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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 50-67.
CHAPTER CLXX. — SIR JOHN HOLLAND KILLS LORD RALPH STAFFORD. — THE EARL OF STAFFORD DEMANDS JUSTICE FROM THE KING.
THE king of England was quartered in the country round Beverley, in the diocese of York, with numbers of earls, barons and knights of his realm; for every one tried to be lodged as near him as possible, more especially his two uncles. Sir Thomas Holland, earl of Kent, and sir John Holland, earl of Huntingdon, his brothers, were also there with a handsome company of men at arms.
With the king was a knight from Bohemia, who had come to pay a visit to the queen; and, out of affection to her, the king and barons showed him every attention. This knight was gay and handsome in the German style, and his name was sir Meles. It happened one afternoon that two squires attached to sir John Holland quarrelled in the fields of a village near Beverley, for the lodgings of sir Meles, and followed him to his great displeasure, with much abuse. At this moment two archers belonging to lord Ralph Stafford came thither who took up the quarrel of sir Meles because he was a stranger: they blamed the squires for their language, and added: “You have used this knight very ill by thus quarrelling with him, for you know he is attached to the queen and from her country: you would have done better to have assisted him than to act thus.” “Indeed!” replied one of the squires to the archer who had first spoken, “thou villanous knave, thou wantest to intermeddle: what is it to thee if I laugh at his follies?” “What is it to me!” answered the archer; “it concerns me enough, for he is the companion of my master; and I will never remain quiet to see or hear him abused.” “If I thought, knave,” said the squire, “thou wouldst aid him against me, I would thrust my sword through thy body.” As he uttered these words, he made an attempt to strike him: the archer drew back, and having his bow ready bent, with a good arrow, let fly, and shot him through the body and heart, so that he fell down dead. The other squire, when he saw his companion fall, ran away. Sir Meles had before returned to his lodgings, and the two archers returned to their lord and related to him what had happened. Lord Ralph, when he had heard the whole, said, “You have behaved very ill.” “By my troth,” replied the archer, “I could not have acted otherwise, if I had not wished to have been killed myself, and I had much rather he should die than that I should.” “Well,” said lord Ralph, “go and get out of sight, that thou mayest not be found: I will negotiate thy pardon with sir John 51 Holland, either through my lord and father, or by some other means.” The archer replied, “he would cheerfully obey him.”
News was carried to sir John Holland, that one of sir Ralph Stafford’s archers had murdered his favourite squire; and that it had happened through the fault of the foreign knight, sir Meles. Sir John, on hearing it, was like a madman, and said he would neither eat nor drink until he had revenged it. He instantly mounted his horse, ordering his men to do the same, though it was now very late, and, having gained the fields, he inquired for the lodgings of sir Meles: he was told that he was lodged at the rear-guard with the earl of Devonshire and the earl of Stafford, and with their people. Sir John Holland took that road, riding up and down to find sir Meles. As he was thus riding along a very narrow land, he met the lord Ralph Stafford; but, being night, they could not distinguish each other. He called out, “Who comes here?” He was answered, “I am Stafford:” “And I am Holland.” Then sir John added, “Stafford, I was inquiring after you. Thy servants have murdered my squire, whom I loved so much.” On saying this, he drew his sword and struck lord Ralph such a blow as felled him dead, which was a great pity. Sir John continued his road, but knew not then that he had killed him, though he was well aware that he had strucken him down. The servants of the lord Ralph were exceedingly wroth, as was natural, on seeing their master dead: they began to cry out, “Holland, you have murdered the son of the earl of Stafford; heavy will this news be to the father when he shall know it.”
Some of the attendants of sir John Holland, hearing these words, said to their master, “My lord, you have slain the lord Ralph Stafford.” “Be it so,” replied sir John. “I rather have put him to death than one of less rank; for by this I have the better revenged the loss of my squire.” Sir John hastened to Beverley, to take advantage of the sanctuary of St. John’s church, wither he went, and did not quit the sanctuary; for he well knew he should have much trouble in the army from the affection it bore lord Ralph, and he was uncertain what his brother the king of England would say to it. To avoid, therefore, all these perils, he shut himself up in the sanctuary.
News was carried to the earl of Stafford, that his son had been unfortunately killed, The earl asked who had done it. They told him, “Sir John Holland, the king’s brother,” and related why, and wherefore. You may suppose,, that he father, having only one beloved son, who was a young, handsome, and accomplished knight, was beyond measure enraged. He sent for all his friends, to have their advice how he ought to act to revenge this loss. The wisest and most temperate did all they could to calm him, adding, that on the morrow the fact should be laid before the king, and he should be required to see law and justice put in force.
Thus passed the night. In the morning, the lord Ralph Stafford was buried in the church of a village near the spot where he fell: he was attended by all the barons, knights, and squired related to him that were in the army. After the funeral, the earl of Stafford, with full sixty of his own relations, and others connected with his son, mounted their horses, and went to the king, who had already received information of this unfortunate event. They found the king attended by his uncles and many knights. When the earl approached, he cast himself on his knees, and thus spoke with tears and anguish of heart: “Thou art king of all England, and hast solemnly sworn to maintain the realm in its rights, and to do justice. Thou art well acquainted how thy brother, without the slightest reason, has murdered my son and heir. I therefore come and demand justice: otherwise thou wilt not have a worse enemy than me. I must likewise inform thee, my son’s death affects me so bitterly, that if I were not fearful of breaking up this expedition by the trouble and confusion I should make in the army, and the defections it would cause, by my honour, it should be revenged in so severe a manner that it should be talked of in England a hundred years to come. For the present, however, and during this expedition to Scotland, I shall not think of it; for I like not the Scots be rejoiced at the misery of the earl of Stafford*.” The king replied, “Be assured, I myself will do justice, and punish the crime more severely than the barons would venture to do; and never for any brother will I act otherwise.” The earl of Stafford and his relations answered, “Sir, 52 you have well spoken, and we thank you.” Thus were the relations of lord Ralph Stafford appeased. He performed the expedition to Scotland, as I shall relate to you; and, during that whole time, the earl of Stafford seemed to have forgotten the death of his son, in which conduct all the barons thought he showed great wisdom.
* The earl of Stafford, in the 9th Ric. II., made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, probably on the loss of his son, and died the ensuing year, on his return, at Rhodes.
CHAPTER CLXXI. — THE KING OF ENGLAND DESTROYS THE ABBEY OF MELROSE IN SCOTLAND. — THE BARONS OF FRANCE AND SCOTLAND INVADE CUMBERLAND.
THE army of the king of England, which consisted of seven thousand mean at arms and sixty thousand archers, kept advancing: none had remained behind, for it had been confidently reported through England that sir John de Vienne would give them battle. Indeed, such were his intentions, and he had in a manner told this to the barons of Scotland, when he said, “My lords, make your army as considerable as you can; for, if the English come as far as Scotland, I will offer them combat.” The Scots replied, “God assist us!” but they afterwards changed their mind.
The king and his army advanced beyond Durham, Newcastle-on-Tyne, and through Northumberland to Berwick, of which sir Matthew Redman was governor. He received him with all due respect; but the king did not stay there long: he continued his march, and the whole army crossed the river Tweed, which comes from Roxburgh and the mountains in Northumberland, and took up his quarters in the abbey of Melrose. This monastery, in all the preceding wars of England and Scotland, had been spared, but it was now burnt and destroyed; for it had been determined by the English to ruin everything in Scotland before they returned home, because the Scots had allied themselves with the French.
