of those of his own blood, against pope Alexander, he with his nation determined to pay veneration to him, on which a schism arose in the church, which lasted eighteen years.

In the same year, Henry, king of England, having levied
A. D.
1161.


TREATY
BETWEEN
HENRY
AND
LOUIS.257 a large army, laid siege to Toulouse, and although he sat before it for a long time, and wasted his treasure in various expenses, still he was able to effect nothing there, and, without gaining his object took his departure. In this expedition died William, earl of Boulogne, son of king Stephen, and Hamo, son of the earl of Gloucester, with many others. On his return from this expedition, Malcolm, king of Scotland, was knighted by Henry, king of the English, at Tours.

In the year of grace 1160, being the sixth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, Malcolm, king of the Scots, returned to his country from the expedition against Toulouse. On his arrival at the city called Perth, earl Feretach and five other earls being enraged against the king, because he had marched against Toulouse, laid siege to the city of Perth, and attempted to seize the person of the king, but were not able. On three different occasions, king Malcolm with a great army invaded Galloway, and at last conquered it. In the same year, king Malcolm gave his sister Margaret in marriage to Conan, duke of Bretagne.

In the year of grace 1161, being the seventh year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, that king and Louis, king of the Franks, disagreed respecting some divisions of their territories, and the castles of Gisors and Neafle, which at that time were in the hands of Louis, king of the Franks, and which the said king Henry claimed as properly belonging to his dukedom of Normandy. But shortly after they came to terms on these conditions: that the king of France should give his two daughters, whom he had had by his wife, the daughter of the king of Spain, (the name of one of whom was Margaret, and of the other Alice,) in marriage to the two sons of king Henry, namely, Henry and Richard, who were as yet but little children; that he should deliver the before-named castles of Gisors and Neafle into the hands of the Templars for safe custody, until such time as his above-named daughters should be married to the said sons of king Henry, and that it should be arranged with them, that is to say, with Robert de Pirou and Tostes de Saint Omer, that when Margaret, the daughter of the king of France, had been married to Henry, the son of the king of England, they should deliver up to king Henry both the castles.

These terms being agreed to on both sides, and confirmed by
A. D.
1163.258 oath, the king of the Franks delivered both of his daughters to the king of England, and the above-named castles into the custody of the Templars. Shortly after this period, Henry, king of England, caused his son Henry to be married to Margaret, the daughter of the king of France, although they were as yet but little children, crying in the cradle; Robert Pirou, Tostes de Saint Omer, and Richard de Hastings, the Templars, who had custody of the said castles, being witnesses and consenting thereto; immediately upon which they surrendered those castles to the king of England. In consequence, the king of France was extremely indignant at them, and banished these knights from the kingdom of France, upon which the king of England received them and rewarded them with many honors. In the same year, Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, legate of the Roman Church, departed this life.

In the year from the incarnation of our Lord 1162, being the eighth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king conferred the see of Canterbury on Thomas, his chancellor. In the same year, pope Alexander came into France, having been expelled from his see by Frederic, the emperor of the Romans. He was honorably entertained by king Louis and by Henry, king of the English, who looked upon him as pope of the Catholic Church. In the same year, Malcolm, king of the Scots, gave his sister Ada in marriage to the earl of Holland.⁴

In the year of grace 1163, being the ninth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king of England returned from Normandy into England; and king Malcolm having recovered at Doncaster from a severe illness, a solemn treaty of peace was made between him and the king of England. In the same year, pope Alexander held a general council at Tours, at which he excommunicated Octavianus the antipope.

In the same year, a great dissension arose between the king of England and Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, relative to the ecclesiastical dignities, which the said king of the English was attempting to disturb and lower in estimation, whereas the archbishop endeavoured by every possible means to keep the ecclesiastical power and dignities intact. For it was the king’s wish that if priests, deacons, subdeacons, and other rulers of the
A. D.
1164.


MISSION
OF
ERNULPH,
BISHOP
OF
LISIEUX.259 church should be apprehended on the commission of theft, or murder, or felony, or arson, or the like crimes, they should be taken before secular judges, and punished by the laity. Against this the archbishop of Canterbury urged, that if a clerk in holy orders, or any other ruler of the Church, should be charged upon any matter, he ought to be tried by ecclesiastics and in the ecclesiastical court; and if he should be convicted, that then he ought to be deprived of his orders, and that, when thus stripped of his office and his ecclesiastical preferment, if he should offend again, he ought to be tried at the pleasure of the king and of his deputies.

In the year of grace 1164, being the tenth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said Henry gave to Henry, duke of Saxony, his daughter Matilda in marriage. In the same year, having called together a great council, and all the archbishops and bishops of England being assembled in his presence, he requested them, out of their love for and obedience to him, and for the establishment of the kingdom, to receive the laws of king Henry, his grandfather, and faithfully to observe them: on which, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, made answer for himself and the others, that they would receive those laws which the king said were made by his grandfather, and with good faith would observe the same; saving their orders and the honor of God and of the Holy Church in all respects. But this reservation greatly displeased the king, and he used every possible method to make the bishops promise that they would, without any exception whatever, observe those laws; to this, however, the archbishop of Canterbury would on no account agree.