The admiral of France, on learning that the king of England and his army had crossed the Tyne and Tweed, and were now at Lambir Law, said to the Scottish barons, “Why do we remain here, and not reconnoitre our enemies to fight them? You told us, before we came into this country, that if you had a thousand, or thereabouts, of good men at arms from France, you would be sufficiently strong to combat the English. I will warrant you have now a thousand, if not more, and five hundred cross-bows; and I must tell you, that the knights and squires who have accompanied me are determined men at arms, the flower of knighthood, who will not fly, but abide the event, such as God may please to order it.” The barons of Scotland, who well knew the strength of the English army, and had not any desire of meeting it, answered, “Faith, my lord, we are convinced that you and your companions are men of valour, and to be depended on; but we understand that all England is on its march to Scotland, and the English were never in such force as at present. We will conduct you to a place from whence you may view and consider them: and if, after this, you should advise a battle, we will not refuse it, for what you have repeated as having been said by us is true.” “By God, then,” said the admiral, “I will have a battle.”
Not long afterwards, the earl of Douglas and the other Scots barons carried the admiral of France to a high mountain, at the bottom of which was a pass through which the English would be forced to march with their baggage. From this mountain, where the admiral was stationed, with many of the French knights, they clearly saw the English army, and estimated it, as nearly as they could, at six thousand men at arms, sixty thousand archers and stout varlets. They allowed they were not in sufficient force to meet them in battle, for the Scots were not more than one thousand lances, with about thirty thousand others badly armed. The admiral said to the earls of Douglas and Moray, — “You were in the right in not wishing to fight the English; but let us consider what must be done, for they are numerous enough to overrun your whole country and ruin it. Since we are not able to combat them, I request you will lead us by unfrequented roads into England, and let us carry the war into their own country, as they have done here, if such an enterprise may be practicable.” The barons told him, it was very practicable.”
Sir John de Vienne and the Scots barons resolved in council, to quit that part of the country and suffer the English to act as they pleased in it, and to make an inroad on Cumberland, near Carlisle, where they should find a plentiful country, and amply revenge 53 themselves. The resolution was adopted. They marched their men in an opposite direction to the English, through forests and over mountains, and laid waste the whole country on their line, burning towns, villages and houses. The inhabitants of Scotland carried their provisions to their retreats in the forests, where they knew the English would never seek for them. The Scots barons marched hastily through their own country; and the king, not being well enough in health to accompany them, retired into the highlands, where he remained during the war, and left his subjects to act as well as they could. The French and Scots passed the mountains which divide Cumberland from Scotland, and entered England, when they began to burn the country and villages, and to commit great devastations on the lands of Mowbray, belonging to the earl of Nottingham, on those of the earl of Stafford, as well as on the lands of the baron of Grisop* and of the lord Musgrave, and then continued their march to Carlisle.
* “Grisop.” — Q. Greystocke.
CHAPTER CLXXII. — THE THE KING OF ENGLAND DESTROYS EDINBURGH, AND GREAT PART OF SCOTLAND. — THE FRENCH AND SCOTS DO THE SAME ON THE BORDERS AND IN NORTHUMBERLAND.
WHILE the admiral of France and those with him, such as the count de Grand Pré, the lord de Sainte Croix, sir Geoffry de Charny, sir William de Breune, sir James de Boenne, the lords de Peigny, de Hees, de Marnel, sir Valeran de Rayneval, the baron d’Ivery, the baron de Fontaines, the lord de Croy, sir Braque de Bracquemont, the lord de Lendury, amounting to a thousand lances at least, of barons and knights of France, with the lords of Scotland and their army, were thus overrunning the northern parts of England, burning and destroying the towns, houses and country; the king of England, with his uncles, barons and knights, had entered Scotland, wasting the country as they advanced. The English had quartered themselves at Edinburgh, where the king remained for five days. On their departure, everything was completely burnt to the ground except the castle, which was very strong and well guarded.
During the residence of the king Richard at Edinburgh, the English overran the whole country in the neighbourhood, and did great mischief; but they found none of the inhabitants, for they had retreated into forts and thick forests, whither they had driven all their cattle. In the king’s army there were upwards of one hundred thousand men, and as many horses: of course, great quantities of provision were wanted; but, as they found none in Scotland, many stores followed them from England by sea and land. When the king and his lords left Edinburgh they went to Dunfermline, a tolerably handsome town, where is a large and fair abbey of black monks, in which the kings of Scotland have been accustomed to be buried. The king was lodged in the abbey, but after his departure the army seized it, and burnt both that and the town. They marched towards Stirling and crossed the river Tay*, which runs by Perth. They made a grand attack on the castle of Stirling, but did not conquer it, and had a number of their men killed and wounded: they then marched away, burning the town and the lands of the duke de Versy.
The intention of the duke of Lancaster and of his brothers, as well as of several knights and squires, was to lay waste all Scotland, and then pursue the French and Scots (for they had had information of their march to Carlisle), and by this means inclose them between England and Scotland, so that they should have such advantage over them, not one would return, but all should be slain, or made prisoners. In the mean time, their army overran the country at their pleasure, for none ventured to oppose them, the kingdom being void of defence, as the men at arms had all followed the admiral of France. The English burnt the town of Perth, which is on the banks of the Tay, and has a good harbour, from whence vessels may sail to all parts of the world. They afterwards burnt Dundee, and the English 54 spared neither monasteries nor churches, but put all to fire and flame. The light troops of the English, and the van-guard, advanced as far as the city of Bredane†, which is situated on the sea, at the entrance into the highlands, but they did no harm to it, though the inhabitants were exceedingly alarmed, supposing they should be attacked, and that the king of England was coming.
Just in the same manner as the English conducted themselves in Scotland, did the French and Scots in Cumberland, and on the borders of England, where they burnt and destroyed large tracts of country. They entered Westmoreland, passing through the lands of Greystock, and of the baron Clifford, and burnt on their march several large villages where no men of arms had before been. They met with no opposition, as the country was drained, for all men at arms were with the king in his expedition. They came at length before Carlisle, which is well inclosed with walls, towers, gates and ditches: king Arthur formerly resided here more than elsewhere, on account of the fine woods which surround it, and for the grand adventures of arms which had happened near it.‡
There were in the city of Carlisle, sir Lewis Clifford, brother to sir William Neville, sir Thomas Musgrave and his son, David Hollgrave, the earl of Angus, and several others from that neighbourhood; for Carlisle is the capital of that part of the country, and it was fortunate to have such men to defend it. When the admiral of France and his army arrived, he made a very severe attack with ordnance, which lasted some time, but there were within those capable of making a good defence, so that many handsome feats of arms were performed before Carlisle.
* There is a mistake in geography here, for the Tay does not run near the road to Stirling. I should suppose he must mean the Forth.
† “Bredane.” — Q. Aberdeen.
‡ Froissart mistakes this place, probably, for Carléon.
CHAPTER CLXXIII. — THE EARL OF SUFFOLK PREVENTS THE KING OF ENGLAND FROM PURSUING THE FRENCH AND SCOTS WHO HAD INVADED ENGLAND. — THE ENGLISH ARMY RETURN HOME THE SAME WAY THEY HAD ENTERED SCOTLAND. — THE FRENCH AND SCOTS RETURN INA SIMILAR MANNER..