A considerable time after this, Ernulph, bishop of Lisieux, came over to England, and anxiously endeavoured, day and night, to make peace between the king and the archbishop, but was unable to ensure complete success. Upon this, by the advice of the bishop of Lisieux, the king separated Roger, archbishop of York, Robert de Melun, bishop of Hereford, Robert, bishop of Lincoln, and some other prelates of the church, from the society and counsel of the archbishop of Canterbury, in order that through them he might more easily induce the archbishop to yield to his own attempts. After this, there came to England a certain man belonging to the religious orders, named Philip de Eleemosyna, being sent as
A. D.
1164.260 legate “a latere,” by Alexander the Supreme Pontiff, and all the cardinals, for the purpose of making peace between the king and the archbishop of Canterbury; by whom the pope and all the cardinals sent word to the archbishop of Canterbury, that he must make peace with the king of England his master, and promise, without any exception, to obey his laws. Assenting therefore, to this and other advice on the part of these great men, the archbishop of Canterbury came to the king at Woodstock, and there made a promise to the king and agreed that he would, in good faith, and without any bad intent, observe his laws.

Shortly after this, the clergy and people of the kingdom being convened at Clarendon, the archbishop repented that he had made this concession to the king, and, wishing to recede from his agreement, said that in making the concession he had greatly sinned, but would sin no longer in so doing. In consequence of this, the king’s anger was greatly aroused against him, and he threatened him and his people with exile⁵ and death; upon which, the bishops of Salisbury and Norwich came to the archbishop, together with Robert, earl of Leicester, Reginald, earl of Cornwall, and the two Templars, Richard de Hastings and Tostes de Saint Omer, and in tears threw themselves at the feet of the archbishop, and begged that he would at least, for the sake of the king’s dignity, come to him, and in the presence of the people declare that he would observe his laws. The archbishop being consequently overcome by the entreaties of such great men, came to the king, and in the presence of the clergy and the people, said that he had acceded to those laws which the king called those of his grandfather. He also conceded that the bishops should receive those laws and promise to observe them. Upon this, the king gave orders to all the earls and barons of the realm, that they should go out and call to remembrance the laws of king Henry his grandfather, and reduce them to writing. When this had been done, the king commanded the archbishops and bishops to annex their seals to the said writing; but, while the others were ready so to do, the archbishop of Canterbury swore that he would never annex his seal to that writing or confirm those laws.

When the king saw that he could not by these means attain his object, he ordered a written copy of those laws to be made, and gave a duplicate of it to the archbishop of Canterbury, which he, in spite of the prohibition of the whole of the clergy, received from the king’s hand, and turning to the clergy, exclaimed, “Courage, brethren! by means of this writing we shall be enabled to discover the evil intentions of the king, and against whom we ought to be on our guard;” after which he retired from the court, and was unable by an means to recover the king’s favour. And because he had acted unadvisedly in this matter,⁶ he suspended himself from the celebration of divine service from that hour, until such time as he himself, or his messenger, should have spoken thereon with our lord the pope.

After this, there came to England Rotrod, archbishop of Rouen, on behalf of our lord the pope, for the purpose of effecting a reconciliation between the king and the archbishop of Canterbury; to which, however, the king would on no account consent, unless our lord the pope should, by his bull, confirm those laws. When this could be in nowise effected, the king sent John of Oxford and Geoffrey Riddel, his clerks, to pope Alexander, requesting him to give the legateship of the whole of England to Roger, that archbishop of York, that so through his means he might be able to confound the archbishop of Canterbury. But our lord the pope would not, as to this part of it, listen to the king’s request. However, upon the petition of the king’s clerks, our lord the pope conceded that the king himself should be legate for the whole of England; on such terms, however, that he could do nothing offensive to the archbishop of Canterbury. The king, on seeing this, in his indignation sent back to our lord the pope the letters appointed him legate, which John of Oxford and Geoffrey Riddel had brought.

In the same year, on the vigil of Saint Agatha, the virgin and martyr, a great earthquake took place in the island of Sicily; so much so, that the city of Catania was utterly destroyed, and the bishops and clergy, and all the inhabitants of the city, perished; thirty thousand fighting men, in fact, besides women and children, which could not be numbered. On the same day, after the destruction of the city of Catania, the
A. D.
1165.262 sea receded a distance of three thousand seven hundred and fifty paces,⁷ leaving vast quantities of fish of various kinds on the sands; and when the inhabitants of the country adjacent to the city that had been overthrown flocked together, and were intent upon taking the fish, the sea flowed back again and surrounded them, and swept them away into the deep.

In the same year, William, the brother of Henry, king of England, departed this life. In this year also died Octavianus, the antipope, and was succeeded by the antipope Guido of Crema. In the same year, the abbey of Cupar was founded by king Malcolm. In this year also, Sumerled, the thane of Arregaidele, rose in rebellion against his natural lord, king Malcolm, and, landing in Renfrew with a vast army of Irish, was there slain by a few of the people of the province. In the same year died Herebert, bishop of Glasgow, and was succeeded by Ingelran, the king’s chancellor, who was consecrated by pope Alexander, at the city of Sens, although the deputies of Roger, archbishop of York, vigorously opposed it.

In the year of grace 1165, being the eleventh year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king assembled a great council at Northampton, where he inflicted great annoyances upon Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury. For in the first place, the king made his own horses take up their quarters at the archbishop’s lodgings, on which the prelate sent word to the king that he would not come to court until his lodgings had been cleared of the king’s horses and men. On the day after the council, archbishop Thomas came to the king’s court, attended by his suffragan bishops, and demanded his leave immediately to cross the sea to go to pope Alexander, who at this time was staying in France; this, however, he could not obtain; but the king said to him, “You shall first answer me, for the injustice you have done to John, my marshall, in your court.” For this John had made complaint to the king that when he had claimed in the archbishop’s court a certain piece of land against him, as held by hereditary right, and had for a long time impleaded him in respect thereof, he was unable to obtain any redress from him, and had appealed from the jurisdiction of the archbishop’s court upon oath, according to the customs of the kingdom. To this the archbishop made answer: —

“There has been no refusal of justice to John in my court; but he himself (whether by the advice of some one else, or whether of his own free will, I know not,) brought into my court a certain bundle,⁸ and took the oath upon it, that in consequence of denial of justice he withdrew from my court; whereas it appeared in the justices of my court that it was he who had done the injustice towards me, in thus withdrawing from my court; as it is one of the statutes of your kingdom which says, ‘If any person shall wish to appeal from the court of another person, he must make oath upon the Holy Evangelists.’ ”

However, the king, paying no attention to Thomas, when he had said these words, made oath that he would have both justice and judgment at his hands. The barons of the king’s court thereupon sentenced him to be amerced by the king, and although the archbishop endeavoured to appeal against this judgment, still, by the entreaties and advice of the barons he suffered himself to be amerced by the king, in the sum of five hundred pounds, and found security for that sum.

Upon this, he retired from the court and went to his lodgings, and, on account of the annoyance and vexation which he felt in his mind, took to his bed and fell extremely ill. When this became known to the king, that he might annoy him still more, he immediately sent to him, and summoned him by trusty summoners, to appear before him on the following day, prepared to give him an account of the stewardship, which he had held in the kingdom before his consecration. The archbishop, however, being sensible that a heavy sentence of banishment awaited him, if he should hasten to make his appearance at the court, sought every excuse for delay; both on the ground of the time given by the summons being extremely short, as also of his severe attack of illness. Upon this, the king seeing that the archbishop would not appear that day, sent to him Robert, earl of Leicester, and Reginald, earl of Cornwall, to be witnesses of his illness. When they came, they found him lying ill in bed, and at his entreaty granted him a respite from coming to the court until the following morning. On the same day it was told him, and word was
A. D.
1165.264 brought to him by those of the king’s household, that if he appeared at the king’s court, he would either be thrown into prison or put to death.

In consequence of this, the archbishop, after conferring with his friends on these matters, by the advice of a certain prudent person, next morning, before going to the court, celebrated with the greatest devotion the mass of Saint Stephen, the Proto-martyr, the office⁹ of which begins to this effect, “Etenim sederunt principes, et adversum me loquebantur,” &c.,¹⁰ and commended his cause to the supreme Judge, who is God. Still, for celebrating this mass, he was afterwards severely accused by Gilbert, bishop of London, who spoke in the king’s behalf. For the bishop of London made it an accusation against him, that he had celebrated this mass by means of the magic art, and out of contempt of the king.

After having thus celebrated the mass, the archbishop placed over his shoulders his stole, and then put on his black canonical cape, and forthwith set out for the king’s court. Immediately upon this, a great crowd of people collected together from all quarters to see what would be the end of it. He carried his cross in his right hand, while with the left he held the reins of the horse on which he was seated, and on coming to the king’s palace dismounted, and, still holding the cross, entered the royal mansion; after which, he entered the outer chamber alone, still carrying his cross; but no one of his people followed him thither. On entering the chamber, he found there a great number of the common people, on which he took his seat among them. The king, however, was in his private closet with the persons of his household.

On this, Gilbert, the bishop of London, came to the archbishop on the king’s behalf, and greatly censured him for coming to the court thus armed with the cross, and even tried to wrest it from his hands, but the archbishop grasped it too tightly for him; whereupon, Henry, the bishop of Winchester, said to the bishop of London, “Brother, allow the archbishop to retain the cross; for he ought himself to be well able to carry it.” The bishop of London, being greatly enraged at this remark, turned to the bishop of Winchester, and replied, “Brother,
A. D.
1165.


ARCH-
BISHOP
THOMAS
IS
SUMMONED
BY
THE
KING.265 you have spoken to ill purpose, and evil will ensue to you therefrom, inasmuch as you have spoken against the king’s interests.”

Next came to him Roger, the archbishop of York. “Oh, how oft did he wish to approach him with bland requests, and soft entreaties to use!”¹¹ But the old embers of hatred forbade him so to do, and would not allow him to utter a word in a peaceful way. On the contrary, he uttered the most severe reproaches against him for thus coming to court armed with the cross; saying that the king had a sword which was still sharper, and therefore, if he followed his advice, he would put aside his cross. On this, one of the bystanders made this remark: “Believe me, if you believe him, you will be deceived. The fowler plays sweetly on his pipe while decoying the birds. Beneath sweet honey noxious poisons lie concealed.”¹² However, the archbishop of Canterbury refused to put aside his cross, but said: “If the king’s sword carnally slays the body, my sword pierces spiritually, and sends the soul to hell.” Now while he was sitting there waiting, some persons secretly told him that his death had been sworn by the king’s followers; in consequence of which, from that hour he sought an opportunity for withdrawing from the court, and, that he might more easily withdraw, appealed to the Supreme Pontiff, placing the cause of the Church and of himself under the protection of God and of our lord the pope; and gave orders to all the bishops inviolably to observe his appeal.¹³ Upon this, all the bishops advised him to comply with the king’s wishes, and, surrendering his see, throw himself upon his mercy; but the archbishop refused to trust them upon that point.