THE king’s uncles and the other lords supposed the admiral of France and the Scots would continue their march, and that they would do as much mischief as they could on the borders and in Cumberland. They therefore thought they could not do better, when their stores were all arrived, than to follow their line of march until they could overtake and fight them; for, as they could not any way escape, they must be attacked to a disadvantage. Of this opinion was the duke of Lancaster, his brothers, several of the nobles of the realm, and the greater part of the army. Their stores were now all arrived by sea or land, and the king had, in the presence of his uncles, ordered this plan to be adopted. But in one night, Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, who at that time was the heart and sole council of king, and in whom he placed his whole confidence, undid the whole business. I know not what his intentions were for so doing; but I heard afterwards, he should say to the king, — “Ah, ah, my lord, what are you thinking of? You intend then to follow the plan your uncles have devised. Know, that if you do so, you will never return, for the duke of Lancaster wishes for nothing more earnestly than your death, that he may be king. How could he dare advise your entering such a country in the winter? I would recommend you not to cross the Cumberland mountains, where are thirty passes so narrow, that if once you be inclosed within them, you will run into the greatest danger from the Scots. Never engage in such a perilous expedition, whatever they may say to you; and if the duke of Lancaster be so desirous to go thither, let him, with that division of the army under his command: for never, with my consent, shall you undertake it. You have done enough for one time: neither your father, nor your grandfather Edward, have been so far in Scotland as you have now been. This, I say, should satisfy you. Take care of your own person, you are young and promising; and there are those who profess much, but who little love you.”
These words made so strong an impression on the king, he could never get them out of his head, as I shall hereafter relate. On the morrow morning, when the lords of England were 55 preparing for their march towards Carlisle, in search of the French, and to fight with them, as had been resolved in council the preceding night, the duke of Lancaster waited on the king, ignorant of what had passed between his nephew and lord Suffolk. When the king saw him, being peevish and choleric from the previous conversation, he said, harshly, — “Uncle, uncle of Lancaster, you shall not yet succeed in your plans. Do you think that, for your fine speeches, we will madly ruin ourselves? I will no longer put my faith in you nor in your councils, for I see in them more loss than profit, both in regard to your own honour and to that of our people: therefore, if you be desirous of undertaking this march, which you have advised, do so, but I will not, for I shall return to England, and all those who love me will follow me.” “And I will follow you,” replied the duke of Lancaster: “for there is not a man in your company who loves you so well as I do, and my brothers also. Should any other person, excepting yourself, dare say the contrary, or that I wish otherwise than well to you and to your people, I will throw him my glove.” No answer was made by any one. The king was silent on the subject. He only spoke to those who served him, on different matters, and then gave orders for returning to England by the way they had come. The duke left the king quite melancholy, and went to make other preparations; for he had concluded they were to pursue the French and Scots who had advanced beyond the borders; but, as this was altered, they took the direct road to England.
Thus did the earl of Suffolk, who governed the king, break up this expedition. Some lords said, the king had been badly advised, not to pursue the Scots, as they had all their stores with them, and it was still in their way home. Others, afraid of the difficulties, said that, considering all things, as well as the quantity of provision necessary for so large an army, as the hardships they would be exposed to in the winter season, when crossing the Cumberland mountains, they might lose more than they could gain. Thus were affairs managed. The English army returned, with the king and barons, by the way they had entered Scotland, but not before they had destroyed the greater part of that country.
News was brought to the admiral of France that the English were retreating homeward. They called a council to determine how to act, when it was resolved that, as their provision began to fail, they would return to Scotland, for they were now in a poor country, having ruined all round Carlisle, and the lands of lord Clifford, lord Mowbray and the bishop of Carlisle; but the city of Carlisle they could not conquer. The French said among themselves, they had burnt in the bishopricks of Durham and Carlisle more than the value of all the towns in the kingdom of Scotland. The French and Scots marched back the way they had come. When arrived in the lowlands, they found the whole country ruined; but the people of the country made light of it, saying, that with six or eight stakes they would soon have new houses, and find cattle enow for provision: for the Scots had driven them for security to the forests. You must, however, know, that whatever the French wanted to buy, they were made to pay very dear for; and it was fortunate the French and Scots did not quarrel with each other seriously, as there were frequent riots on account of provision. The Scots said, the French had done them more mischief than the English: and when asked, “In what manner?” they replied, “by riding through their corn, oats and barley, on their march, which they trod under foot, not condescending to follow the roads, for which damage they would have a recompense before they left Scotland: and they should neither find vessel nor mariner who would dare to put to sea without their permission.” Many knights and squires complained of the timber they had cut down, and of the waste they had committed to lodge themselves.
CHAPTER CLXXIV. — THE SCOTS TREAT THE ADMIRAL OF FRANCE AND HIS MEN VERY HARSHLY. — THEY RETURN TO FRANCE.
WHEN the admiral, with his barons, knights and squires, were returned to the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, they suffered much from famine, as they could scarcely procure provision for their money. They had but little wine, beer, barley, bread, or oats: their horses, therefore, perished from hunger, or were ruined through fatigue; and, when they wished to 56 dispose of them, they could not find a purchaser who would give them a groat either for their horses or housings. These lords remonstrated with their commander on the manner in which they were treated, a circumstance well known to himself. They said, “They could not longer endure such difficulties, for Scotland was not a country to encamp in during the winter; and that, if they were to remain the ensuing summer, they should soon die of poverty. If they were to spread themselves over the country, to better their condition, they were doubtful if the Scots, who had so villanously treated their foragers, would not murder them in their beds, when they should be divided.
The admiral, having fully weighed what they said, as clearly they were justified in thus remonstrating; notwithstanding, he had intentions of wintering there, and of sending an account of his situation to the king of France and duke of Burgundy, who, as the admiral imagined, would hasten to him reinforcements of stores, provision and money, with which, in the course of the summer, he would be enabled to carry on an advantageous war against the English. But having considered how ill intentioned the Scots were, and the danger his men were in, as well as himself, he gave permission for all who chose to depart. But how to depart was the difficulty, for the barons could not obtain any vessels for themselves and man. The Scots were willing that a few poor knights who had no great command should leave the country, that they might the easier govern the rest. They told the barons of France “that their dependants, when they pleased, might depart, but that they themselves should not quit the country until they had made satisfaction for the sums that had been expended for the use of their army.”
This declaration was very disagreeable to sir John Vienne and the other French lords. The earls of Douglas and Moray, who pretended to be exasperated at the harsh conduct of their countrymen, remonstrated with them, that they did not act becoming men at arms, nor as friends to the kingdom of France, by this behaviour to its knights: and that henceforward no Scots knight would dare to set his foot in France. These two earls, who were friendly enough to the French barons, pointed out the probable effect their conduct would have on their vassals; but some replied, “Do dissemble with them, for you have lost as much as we.” They therefore told the admiral, they could not do any thing for him: and, if they were so anxious about quitting Scotland, they must consent to make good their damages. The admiral seeing nothing better could be done, and unwilling to lose all, for he found himself very uncomfortable, surrounded by the sea, and the Scots of a savage dispositions, acceded to their proposals, and had proclaimed through the realm, that all those whom his people had injured, and who could show just cause for amends being made them, should bring them their demands to the admiral of France, when they would be fully paid. The proclamation softened the minds of the people; and the admiral took every debt on himself, declaring he would never leave the country until everything were completely paid and satisfied.