At this moment the king sent him word by his knights to come to him without delay, and render to him a full account of all the receipts of the revenues of the kingdom during the
A. D.
1165.266 time that he had been his chancellor. And, in particular, he was questioned with reference to thirty thousand pounds of silver; on which the archbishop made answer: “My lord the king knows that I have often rendered him an account with the reference to all the demands he is now making upon me, before my election to the archbishopric of Canterbury. But, upon my election to that see, the king’s son, Henry, to whom the kingdom was bound by its oath, and all the barons of the exchequer, and Richard de Lucy, the justiciary of England, released me before God and the Holy Church from all receipts and reckonings, and from all secular exactions on behalf of our lord the king, and thus, free and acquitted, was I elected to the administration of the duties of this office; and for that reason do I refuse to plead any further.” The king, upon hearing this, said to his barons: “Make haste and pronounce judgment upon this person, who, being my liege-man, refuses to take his trial in my court;” on which they went forth, and pronounced that he deserved to be arrested and placed in confinement. On hearing this, the king sent to him Reginald, earl of Cornwall, and Robert, earl of Leicester, to inform him of the judgment that had been pronounced upon him; who accordingly said to him: “Listen to the judgment pronounced upon you.” To this, the bishop made answer: “In the name of Almighty God, and under penalty of excommunication, I forbid you this day to pronounce judgment upon me, insomuch as I have appealed unto the presence of our lord the pope.” While the above-named earls were carrying this answer to the king, that archbishop went forth from the chamber, and going through the midst of them, reached his palfrey, and mounting it, left the palace, all the people shouting after him and saying: “Where are you going, traitor? Stop, and hear your sentence!”

When, however, he had arrived at the outer gates, he found them shut, and was in great apprehension of being taken by his enemies, but Almighty God delivered him. For, Peter de Munctorio,¹⁴ one of his servants, espied a number of keys hanging on a nail¹⁵ near the gate, and taking them down, opened it, on which the archbishop sallied forth on horseback, the
A. D.
1165.


KING
LOUIS
INTER-
CEDES
WITH
THE
POPE.267 king’s porters standing by, and uttering not a word. The archbishop made all haste to arrive at the house of some canons regular,¹⁶ where he was hospitably entertained, and commanded the tables to be set out and all the poor that were to be found before the gates to be introduced to eat and drink in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ. This was accordingly done; and he, together with them and his people, becomingly partook of the repast in the refectory of the canons, and, when it was finished, made his bed in the church, between the nave and the altar. In the meantime, he had secretly ordered preparations to be made for his journey, as it was his intention to depart by night. At twilight, therefore, when the king and the rest were supping in the town, taking with him two friars of the Cistercian order, the name of one of whom was Robert de Caune, and of the other Scaiman, and a single servant, who was called Roger de Broc, he went out of the town through the gate, which was left entirely without guards, and at daybreak arrived at Lincoln, and was entertained at the house of James. Here the archbishop changed his dress, and changing his name, ordered himself to be called by that of Dereman; and then, being recognized by few persons, taking remote ways and bye-paths, he hastened towards the sea-shore, he and his attendants riding on at night, and concealing themselves in the day among his friends and acquaintances. At last they arrived at the sea-shore, and reaching the port of Sandwich, secretly embarked on board of a ship, and then, secretly setting sail, in the morning landed in Flanders, whence he immediately made his way to France.

Before, however, he had arrived at the court of Louis, king of the Franks, Gilbert Folliot, bishop of London, and William, earl of Arundel, had arrived on behalf of the king of England, to prevent the king of France from receiving the archbishop of Canterbury in his kingdom, and to request him to beg our lord the pope, out of his love for him, not to receive the archbishop of Canterbury into his favour. But the more pains the above-named envoys of the king of England took to have the archbishop of Canterbury expelled from the kingdom of France, the more did the king of France favour him and his cause.

In addition to this, the king of France sent brother Francis, his almoner, to pope Alexander, who was at this time staying
A. D.
1165.268 in France, begging him, as he esteemed the honor of the Roman Church and the aid of the kingdom of France, in all things to maintain Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, and his cause against the tyrant of England; and, accordingly, from this moment our lord the pope received the archbishop of Canterbury into great favour.

In the meantime, Henry, king of England, sent to our lord the pope, Roger, archbishop of York, Henry, bishop of Winchester, Gilbert, bishop of London, Hilary, bishop of Chichester, and Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, together with Guido Rufus, Richard de Ivechester, and John of Oxford, clerks, and William, earl of Arundel, Hugh de Gondeville, Bernard de Saint Valery, and Henry Fitzgerald, laymen. These persons found the pope at the city of Sens, and gave utterance to many evil and false accusations against the archbishop of Canterbury; but our lord the pope did not believe them, as he knew that they were bearing false witness against him.

On seeing that they could not gain their object, they requested of our lord the pope that two legates might be sent to England to take cognizance of the dispute which existed between the king and the archbishop of Canterbury, and to decide it to the honor of God, and of the Holy Church, and of the realm. However, our lord the pope was not willing to send any cardinal or any legate, as he was aware that the king of England was powerful both in word and deed, and that legates might easily be corrupted, as being more athirst for gold and silver than for justice and equity. Upon this, the envoys of the king of England, being unable to gain their object, withdrew from the court of our lord the pope. On the fourth day after, Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, came thither, and, throwing himself at the feet of our lord the pope, presented to him the above-mentioned writing, in which were written the laws of England, which the king called the laws of his grandfather. The pope, having heard them read in presence of all the cardinals, and of the clergy and a large concourse of people, pronounced a perpetual condemnation upon them, and excommunicated all persons who should observe them, or in any way maintain them.

In this year two comets made their appearance before sunrise, in the month of August; one in the west, the other in
A. D.
1165.


KING
HENRY’S
EDICT
AGAINST
THE
POPE.269 the north. A comet is a star which does not appear at all times, but in especial at the death of a king, or upon the ruin of a nation. When it appears refulgent with a hairy crown, it foretells a royal death; but, if it has long locks of hair¹⁷ which, as it scintillates, it spreads abroad, it betokens the ruin of a nation.