Upon this many knights and squires obtained a passage to France, and returned through Flanders, or wherever they could land, famished, and without arms or horses, cursing Scotland, and the hour they had set foot there. They said they had never suffered so much in any expedition, and wished the king of France would make a truce with the English for two or three years, and then march to Scotland and utterly destroy it: for never had they seen such wicked people, nor such ignorant hypocrites and traitors. The admiral wrote to the king of France and duke of Burgundy, by those who first returned, a full state of the situation, and how the Scots had acted towards him: that if they wished to have him back, they must send him the full amount he had engaged to pay the Scots, and for which he had bounden himself to the knights and squires of Scotland: for the Scots had declared, that they had at this time made war for the king of France and not for themselves; and that the damages which the French had committed must be satisfied before they would be allowed to return, which he had promised and sworn to perform to the barons of Scotland.
It was incumbent on the king of France, the duke of Burgundy and their councils, to redeem the admiral, for they had sent him thither. They had the money instantly raised, and deposited in the town of Bruges, so that the whole demand of the Scots was paid to their satisfaction. The admiral left Scotland when he had thus amicably settled matters, for 57 otherwise he could not have done it; and, taking leave of the king, who was in the highlands and of the earls of Douglas and Moray, was attended by them to the sea-shore. He embarked at Edinburgh, and, having a favourable wind, landed at Sluys in Flanders. Some of his knights and squires did not follow the same road, as they were desirous of seeing other countries beside Scotland, and went into different parts; but the greater number returned to France, and were so poor they knew not how to remount themselves: especially those from Burgundy, Champagne, Bar, and Lorrain, who seized the labouring horses wherever they found them in the fields.
The young king of France, and the duke of Burgundy, feasted the admiral splendidly on his return, as was but just. They made many inquiries respecting the situation of the king and barons of Scotland. He told them, “the Scots would naturally incline to the English, for they were jealous of foreigners; and added, that as God may help him, he would rather be count of Savoy or of Artois, or some such country, than king of Scotland: that he had seen the whole force of the country assembled together, as the Scots had assured him, but there were never more than five hundred knights and squires together, and about thirty thousand other men, who would be unable to withstand the English archers, or a thousand men at arms.” The admiral was asked, “if he had seen the English army.” He replied, he had; “for when I saw the manner in which the Scots fled from the English, I requested they would lad me to a place whence I might see and consider them. They did so, and I saw them pass through a defile, to the amount of sixty thousand archers, and six or seven thousand men at arms. The Scots said, ‘that this was the whole strength of England, for none had remained behind.’ The company paused a little, and said, “Sixty thousand archers and six or seven thousand men at arms is a great force.” “They may be as many as that,” said the constable of France*; “but I would rather combat the whole of them in their own country than one-half on this side the waters, for this was the doctrine my master taught me in my youth.” “By my faith, constable,” replied sir John de Vienne, “if you had been there with a good command of men at arms and Genoese, as I proposed, and as it was agreed on when I undertook this expedition, we would have engaged them when in Scotland, or destroyed them from want of provision.”
In this manner did the constable and admiral converse, which excited a great desire in the duke of Burgundy to make a powerful invasion of England. We will now for a while leave them, and return to the affairs of Flanders.
* Oliver de Clisson.
CHAPTER CLXXV. — THE STATE OF FLANDERS. — TWO HONEST BURGESSES OF GHENT NEGOTIATE SECRETLY A PEACE WITH THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, WITH THE ASSENT OF FRANCIS ATREMEN.
IN truth, the duke of Burgundy had a strong desire to undertake a grand expedition against English in the ensuing summer of 1386, and did all he could to urge the king of France to consent to it. On the other hand, the constable of France, who in his youth had been educated in England, and was a knight of gallant enterprise and much beloved in France, advised it strongly, as did sir Guy de la Trimouille and the admiral of France. The duke of Berry was at this time in Poitou, and in the upper parts of Limousin, ignorant of these councils and this intended expedition. The duke of Burgundy was the greatest personage in France, next the king: he had many designs, and knew that, as long as the war continued in Flanders, the invasion of England could not take place: he was therefore much softened, and more inclined to enter into a treaty with the town of Ghent; for they had allied themselves with the king of England, who had sent thither a knight, called the lord Bourchier, to advise and govern them. The citizens of Ghent were also desirous of peace; for they had suffered so much from the war that the richest and principal persons of the town were no longer masters of their property: it was at the command of a few wicked soldiers, who governed them at their pleasure: the wisest foresaw that this could not last long without their being entirely ruined. When they were talking over their affairs among 58 themselves, some wondered they had been thus long kept together in unity; but others knew that unity to have been the effect of force, and more through fear than love, for Peter du Bois would not desist from his wickedness, and none dared before him to speak of peace or of treating: the moment he heard of any one thus talking, he was instantly arrested, however respectable he might be, and put to death.
This war, which Ghent had carried on against its lord the earl of Lewis of Flanders and the duke of Burgundy, had lasted near seven years; and it would be melancholy to relate all the various unfortunate events which it had caused. Turks, Saracens and Pagans would have been sorrowful on hearing them, for all commerce by sea was ruined. The sea-coasts from east to west, and all the north, suffered from it; for in truth the riches and merchandise of seventeen kingdoms were sent to Sluys, and the whole was unshipped at Damme or Bruges. Now consider, that if these distant countries suffered, still more bitterly must those nearer have felt it. No means of peace could be imagined. It was first thought on by the grace of God and divine inspiration, and by the prayers of the devout people of the LORD , who, at their request, opened his ears, and took pity on the poor people of Flanders.
I will detail how a peace was made between them and the duke of Burgundy, as minutely as I have before related the cause of the war, which originated in the hatreds of Gilbert, Mathew, John Lyon, and their accomplices, and I shall beg you will have the goodness to attend to me. At the time I am now speaking of, the lord Bourchier governed the city of Ghent for the king of England, and Peter du Bois assisted him in maintaining his authority, and retaining the affections of the wicked. There were several prudent men that were disgusted with such dissensions, and who had suffered much from them: they dared not open themselves to each other but in secret, for if Peter du Bois heard that any person was desirous of peace, he was put to death without mercy, in like manner as he and Philip von Artaveld had slain sir Symone Bete and sir Gilbert Gente, and latterly, in order to frighten the town of Ghent, they had destroyed many of the inhabitants.
When Francis Atremen had been driven from the town of Damme by the king of France, who, having totally burnt and destroyed the Quatre Mestiers, was returned to France, as it has been before related, the principal persons of Ghent supposed the king would, the ensuing summer, return before that town with a very powerful army. Peter du Bois and those of his party were unwilling to believe it, adding, they should be very glad to see the king come thither, for they had formed such strong alliances with the king of England as to be certain of assistance. At this time, there were in Ghent two valiant men, of good life and conversations, of moderate birth and fortune, neither of the highest nor of the richest, who were very much vexed at this war against its natural lord the duke of Burgundy, but were afraid openly to declare their sentiments, from the examples which had been made by Peter du Bois. One of them was a mariner; the other the most considerable butcher in the market, called James d’Ardembourg. By these two men was the business first brought about. In addition to them, I must include a worthy knight of Flanders, named sir John d’Elle, a prudent intelligent man, who interested himself much in this affair; but, if it had not been through the means of the two aforementioned persons, he would not have interfered in it so happily; nor, as it may easily be believed, could all the knights of Flanders have succeeded.
This sir John d’Elle was much beloved by many in the town of Ghent, and he went in and out at his pleasure without being suspected by any one. At the beginning he was afraid of talking either about war or peace; nor would he ever have done so, if it had not been previously mentioned by Roger de Cremin and James d’Ardembourg, and I will tell you how it happened. These two were much displeased at the continued troubles in Flanders, insomuch that they conversed together on the subject, when Roger said to James, “Whoever could interfere between this our native town of Ghent, which is so much oppressed, and the duke of Burgundy our natural lord, would do a deed of great charity, and acquire by it grace from God and praise from men; for the differences and confusion which are so unbecoming would by this means be put an end to.”
“You speak truly, Roger,” replied James; “but it will be a difficult and dangerous thing to do, on account of Peter du Bois: no one dares talk of peace from fear of him, for if he knew of it, those who had meddled in the business would instantly be put to death.” 59 “What!” said Roger, “shall things then remain always as they are? There must be an end to it.” “Tell me how,” answered James, “and I will cheerfully listen to you.” Roger replied, “You are the principal butcher in the market, the richest and most respected: you can talk secretly and boldly with your confidential friends and brethren in trade; and when you shall find they understand you, by degrees you can draw them more forward. I, on the other hand, who am a mariner, and well beloved by all such sort of people, whose courage I know, and who hate the war, for they have lost much by it, will remonstrate with some of them on the subject, and they will induce others to incline the same way: when we shall have gained over these two trades, which are numerous and powerful, the other trades, and honest people who wish for peace, will join us.” “Very well,” said James; “I will sound my people: do you the same by yours.”
Each of them performed his promise; and they discoursed so prudently with their friends on the subject that, through the grace of the Holy Spirit, James d’Ardembourg found all his brother butchers well inclined to his way of thinking. Roger, on the other hand, with his eloquence, brought the marines, who were anxious to regain the pilotage they had been so long deprived of, to the same opinion. When these two honest men were conversing on the business, and had shown how desirous they had found their people to obtain peace, they said, “We want a proper person to represent our situation to the duke of Burgundy,” and instantly thought of sir John d’Elle, on whom they determined to call, as he was then in the town. This they did, and loyally told him their whole secret, saying, “Sir John, we have so effectually worked on our brethren of the trade, they are all eager for peace; but on condition that my lord of Burgundy will engage to pardon every one, and keep to us our ancient privileges, for which we can show sealed charters.” Sir John replied, “You say well, and I will cheerfully negotiate the matter between you.”
The knight waited on the duke of Burgundy, who at the time was in France with the king, and related to him all he had heard. He demonstrated so well the advantages of the business, that the duke willingly listened to his proposals. In truth, he was desirous of peace with Ghent, on account of the intended expedition which he wished the king to make against England. His own council advised it, as did sir Guy de la Trimouille, sir John de Vienne, and also the constable of France and the lord de Coucy. He therefore told the knight he would assent to the terms proposed, and that he might return with his answer to those who had sent him. The duke inquired if Francis Atremen had been present when this matter was brought forward: he said, “No, my lord: he is governor of the castle of Gaure; and I know not if those who have sent me would like he should be made acquainted with the business.” “Tell them,” answered the duke, “to speak to him boldly on the subject: he will not do anything in opposition, for I understand he most earnestly wishes to make his peace with me.” The knight returned to Ghent with this good news, with which they were well pleased. He then went to the castle of Gaure to Francis Atremen, when he opened the whole matter to him, but under secrecy. Francis, having paused a little, replied gaily, — “Since my lord of Burgundy is willing to pardon everything, and to secure to the town of Ghent its privileges, I will no longer be a rebel, but endeavour by all means to obtain my peace.”
The knight left Francis Atremen in Gaure, and returned to the duke of Burgundy in France with the account how matters stood. The duke heard him with pleasure, and wrote very amicable letters to those of Ghent, sealed with his seal, and on this issue of the treaty the knight went back to Flanders and to Ghent, but he did not carry thither his letters: he, however, gave such assurances to Roger Cremin and James d’Ardembourg, that he had them to produce, as to lead them to consider the affair as good as concluded. Now, consider what great peril these men and the knight were in; for, if the lord Bourchier or Peter du Bois had known of it, their lives would have paid the forfeit.
CHAPTER CLXXVI. — THE TWO CITIZENS FIX ON A DAY TO ASSEMBLE THEIR FRIENDS, TO ACCOMPLISH THEIR PLAN. — ALL GHENT ARE UNANIMOUS FOR PEACE, NOTWITHSTANDING THE ATTEMPTS TO PREVENT IT BY THE GOVERNOR FOR THE KING OF ENGLAND AND PETER DU BOIS.
ROGER CREMIN and James d’Ardembourg, by whom the whole business was managed, said to sir John d’Elle: — “Come hither on Thursday morning exactly at nine o’clock, and bring my lord of Burgundy’s letters with you; we will show them, if we succeed in our intentions, to the commonalty of Ghent, and have them publicly read; by which means they will put greater confidence in them, for, at the time we mention, we shall be masters of the town, or dead men.” Sir John replied, he would do as they had said; when their council broke up, and sir John left the town to consider how he was to act. These two citizens were very active to complete their plans, and constantly busy with their principal supporters, the deans of guilds. By their assiduity, they had gained over the greater number of the populace; and it was ordered, at eight o’clock on Thursday, they should quit their houses, the banner of Flanders displayed before them, and shout, “Flanders for the Lion! the lord of the country grants peace to the good town of Ghent, and pardon to all evil-minded persons.”
This business could not be carried on so secretly but that Peter du Bois knew of it: the moment he had the information, he sent to the lord Bourchier, who was governor-in-chief for the king of England, and said to him, — “My lord, Roger Cremin and James d’Ardembourg intend assembling the inhabitants to-morrow morning, at eight o’clock, in the market-place, with the banner of Flanders in their hands, and are to shout out through the streets, ‘Flanders for the Lion! the lord of the country grants peace and pardon to the good town of Ghent for all misdemeanours.’ What are we now to do? The king of England will no longer be obeyed in this town, if we be not beforehand with them, and drive them out of our territories.” “How shall we do this?” replied the lord Bourchier. Peter said, “We must assemble all our people to-morrow morning in the town-house, when, after we have armed them, we will march through the town, crying out also, Flanders for the Lion! the king of England for the country, and lord of the town of Ghent.’ When we have got to the market-place, those who are our friends will join us, and then we will kill all traitors and rebels.” “Be it so,” answered lord Bourchier: “you have well imagined it, and it shall be done.”
God was wondrous kind to these two honest citizens; for they had intelligence given them of the arrangement just mentioned. On hearing it, they were not dismayed, but in the evening visited their friends the deacons, and said to them, “We had fixed to be in the market-place to-morrow at eight, but we now must change it to seven o’clock.” This they did to break the measures of Peter du Bois, who was on the watch with forty others, and all agreed to change the hour. On Thursday morning, the lord Bourchier, with sixty of his men, went to the town-house. Peter du Bois came thither with his forty, when they all armed and put themselves in good array.