In the same year, pope Alexander returned to Rome, and was honorably received by the people of that city. In this year died Malcolm, king of the Scots, and was succeeded by his brother William. In this year, also, Henry, king of the English, crossed over from England into Normandy, having issued a shocking and execrable edict against pope Alexander and Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury; the words of which were to the following effect: —

“If any person shall be found carrying letters or a mandate of our lord the pope, or of the archbishop of Canterbury, containing an interdict of Christian offices in England, let him be arrested and without delay let justice be done upon him, as a traitor to the king and the realm. Moreover, let no clerk, monk, or lay brother of any orders, be permitted to cross the sea, or to return to England, unless he has a letter from the justiciaries permitting him to cross over, or a letter from the king allowing his return. And if any such person shall be found, let him be arrested and detained. It is also forbidden that any person shall bring any mandate whatsoever of our lord the pope, or of the archbishop of Canterbury. And, if any such person shall be found, let him be arrested and detained. It is also universally forbidden that any person shall appeal to our lord the pope, or to the archbishop of Canterbury, and that, in future, any mandate of theirs shall be received in England; and it is ordered that no pleas whatsoever shall be held at their mandate. And if any person shall do anything against this prohibition, let him be arrested and detained. And further, if any bishop, priest, abbat, monk, clerk, or layman, shall observe any sentence of interdict, without delay let him be banished the kingdom, and all his kindred, but they are to take away none of their chattels with them, but let their chattels and possessions be seized into the king’s hand. Also, let all clerks, who have benefices in England, be admonished
A. D.
1165.270 throughout every county, within three months after summons, to return to their benefices, as they wish to retain those benefices and to return to England. And, if they shall not return within the period before-mentioned, then let their chattels and possessions be seized into the king’s hand. Also, let the bishops of London and Norwich be summoned to appear before the king’s justiciaries, to make redress for having, contrary to the statutes of the realm, laid an interdict on the lands of earl Hugh, and passed sentence¹⁸ against him. Also, let Saint Peter’s pence be collected and kept.”

The Address of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to Henry, king of England, at his Council held at Chinon.¹⁹

“With great longing have I longed to see your face, and to converse with you; much, indeed, on my own account, but more especially on yours. On my own account, that, on seeing your face, you might recall to mind the services which, in my obedience to you, I have devotedly rendered to you to the best of my conscience; as God may help me at the last judgment, when all shall stand before His tribunal to receive according to what they have done in the body, whether good or whether evil; also, that I might move you to take compassion upon me, who am obliged to live on charity among the people of a foreign land; although, by the grace of God, I still have sufficient provision and in abundance. It is also my great consolation that the Apostle says, ‘All that will live godly in Christ shall suffer persecution,’²⁰ and the words of the Prophet are, ‘I have not seen the righteous man forsaken, nor his seed begging bread.’²¹ Again, for your own sake, for these three reasons; because you are my lord, because you are my king, and because you are my son in the Spirit. Because you are my lord, I owe and offer to you my counsel, as is due from every bishop to his lord, in accordance with the honor of God and of the Holy Church; because you are my king, I am bound to respect and to admonish you; because you are my son, I am bound by the duties of my office to chastise and correct you. For a father corrects his son, sometimes in kind words and sometimes in
A. D.
1165.


THE
ARCH-
BISHOP’S
ADDRESS
TO
KING
HENRY.271 harsh, that, by the one means or the other, he may recall him to do what is right. You ought to understand that, by the grace of God, you are a king for the following purposes: first, because it is your duty to govern yourself, and to amend your life with the practice of good manners, in order that by your example others may be induced to reform their lives, according to the saying of the wise man, that the world is formed after the example of the king.²² In the second place, for encouraging some and punishing others, by virtue of the power which you have received from the Church with the sacrament of anointing, and with the sword which, in virtue of your office, you wield for the destruction of evil-doers to the Church. For kings are anointed in three places; on the head, on the breast, and on the arms, thereby signifying glory, knowledge, and strength. The kings who, in ancient times, did not observe the judgments of God, but sinned against His commandments, were deprived of both glory, knowledge, and strength, both they and their descendants: as examples in proof whereof, witness Saul, Nebuchadnezzar, Solomon, and many others. But those who, after their offences, in contrition of heart humbled themselves before the Lord, to them was granted more abundantly and more effectually the grace of God, together with all the blessings above-mentioned; as for instance, David, Hezekiah, and many others. Christ founded the Church and gained its liberty with His own blood, by enduring the scourges, the spitting, the nails, and the straits of death, and thereby left us an example to follow in His footsteps; wherefore the Apostle says, ‘If we be dead with him, we shall also live with him. If we suffer, we shall also reign with him.’²³ The Church of God is composed of two orders ——the clergy and the people. Among the clergy are the Apostles and Apostolical men, the bishops and other rulers of the Church, to whom has been entrusted the care and government of that Church, and who have the management of ecclesiastical concerns, that they may cause all things to tend to the salvation of souls. For which reason it was said to Peter, and in Peter to the other rulers of the Church, ‘Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.’²⁴ In the number of the people are kings, dukes, earls, and other potentates, who
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1165.272 have the management of secular business, that they may cause it entirely to tend to the peace and unity of the Church. And, inasmuch as it is certain that kings receive their power from the Church, and not it from them, but (with your leave I say it) from Christ, you ought not to give your commands to bishops to absolve or to excommunicate any person, to bring the clergy before secular courts, to pronounce judgment relative to tithes and churches, to forbid bishops taking cognizance of breaches of faith or vows in such manner as is here set forth in writing among your customs, which you style the laws of your grandfather. For the Lord says, ‘Keep my laws;’ and, again, by the mouth of the prophet, ‘Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed; to turn aside the needy from judgment, and to take away the right from the poor of my people.’²⁵ Therefore, let my lord, if so it pleases him, listen to the counsels of his liege, the advice of his bishop, and the correction of his father. Let him, for the future, have no intercourse or communication with schismatics. For it is well known to almost all the world how duteously and how honorably you received our lord the pope, how greatly you have cherished and have honored the Church of Rome, how greatly our lord the pope and the Church of Rome have loved and honored hour person, and, on whatever occasion, in conformity with the will of God they possibly could, have listened to your requests. Do not then attempt, my lord, if you wish for the salvation of your soul, in any way to withdraw from that Church what is its own, or in any degree to contravene justice in acting towards it; but rather allow it to enjoy the same freedom in your kingdom which it is known to enjoy in others. Keep in remembrance also the profession which you made and placed in writing upon the altar at Westminster, to preserve its liberties to the Church of God, at the time when, by my predecessor, you were consecrated and anointed king. Restore, also, the church of Canterbury, in which you received your promotion and consecration, to that state and dignity which it enjoyed in the days of your predecessors and mine. Restore, also, the possessions which belong to that church, the towns, the castles, the estates, of which you have made distribution at your will, and replace in full all the things which have been taken from either
A. D.
1165.