Roger Cremin and James d’Ardembourg assembled their friends at the place they had fixed on, when the greater part of those who had been deans of guilds joined them. They then displayed the banner of the earl, began their march through the town, shouting the cry before mentioned. Those that heard it, and saw the deacons of their trades and the banner of the earl, mixed with their companions and followed the banner as fast as possible. They arrived at the market-place on the point of seven o’clock, where having halted, and placed the banner of the earl before them, they were continually joined by crowds of people, who drew up among them.
News was carried to lord Bourchier and Peter du Bois, who were in the town-house mustering their men, that Roger Cremin and James d’Ardembourg had taken possession of the market-place. On hearing this, they marched out with the banner of England displayed; and, as they advanced, they shouted their cry. In this manner they arrived in the market-place, 61 and drew up opposite to the others, waiting for more to join them; but very few did so, for they went to those who had the earl’s banner, insomuch that Roger and James had eighty from every hundred men who came thither. The market-place was full of men at arms, who kept silent, eyeing each other. Peter du Bois was thunderstruck when he perceived that the deans of guilds, with their men, had united with Roger Cremin and James d’Ardembourg, and began to fear for his life; for he saw that those who had been used to follow him now avoided him. He therefore quietly got out of the crowd, and went to hide himself for fear of being killed.
Roger Cremin and James d’Ardembourg finding, from appearances, that almost all the inhabitants had put themselves under their banner, were much rejoiced, and with reason, for they then well knew things were in a good train, and that the people would keep peace with their lord. They advanced, with a large detachment of their men, leaving the main body behind, with the banner of Flanders carried before them, towards the lord Bourchier and the English, who did not think their lives very secure. Roger halted opposite to lord Bourchier, and said, “What have you done with Peter du Bois? We wish to know your intentions, and whether you are friends or enemies?” The knight replied, that he imagined Peter du Bois was there; but, when he found that he was gone, said, “I know not what became of him: I thought he had been with me: for my part, I shall be steady to the king of England, who is my right natural lord, and who has sent me hither at your own entreaties, if you will be pleased to remember it.” “That is true,” they answered; “for if the good town of Ghent had not sent for you, we would have put you to death; but in honour of the king of England, who has ordered you hither at our request, neither you nor your men shall run the smallest risk. We will save you from all danger, and conduct you, or have you conducted, as far as the town of Calais. Retire now, therefore, peaceably to your houses, without stirring thence for anything you may see or hear, as we are determined to have for our lord the duke of Burgundy, and no longer to carry on the war.” The knight was much pleased with this speech, and said, “My fair sirs and good friends, since it may not be otherwise, God assist you! and thank you for the offers you make me.”
CHAPTER CLXXVII. — SIR JOHN D’ELLE BRINGS LETTERS PATENT OF PEACE AND PARDON TO THE MEN OF GHENT, FROM THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY. — THIS PEACE IS CONFIRMED AT TOURNAY BY OTHER LETTERS PATENT ON EACH SIDE.
THE lord Bourchier and his men quietly left the market-place, and those of Ghent who had been with him, slily slipt away to hide themselves, or mixed with the others, under their banner. Shortly afterwards, sir John d’Elle entered the town and rode to the market-place, bringing with him letters patent, couched in fair language, and properly sealed, from the duke of Burgundy to the town of Ghent, which were publicly read and shown to all, and gave universal satisfaction. Francis Atremen was now sent for from the castle of Gaure, who instantly came, and agreed to the whole of the treaty, saying, “It was well done.”
Sir John d’Elle now returned to the duke of Burgundy, who was with his duchess at Arras: he related to him all that had passed at Ghent; that Peter du Bois had lost all power there, and would probably have been killed had he been found; that Francis Atremen had behaved gallantly and loyally in respect to the peace. The duke was much pleased with all this, and signed a truce to last until the first day of January; and ordered a day to be fixed on, in the meantime, for conferences to be holden at Tournay, to confirm the peace. With these papers properly sealed and signed, the knight returned to Ghent: which gave such joy to every one, as plainly showed peace was the unanimous wish.
The lord Bourchier, the English, and Peter du Bois, still remained in Ghent, but nothing was done against them. Peter du Bois continued in peace, because he had sworn he would never more interfere in any war with the good people of Ghent against their lord the duke of Burgundy. He was, however, much assisted in this peril by Francis Atremen, who had spoken handsomely for him to the inhabitants: and for this reason Peter remained unmolested: besides, they knew that Peter had only held similar opinions to their own, and 62 that he was a good and loyal captain. During the truce which had been made between the duke of Burgundy and the town of Ghent, they elected those who were to attend the conference at Tournay. Francis Atremen was chosen as principal, because he was well mannered, of good dispositions, and acquainted with the lords he was to treat with: Roger Cremin and James d’Ardembourg were elected with him. They arrived at Tournay during the octave of St. Andrew, escorted by fifty horse, and lodged altogether at the Salmon Inn, in the street of St. Brice.
The duke and duchess of Burgundy, with madame de Nevers, their daughter, came thither on the fifth day of December, and entered Tournay by the gate of Lille. The Ghent men instantly rode out to meet them, on handsome horses: they id not dismount, but bareheaded, saluted the duke and the ladies. The duke passed hastily through the town, to meet the duchess of Brabant, who came that same day, and entered it by the Mechlin gate: she was lodged at the bishop’s palace. The conferences now began, relative to the treaty which the duke had granted to Ghent. Sir John d’Elle attended them, as he had, with much difficulty, brought this business to an end between the two parties. At last, at the entreaties of the duchess of Burgundy and madame de Nevers, the duke pardoned everything; and peace was proclaimed, after it had been drawn out and sealed by both parties, in manner following.
CHAPTER CLXXVIII. — THE TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN DUKE PHILIP OF BURGUNDY, EARL OF FLANDERS, IN RIGHT OF HIS WIFE, WITH THE TOWN OF GHENT AND ITS ALLIES.
PHILIP of France, duke of Burgundy, earl of Flanders and Artois, palatine of Burgundy, lord of Salins, count of Rethel, and lord of Mechlin, with Margaret, duchess and countess of the countries aforesaid, to all whom these presents shall come, greeting: be it known, that our well-beloved subjects, the sheriffs, deacons, council, and commonalty, of our good town of Ghent, having humbly supplicated our lord, the king, and us, to have mercy upon them, and that our said lord, together with us, having had compassion on them, by other letters than these present, and for the reasons contained in them, have pardoned and forgiven all misdemeanours and offences committed by them, our subjects of Ghent; and have fully confirmed all the said customs, privileges, and franchises, provided they place themselves wholly under the obedience of our said lord and us. Which grace and pardon the aforesaid subjects of Ghent and their allies have very humbly received from our said lord and us, by the letters and ambassadors, which they have sent to our said lord and us, being at Tournay, and have renounced all wars and disputes, being returned most heartily to their obedience, to the said lord and us, promising henceforward to be good friends, and loyal subjects to our said lord the king, as to their sovereign lord, and to us as their natural lord, in right of Margaret, our wife, being their natural lady and heiress. For which cause our said lord and ourselves, have received our said subjects of Ghent and their allies into our favour, and have granted them letters of remission for all offences, singly and absolutely, with the restitution of all their franchises and privileges, as will be more fully apparent in these our letters. After which supplications which we have received, and have had maturely considered by our council, and they, according with the common good of the country, in order to put a final end to all dissensions, from our love and favour to our good subjects, have ordered as follows, in regard to these said supplications:
First, with regard to their request, that we would confirm the privileges of Courtray, Oudenarde, Grammont, Meule, Dendremonde, Russelmonde, Alost, Ath, Arclo, Breuilles, Deynse, and the jurisdictions of these towns in the low countries. We order the inhabitants of these said towns to wait on us with their said privileges; and, after examination of them by our council. We will so act, that our subjects of Ghent, and the other good towns, shall be satisfied therewith: and should any of the said privileges be lost or accidentally destroyed, after strict inquiry made on the subject, we will provide accordingly as it has been before mentioned.