THE
ARCH-
BISHOP’S
LETTER
TO
POPE
ALEX-
ANDER.273 me as well as my clerks and laymen. Likewise, allow me freely and in peace to return to my see, and I am ready to serve you loyally and duteously, as my most dear lord and king, in so far as I can, saving always the honor of God and of the Roman Church and my orders. But if you will not do thus, then know, for a certainty, that you will feel the severity of God’s vengeance.”

The Letter of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff.

“To your presence, most holy father, do I fly for refuge; inasmuch as you have redeemed the liberties of the Church, amid so great hazards to yourself, understand that that is the sole or the principal cause of the persecutions to which, following your example, I have been subjected. For I lamented that the foundations of the Church are being gradually shaken, and that her rights are being destroyed by the avarice or princes, and I therefore thought it my duty to meet the malady on its approach. The more I felt myself bound in duty to my liege lord, to whom, after God, I owe everything, the more safely did I thing I might oppose his wicked instigators; until they had gained full possession of the serenity of his favour, and had clouded it against me; from which time, as is the way among princes, they threw out charges and accusations, in order thereby to ensure my persecution; on which, I preferred to be driven away rather than willingly to succumb. To these evils, this was added, that I was summoned, as though a layman, to appear before the king and to satisfy him thereon. And still further, in the quarter to which I looked for support in my resistance, I was deceived; for I found my brethren, the bishops, at the bidding of the courtiers, prepared to pronounce judgment against me. Thus, almost crushed by the multitude of my antagonists, I have taken breath in your presence, which does not overlook even those who are in extreme need. Under your protection will I prove, that I ought not to have been brought for trial before that tribunal, nor yet before those persons. For what else, my father, would this have been than to rob you of your rights? What else than to subject the spiritual power to the temporal? When once made, this precedent would be generally established; and for that reason, I considered it my duty the more firmly to oppose it,
A. D.
1165.274 because a more ready method of doing injury would be introduced, if any weakness were manifested at the outset. But it will be their remark, ‘The things which are Cæsar’s should be rendered unto Cæsar;’²⁶ still, if in many things we must obey the king, we much not obey him on those points, the result of which would be, that he would not be a king. To do thus would be to make him not Cæsar, but a tyrant; and then they would have to resist him, not for me, but in their own behalves. For if to him is reserved the highest possible judgment, when he is all-powerful to pronounce judgment upon body and life, will there be any last appeal among mankind when he gives judgment according to his own motives? If those who have attacked me have taken the side of justice, for what reason do they censure me? If, on the other hand, I have made my appeal to him, to whom it is not lawful or excusable to disallow an appeal, the consequence is, that they must either be accusing me unjustly, or must have distrust in your justice. For doubly should I be confounded, if before your Holiness I should be convicted. And do I merit persecution on the part of those, in behalf of whom I have laid myself open to such attacks, and should have gained my point, had they only been so inclined? But badly fares the head, if it is forsaken by the limbs. If too the eyes were to assume a tongue in opposition to the head, if they were to be gifted with foresight, they would find that they were contriving evil against themselves; so likewise have the king’s followers used their aid against me to ensure their own slavery. What can have been the cause of hatred so great that, in order to destroy me, they should destroy themselves? The consequence is, that while they neglect their spiritual for their temporal duties, they fail in both. And is it the fact that, while I protested aloud and appealed to your presence, they presumed by their judgment to condemn their own father? Why, if they have made a compact to agree with the prince who is so offended at me in relation to the universal Church, even to you, most holy father, may their suspicion extend. But they will affirm that they have held with the king by reason of their duty to their liege; even so, corporeally to him, but spiritually to me. Whom then, in preference to themselves, ought they to have held with? Ought they not to have submitted in preference to the loss of things corporeal rather than spiritual? But to this
A. D.
1165.


THE
ARCH-
BISHOP
TO
HIS
SUFFRAGAN
BISHOPS.275 they may reply, that this was not a proper time for provoking the prince. How astutely do they argue to ensure their own slavery! Why, they themselves encourage it, who give shelter beneath their wings to his excesses; for if they had not given their sanction, he would have refrained from acting thus. And on what occasion is constancy more required than during a time of persecution? Are not his friends proved by the test of persecution? If people always succumb, what are they to look for? Resistance is necessary at times. Look then with condescension, most holy father, upon my exile and persecutions, and remember that once in your time I occupied an exalted position, and that for your sake I have been loaded with injuries. Put forth your severity, and restrain those at whose instigations this persecution has befallen me; and let not aught of these things be imputed to my lord the king, who is rather the instrument, than the author of these machinations.”

The Letter of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to his suffragan bishops.

“Thomas, by the grace of God, the humble servant of the church of Canterbury, to his venerable brethren, the bishop of London, and the other bishops of the whole province of Canterbury; may they so enjoy temporal blessings, as not to lose those of eternity. My most dearly-beloved brethren, wherefore do ye not arise with me against my enemies? Why do ye not take part with me against those who work iniquity? Is it that ye are ignorant that the Lord scattereth abroad the bones of those who please men? They shall be confounded, inasmuch as the Lord hath despised them. Your discreetness well knows that when the errors of a man are not opposed, they are approved; and that when truth is not defended, it is smothered. He, too, who does not hasten to the reproval of that which ought to be corrected, appears, Saint Gregory giving his testimony thereto, to encourage him who commits the wrong. Enough, and even more than enough, have we put up with our lord, the king of England; and yet, in return, the Church of God has received no support from him. We hold that it is a thing dangerous and not to be endured, to leave unpunished for the future, as hitherto, the excessive outrages committed by him and his officials against the Church of God and the ministers of that Church; and the more especially so, inasmuch as, most
A. D.
1165.276 frequently by letters and messages, and other means, as was our duty, we have endeavoured to recall him from the perverseness of his course. but since we have been hardly heard by him, much more listened to, after invoking the grace of the Holy Spirit, we have publicly condemned, and have made null and void that writing in which are contained, not those customs, but rather those corruptions by which at the present time the Church of England is disturbed and put to confusion, as also the authority of the said writing. All who observe, or enforce, or counsel, or aid, or defend the same, we do likewise excommunicate; and all you bishops, by the authority of God and of ourselves, we do absolve from the promises, by which, against the rules of the Church, you bound yourselves to the observance thereof. For who is there than can doubt that the priests of Christ are appointed to be the fathers and masters of kings and princes, and of all the faithful? Is it not understood to be an act of lamentable madness for the son to attempt to make his father, or the disciple his master, obedient to him, and by unrighteous means of compulsion to render him subject to his power? One, too, whom he believes to have power to bind and to loose him not only on earth, but even in heaven as well? Therefore, in order that we may not fall into the commission of this error, we have rendered of no effect, and have made null and void the authority of that writing, as also the writing itself, together with all the corruptions that are therein contained; and more especially the following: ——‘Appeal shall not in any case be made to the Apostolic See, except with the king’s permission. It shall not be lawful for an archbishop or bishop to depart from the kingdom, to attend the summons of our lord the pope, without the king’s permission. It shall not be lawful for a bishop to excommunicate any person who holds of the king in capite, or to lay an interdict upon any one of his officers, without the king’s permission. It shall not be lawful for a bishop to take cognizance of perjury or breach of faith. The clergy are to be brought before secular tribunals. Laymen, whether the king or other persons, are to take cognizance of causes as to churches and tithes, and other enactments to a like effect. We do also denounce as excommunicated, and have excommunicated by name, the man called John of Oxford, who has fallen into a damnable heresy, by tendering an oath to schismatics, through whom a schism that had almost died out has revived
A. D.
1165.


THE
ARCH-
BISHOP
TO
HIS
SUFFRAGAN
BISHOPS.277 in Germany, as also for communicating with that most notorious schismatic, Reginald of Cologne; and because, contrary to the mandate of our lord the pope and of myself, he has taken unlawful possession of the deanery of the church of Salisbury; a deed which, so detestable as it is, so contrary to right, so pernicious in its example to the Church of God, we do make utterly null and void, and do render it of no effect whatsoever; and it is our command to the bishop of Salisbury, and the chapter of that church, in virtue of their obedience, and at the peril of their orders, on seeing this our letter, thenceforth no longer to hold him as dean thereof. In like manner, we do denounce as excommunicated, and have excommunicated, Richard de Ivechester, because he has fallen into the same damnable heresy, by holding communication with Reginald of Cologne, the schismatic, as also by inventing and contriving all kinds of mischief with those schismatics and Germans, to the destruction of the Church of God, and especially of the Church of Rome, according to the terms agreed upon between our lord the king and them. We have also excommunicated Richard de Lucy and Jocelyn de Baliol, who have been the authors and fabricators of these corruptions; also Ranulph de Broc, who has taken possession of the property of the church of Canterbury, which by right is a provision for the poor, and withholds the same, and has arrested our men as though they were laymen, and detains them in his custody. We have also excommunicated Hugh de Saint Clair and Thomas Fitz-Bernard, who, without either connivance or consent on our part, have laid hands upon the property and possessions of the said church of Canterbury. All others beside who in future shall lay violent hands upon the property and possessions of the church of Canterbury against our will and consent, we have included in the same sentence of excommunication; according to the words of pope Lucius; ‘All spoilers of the Church and withholders of her possessions, putting them away from the threshold of the said mother Church, we do excommunicate, sentence to damnation, and pronounce to be guilty of sacrilege.’ And not these only, but those even who assent thereto, does he comprehend in the same sentence. The Scripture, also, in one place, tells us that he who agrees with the sinful, and defends another in his sin, shall be accursed before God and man, and shall be visited with the most severe afflictions; and likewise, that if any one
A. D.
1166.278 defends another in his sin, he shall be more severely corrected than he who has committed the sin. As yet, indeed, we have delayed pronouncing this sentence against the person of our lord the king, in the hope that perchance, by the inspiration of the Divine grace, he may recover his senses; still, we shall very shortly pronounce it, unless he shall make haste so to do. Therefore, we do command your brotherhood, and by virtue of your obedience enjoin you, that henceforth you hold the aforesaid men who have been excommunicated by us as excommunicated, and cause them to be denounced as such; in obedience to the decree of pope Honorius: ‘Be it lawful for all bishops to declare the names of those who have been excommunicated by them both to the neighbouring bishops, as well as to the people of their own diocese, and placing them in a public place before the doors of the churches, to warn all comers thereby, so that due diligence may be given to both points, entrance into the churches may be everywhere denied to those excommunicated, and grounds for excommunication may be removed from the rest.’²⁷ And you, brother, the bishop of London, we do command, and, by virtue of our authority over you, enjoin the same, that you will disclose and show this our letter to the rest of your brethren and to all our brother bishops of our province. Fare ye well in Christ, and pray continually for us.”