63Item, — as to their requests concerning commerce, we consent that it have free course through our country of Flanders, on paying the usual duties.
Item, — should any of their friends or allies be hereafter arrested in any foreign country, on account of the late disturbance, we will have them sent home in safety. We likewise consent, that if any of them be thus arrested, we will assist and defend them to the utmost of our power, as good lords should do to loyal subjects.
Item, — we are willing that all prisoners of their party, supposing them to have agreed for their ransom, shall have their liberty, on paying the stipulated sum and other reasonable expenses; provided, however, that if any of the said prisoners, their relations or friends, hold any fortresses against us, such be first given up: and on like terms shall those attached to us, and confined by our subjects of Ghent or their allies, be set at liberty.
Item, — out of our abundant goodness we have ordered, and by these presents do order, that all those who may have been banished from our good towns of Bruges, Ypres, or other places, on account of these dissensions, as well as those who may have been banished by law and justice from our good town of Ghent, or who may have voluntarily absented themselves, be restored, so that they may return to the said towns and reside; provided those who have held for the party of Ghent be in like manner restored to their different towns or country, and when they re-enter the town to which they are restored, they make oath before our officers in the town of Ghent, and swear to keep the peace in such towns, and not commit any damage either in a public or private manner on any of the inhabitants. In the like manner will those swear who shall re-enter Ghent.
Item, — all those who may return to our town of Ghent, with their allies and other inhabitants, will be obedient to our said lord and to us, and will promptly put themselves under our obedience. With regard to those who many now be absent, they shall be restored, in time hereafter to be specified, to their fiefs, houses, lands, and inheritances, in whatever 64 place they may be, notwithstanding any mischiefs they may have done during, and on account of these disturbances, in as full a manner as they enjoyed them previous to that period.
Item, — should any of the inhabitants of the said town of Ghent, or their allies, be in Brabant, Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Cambresis, or in the bishopric of Liege, and should they, within two months after the publication of this peace, put themselves under the obedience of our said lord and us, and furthermore take such oaths as shall be hereafter declared before us, or before those whom we may appoint to receive them, they shall fully enjoy all the before-mentioned pardons and graces. And those who may be in England, Frizeland, or Germany, should they, within four months as aforesaid, put themselves under our obedience, shall enjoy the like privileges. If such as may be beyond sea at Rome, or at St. Jago du Compostella, should, within one year from the publication of the peace, without fraud, take the oaths aforesaid, they shall partake of the same privileges, and in like manner all those banished by judgment of law, or such persons as may have voluntarily absented themselves on account of the dissensions, shall be restored to their fiefs, houses, lands, and inheritances according to their several claims.
Item, — with regard to moveable property, which may have been taken on both sides, no restitutions be made, but each party remain acquitted to each other; unless, indeed, restitutions be made, to discharge the consciences of those who may have taken such things.
Item, — those now in possession of the houses which are to be restored, as well on one side as on the other, shall not carry away any fixture whatever; and such houses shall be returned with all their appurtenances and rents which may then be due; and henceforward all rents and profits shall be collected peaceably by those to whom they legally belong.
Item, — it having been reported to us, that some of our subjects of Ghent or their allies have done homage for fiefs which they hold, to other lords than to those to whom they legally appertain, and by such means have forfeited their fiefs, notwithstanding which, we will, out of our grace, that such fiefs remain to them, on performing homage to us, for what had been ours, and of our vassals holding from us; and we acknowledge, out of our especial favour, any leases or recognisances as legal between the present parties.
Item, — our said subjects of Ghent, the sheriffs, deacons, council, commonalty, and their allies, by our orders, and their own freewill, having renounced all alliances, oaths, obligations, acts and homages, which they, or any of them, may have done to the king of England, to his commissioners, deputies, or officers, or to others who may not be in the good pleasure of our said lord or of us, do now make oath that from henceforward they will be good and loyal subjects to our said lord, and to his successors, the kings of France, as well as to us; and will perform such services to us and to our successors, as good and loyal subjects are bounden to do to their lord or lady, to defend their persons, honour, inheritances, and rights, and prevent all who may endeavour to invade them, by giving direct information to our officers, saving always their own rights and privileges.
Item, — that our subjects of our good town of Ghent may remain always in peace, and under the obedience of our said lord the king and us, as well as of our heirs, the earls of Flanders our successors, and that disturbances which may in future arise be prevented, we will that all these aforesaid articles be strictly maintained without any infringement. And we forbid our subjects, however ill they may have acted towards us in the late dissensions, to venture in any way, either directly or indirectly, by word or deed, to offer any injury, by reproaches or insults, to the aforesaid men of Ghent.
Item, — if any one act contrary to these our orders, and injure those of Ghent, under pretence of taking our part, for what may have passed during the late disturbances, such offence shall be brought before the lord, and the courts to which it may belong; and such criminal act shall be punished by corporal punishment, and confiscation of goods, as shall in like manner the offences of their accomplices, abettors, and those who may attempt to conceal them, after having been convicted of infringing the peace, as well by the justice of our officers or of other lords, as by the laws of the country to whose jurisdiction it may more immediately appertain: a reasonable satisfaction shall be made to the injured party, from the criminals effects, and the surplus be paid to us, or to whatever lord had the right to it, saving the privileges of the town.
65Item, — should any of the citizens of our said town of Ghent be banished from the said town for fraction of the piece; and supposing that prior to this peace, by the privileges of the town, their effects could not be confiscated; nevertheless, for the better preserving this peace, they shall, for such cause, be confiscated, and from such effects shall reparation be made to the party injured, as has been before stated, and the residue revert to their legal heirs, just as if such persons were deceased, saving in all other respects the privileges of our good town of Ghent: and if such wicked persons cannot be arrested, so as to suffer corporal punishment, their effects shall be confiscated as aforesaid.
Item, — if any abusive language shall be uttered, and come to the ears of any of our civil officers, against this our order, we will that the persons uttering such be banished by arbitrary fine, so as to serve for an example to others, by the legal judges of such places before whom he or they shall have been brought, saving the franchises and privileges of those places.
Item, — if any churchman be guilty of any acts against the said peace, let him be transferred to his ordinary, to be punished as an infringer of the peace, according as the case may require.
Item, — this same peace shall be publicly proclaimed and published in the said town of Ghent, and in all our other towns in Flanders.
Item, — should any doubts or obscurity appear on the face of the said articles of peace, we declare, and will order our council to declare, that such doubts and obscurities, should any such arise, shall be interpreted and explained in such manner as shall give satisfaction to the complainants.
And we, the deans and commonalty of the town of Ghent, do by these presents accept for ourselves and for our allies these acts of clemency, pardon and grace done to us, by king Charles, our lord paramount, and by the aforesaid duke and duchess, earl and countess of Flanders, our lawful and natural lords: and we thank them, from the bottom of our hearts, for these said graces and pardons. We also swear obedience, as good and loyal subjects should do, to them, and will guard, to the utmost of our power, their persons and honour.