After these things, Henry, king of England, returned from Normandy to England, and marched with a great army into Wales, where he lost many of his nobles, barons, and men. He also did justice upon the sons of Rees,²⁸ and upon the sons and daughter of his nobles, for he had the eyes of the male children put out, and cut off the noses and ears of the females.²⁹

In the year 1166, being the twelfth year of the reign of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king Henry
A. D.
1166.279 expelled from England, and from all the lands of his dominions, all the men and women he could possibly find belonging to the kindred of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury; even infants crying in the cradle, and still hanging at the mother’s breasts, he sent into banishment, that, upon seeing them, the grief of the above-named archbishop might be increased. What art thou doing, thou tyrant? What madness is it that hath overcome thee, that thou shouldst thus drive away from thy kingdom those who have done thee no injury, and in whose mouths no guile has been found? There is no reason why the issue of the banished, so long as they observe the laws, should not live in the city!

When the blessed Thomas beheld them, he was greatly afflicted, and, sharing in their sorrows, became more than a martyr. “No wonder was it, then, if his mind, becoming disturbed, melted away, like water dropping from the snow.”³⁰ Still, all these sorrows did the man of God endure with great long-suffering. He had hardly remained two years at the abbey of Pontigny, with the abbat Gwarine, and the monks who were there in the service of God, under whose charge he had been placed by Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff, when the king of England sent word to the above-named abbat of Pontigny, that if he any longer harboured the archbishop of Canterbury in his house, he would, in such case, banish all the monks of his order from England. The consequence of this was, that blessed Thomas of his own accord, departed from that house, in order that so many houses of the religious might not, on his account, come to ruin. He, therefore, betook himself to Louis, king of the Franks; by whom he was hospitably received, and sent to the abbey of Saint Columba, near the city of Sens.

FOOTNOTES

 ¹  Probably on account of the superstition alluded to in p. 249.

 ²  In Northumberland.

 ³  Roger of Wendover says, at Christmas.

 ⁴  This passage is probably in a corrupt state.

 ⁵  “Exillium” is a preferable reading to “Exitium.”

 ⁶  In taking the oath.

 ⁷  Nearly three miles and a half.

 ⁸  The word used in the text is “toper,” which does not seem to have any meaning; it is possible that it may stand for the word “toppum,” which signifies a “bundle.”

 ⁹  The formulary for devotion appointed by the ritual for that day.

¹⁰  “Princes surrounded me, and spoke against me;” from the 118th Psalm in the Vulgate, being the commencement of the Introit.

¹¹  A quotation from Ovid —

“O quotiens voluit blandis acedere dictis,

    Et molles adhibere preces.”

¹²  A quotation from Ovid —

“Crede mihi, si credis ei, tu decipieris.

    Fistula dulce canit volucres dum decipit auceps.

Impia sub dulci melle venena latent.”

¹³  By not being present when any judgment might be passed upon him by a temporal tribunal.

¹⁴  Probably in the Norman, “Peter de Mouchoir.”

¹⁵  Singularly enough, Holinshed renders the words, “in clavo,” “tied to a club’s end.”

¹⁶  The abbey of Saint Andrew.

¹⁷  What we call the tail of a comet, the ancient’s more poetically styled its “hair.”

¹⁸  Of excommunication.

¹⁹  A portion of this speech is introduced by Roger of Wendover, in his narrative, as a letter from the archbishop to king Henry.

²⁰  2 Tim. iii. 12.

²¹  Psalm xxxvii. 25.

²²  Alluding to Eccl. x. 2.

²³  2 Tim. ii. 11, 12.

²⁴  St. Matt. xvi. 18.

²⁵  Isaiah x. 1, 2.

²⁶  St. Matt. xxii. 21. St. Mark xii. 17.

²⁷  This passage seems in a hopelessly corrupt state; it runs as follows: ——“Eaque in celebri loco posita præ foribus Ecclesiæ, cunctis venientibus inculcare, quatenus in utrâque diligentiâ excommunicationis, ubique Ecclesiasticus aditus denegetur, et excommunicationis causa omnibus auferatur.”

²⁸  King of the Welch.

²⁹  Holinshed has the following quaint passage as a quotation from our author, which, if correct, goes to prove that his MS. differed materially from the printed copy. “He did justice upon the sons of Rice or Rees, and also on the sons and daughters of other noblemen that were his complices, very vigorously, causing the eyes of the young striplings to be picked out of their heads, and their noses to be cut off or slit; and the ears of the young gentlewomen to be stuffed.”

³⁰  “Nec mirum est igitur si mens sua turbida facta

  De nive manantis more liquescit aquæ.”

~~~~~~~

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