In testimony of which, we the duke and duchess aforesaid have had our seals put to these letters; — and we the sheriffs, deacons, and commonalty of the town of Ghent have also affixed the seal of the town.
In addition to which, we the duke and duchess aforesaid have entreated and do entreat our very dear and well-beloved aunt the duchess of Luxembourg and Brabant, and our very dear and well-beloved brother duke Albert of Bavaria. And we also, the sheriffs, deacons, and commonalty of Ghent, entreat the very powerful and puissant princess the lady duchess of Luxembourg and Brabant, and the high and puissant prince duke Albert aforesaid. And also we the duke and duchess of Burgundy, and we the sheriffs, council, and commonalty of Ghent, entreat the barons and nobles of the country of Flanders, hereafter named, from the good towns of Bruges, Ypres, the Franconate, Mechlin, and Antwerp, for the security of the peace, and assurance of the truth of the above-mentioned articles, to affix their own seals, and the seals of the different towns, to these presents.
And we Jane, by the grace of God duchess of Luxembourg, Brabant, and Limbourg; and we duke Albert of Bavaria, bailiff, regent, and heir to the countries of Hainault, Holland, Zealand, and lordship of Frizeland: we William, eldest son to the earl of Namur and lord of Sluys; Hugh lord d’Antoing and warden of Ghent, John lord de Guistelles and de Harues, Henry de Bruges, lord de Dixmude and de Havre, John lord de Gonuseberge and de la Jentoise, Arnold de Jouste lord d’Estournay, Philip lord d’Axalle, Louis de la Hasle bastard of Flandres, Girard de Rasenhen lord de Baerode, Walter lord de Halun, Philip de Hamur lord D’Eque, John Villain, lord de St. Jean d’Outre, warden of Ypres, Lewis lord de Lambres knight: and we the burgomasters, with the sheriffs of the towns of Bruges and Ypres: we Philip de Redehen and de Montferrant sheriffs: Montfranc de Montamar knight, sheriff of the Franconate, in the name of that territory, which has no common seal: and we, the council of the towns of Mechlin and Antwerp, — have at the aforesaid request, for the good of the peace, and for the greater security and truth of all the fore-mentioned articles, and every one of them, caused to be affixed our seals and the seals of the aforesaid towns to these presents. — Executed at Tournay the 18th day of December, in the year of grace 1385.
CHAPTER CLXXIX. — PETER DU BOIS, AFTER THE CONCLUSION OF THE PEACE, RETIRES TO ENGLAND WITH THE LORD BOURCHIER, GOVERNOR OF GHENT.
WHEN all these ordinances and treaties of peace had been engrossed and sealed, they were published before the parties: the duke of Burgundy had one part, and the deputies from Ghent the other. Francis Atremen and the deputation with him most humbly took leave of the duke and duchess of Burgundy, and of the duchess of Brabant, thanking them repeatedly, and offering their services to them for ever. The good lady of Brabant returned their thanks, and kindly entreated them firmly to maintain the peace, and induce others to do the same, and desired them never to rebel against their lord and lady, for they had seen with how much difficulty peace had now been brought about. They thanked her heartily, and the conference broke up, and each retired to his home.
The duke and duchess of Burgundy went to Lille, where they staid some time, and the deputation returned to Ghent. When Peter du Bois saw peace so firmly established that there was not a possibility of any future disturbance or rebellion, he was greatly cast down: he doubted whether to remain in Ghent, considering that now everything had been pardoned under the seal of the duke, so that none were afraid, or whether to accompany the lord Bourchier and the English to England. Having paid due attention to all circumstances, he did not think he could venture to trust himself in Ghent. True it is, that Francis Atremen, when he mentioned his intentions of quitting Ghent, said, “Peter, everything is pardoned, and you know, by the treaties made and sealed with my lord of Burgundy, that no one can suffer for what has passed.” “Francis,” replied Peter, “real pardons do not always lie in letters patent: one may pardon by word of mouth, and give letters to the same effect, but hatred may still lie in the heart. I am but a man of low birth, and little consequence in the town of Ghent, and yet have done all in my power to maintain its rights and privileges. Do you think, that in two or three years hence, the people will remember it? There are persons of high birth in the town: Gilbert Matthew and his brethren, who were enemies to my master John Lyon, will return, and will never view me but with evil eyes: as well also the relations of sir Gilbert Gente and sir Symon Bette, who were slain by me: never can I trust myself safely in this town. And will you venture to remain among such traitors, who have broken their faith with the king of England? I swear, that you yourself will in the end suffer.” “I know not what may happen,” answered Francis; “but I have such faith in the treaty, and in the promise of my lord and lady of Brabant, that I shall certainly stay here.”
Peter du Bois made a supplication to the sheriffs, deacons, council, and governors of Ghent, saying, “My fair gentlemen, I have served the good town of Ghent to the very utmost of my power: many times have I hazarded my life for it; and for all these services the only reward I ask is, that you would have me and mine, my wife and children, escorted in safety with the lord Bourchier, whom you have ordered to England.” Those present unanimously complied with his wish; and I must say, that Roger Cremin and James s’Ardembourg, by whom the peace had been made, were more glad than sorry at his departure; as were likewise the principal persons in Ghent, who wished peace and love to all. Peter du Bois made his preparations, and left Ghent in company with lord Bourchier and the English, carrying with him his whole fortune; for, in truth, he was well provided with gold, silver, and jewels. Sir John d’Elle escorted them, under a passport from the duke of Burgundy, as far as the town of Calais, and then returned to Ghent. The lord Bourchier and Peter du Bois made as much haste as possible to England, where he was presented to the king and his uncles, to whom he related everything which had happened in the affairs of Ghent, and the means by which peace had been concluded with the duke of Burgundy. The king, the duke of Lancaster, and his brothers entertained him handsomely, and were well pleased that he had come to them. The king retained him in his service, and instantly 67 gave him one hundred marcs yearly revenue, assigned on the wool-staple of London. Thus did Peter du Bois remain in England, and the good town of Ghent in peace. Roger Cremin was appointed deacon of the pilots of Ghent, which is a most profitable office when commerce is uninterrupted; and James d’Ardembourg was made deacon of the small crafts, which is likewise an office of great trust in the town of Ghent.
Although the present edition is divided into two volumes only, such being the most convenient arrangement of the work in its present form, yet the importance of retaining the original divisions of the Author has not been lost sight of, and they have accordingly been preserved. Froissart produced each of his volumes at some considerable interval from the preceding. “When,” says M. de St. Palaye in his life of our author, “our historian finished one of the parts of his History, he brought it down to the time when he was writing; and towards the end he related the events as they were passing: from whence it happens, as it seems to me, that there is much confusion, often omissions and mistakes, which he has been obliged to correct or alter in the following parts.” This is exemplified in the third volume, which was not begun till 1390, two years after the completion of the second; in it he returns to events which had happened since 1382, and gives a fuller account of them from the more correct information he had subsequently obtained. It would cause still greater confusion if the separate accounts were combined in an undistinguished train of chapters, and the cause of such repetitions was thus left without explanation. The third volume, which was finished in the year 1392, was written by the order and at the expense of the celebrated Gaston Phœbus Count de Blois, at whose court Sir John Froissart was then resident. — ED.
END OF THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE CHRONICLES OF SIR JOHN FROISSART.
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