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From Illustrations of Chaucer's England, edited by Dorothy Hughes, M.A.; Longmans, Green and Co.; 1919.
In the first place it was explained that the sovereign and principal cause is to treat and take counsel with the great men and Commons of the realm about the matters touching our lord the King in regard to the truce made in Brittany between him and his adversary of France. And then afterwards to deal with matters concerning the estate of our lord the King, and the government and safe-keeping of his realm of England and of his people, and the relief of their estate. But because Bartholomew Burghersh, who was with the King in Brittany at the making of the last truce, can set forth how matters have occurred there better than the Chancellor, he was commanded by the King to describe the manner of the making the said truce.
And Sir Bartholomew began to relate how, after our lord the King had undertaken his war against France, with the consent of the Prelates, great men, and commons of his realm of England, to win his rights and his inheritance there, he had crossed the sea several times with his host; — and showed what success he had had, and how that after his last passage into Brittany he had traversed great part of the Duchy, and with God’s help had taken towns, castles, and strong places, until he came to the city of Vannes, whereto he laid siege, by the advice of the great men with him; when request was made to him by our Holy Father the Pope, for the reverence of God and Holy Church, and at the prayer of the Holy Father (who sent two Cardinals to him for the sake of peace, and to put before him the matters with which they were charged by the court of Rome touching this business); and to avoid 19 the evils that have happened, and happen daily, through the war, that he would agree to peace, or to a truce, during which discussion might be had concerning peace. And how our lord the King, seeing that the form of this truce was honourable and profitable to himself and his people, gave his consent to the said truce, so that while it lasted, treaty about peace might be held before the Pope but as common friend, and not as judge or arbitrator. And that, in case he could have a good peace, and one honourable to himself, he would accept it; and if not, he would pursue his quarrel as before. And Sir Bartholomew said further from our lord the King, that because this war was undertaken by the common consent of the prelates, great men, and Commons, the King did not wish to hold consultation about peace, or to make peace, without their common consent.
Wherefore the prelates and great men were charged to assemble by themselves in the White Chamber on Thursday, the first day of May, to treat, take counsel, and agree among themselves as to whether or not the King should send envoys to the court of Rome, to show and put forward his right before our Holy Father the Pope, as has been said. And in the same way the knights of the shires and the Commons were charged to assemble in the Painted Chamber, to treat, take counsel, and agree among themselves about the said business; and to report their answer and their agreement in Parliament on the same Thursday.
On which day, the prelates and great men assembled in the White Chamber answered, that it was their opinion that the said truce was honourable and profitable to the King and to all his people; and that every Christian ought to wish that the war, that is so great and so hurtful to all Christians should be stilled and ended in good and fitting manner. Wherefore they were agreed and consented that 20 the truce be held, according to its form and effect. And that certain solemn messengers be sent to the Court of Rome, to set forth the King’s rights concerning his claims before the Holy Father as common friend, and not as judge or arbitrator; and to treat further about the making of peace, according to the form of the truce.
And afterwards the knights of the shires and the Commons came, and made answer in the White Chamber by Sir William Trussel (who spoke for the knights and Commons in presence of the King, and of the Prelates and great men) — that they fully agreed to the keeping of the truce, so that good and honourable peace might be had. And the Commons prayed further that our lord the King would send solemn messengers to set forth his rights and treat of peace, as is aforesaid; and in case that he should be able to have an honourable peace, profitable for himself and his people, that he would deign to accept it. And in case that he could not have it, the Commons granted that they would aid him to maintain his quarrel with all their might.
"And against the above-mentioned points attacks have been made in the following manner, from what those of the Council have heard from certain persons of Boulogne. — In the first place, that some of the allies of him who calls himself King of France have seized and imprisoned many men-at-arms of our lord the King's allies, and have put them to death in presence of the Legate; and some have been sent to France, to remain in prison there at the pleasure of the King's adversary. Also, his adversary has caused many knights, squires, and other persons (who 21 were well known to be of the King's allegiance and obedience in the parts of Brittany before and after the making of the truce, and who notoriously were, and ought to be included in it and protected by it) to be seized; and many of them he caused to be taken to Paris, and shamefully put to death, contrary to the assent and decree of the great men and others of his Council in his Parliament.1 And he has had some of them wrongfully and maliciously murdered in their own country, contrary to the said truce, and his oath. Beyond this, the said foe has sent great number of men-at-arms and foot-soldiers into the parts of Gascony and Brittany, who, since the making of the truce, have notoriously seized castles, towns, manors, and strong places, and occupied lands and property in the obedience of our lord the King when the truce was made — (wherein is contained, among other matters, that nothing fresh should be attempted during the same truce). Further, the said foe is striving by all means in his power, to seize upon all the lands and possessions of our lord the King beyond the sea, and to take from him his allies, as well in Brabant and Flanders as in Germany. And from what the King and his Council have heard for certain, he is of firm purpose, if remedy be not had by force against his malice, to destroy the English tongue, and to seize the land of England, which God forbid! On the other hand, the Scots, who are allies of the said foe, say openly, that whenever he shall make known to them that he is unwilling to keep the truce, they will by no means keep it, but they will raid the land of England, and do what harm they can."
22Wherefore our lord the King prayed and charged the Prelates, Earls, and Barons, and the Commons, the above matters being considered, to apply fitting aid and counsel, in salvation of his rights and honour, and of themselves.
When these matters related by the Archbishop had been heard, the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and the others of the Commons begged that they might have deliberation thereon until the Monday next following; — and also from that same Monday, because they had not yet taken full consideration, from day to day, until Wednesday, the eve of St. John. On that day, the Archbishop, the Bishops of London, Chester, Chichester, Bath, Ely, Salisbury, Lincoln, Carlisle and the Bishop-elect of Hereford; . . .2 the earls of Northampton, Warwick, Huntingdon, Suffolk, Oxford, Pembroke, Devonshire, and Angus; the lords Wake, Percy, Berkeley ; Sir Ralph Neville, Sir Hugh le Despenser, and Sir Nicholas de Cantilupe; and the Commons of the Realm, being assembled in the White Chamber, in the King’s presence — entreated him, all with one accord, and each of the great men separately that he would make an end of this war, either by battle or by a suitable peace if he could have it; considering the great mischiefs and perils that may happen to him and all his subjects and allies, if the malice of his said foe be not checked; and having regard to the heavy charges that the great men and Commons of England have suffered by reason of the war, that has endured so long, through feigned truces hitherto made; and perceiving clearly that if an end of this war were to be had, it could only be with great forces of men, and great power.
And they entreated further, that when our lord the King should be ready and equipped to cross the sea, to take what God should send him in the carrying out of this 23 business, he would not abandon his voyage, for letters or other charges or prayers from the Pope or others, until he had made an end in one way or another. This prayer the King fully granted.
But because this cannot be done without a great and appropriate aid, the Archbishop, Bishops, prelates, and procurators for the clergy of the Province of Canterbury granted the King a triennial tenth, to be paid according to a certain form . . . and on the following Saturday, for the same cause, the Commons granted two “fifteenths” from the community of the land, and two “tenths” from the cities and boroughs, on the conditions contained in a schedule which they handed in before the King in Parliament, whose tenor is as follows: —
Because our lord the King’s necessity has been shown to his Commons by his Council, who have asked an aid of them, with the purpose of ending his war, with God’s help, in one way or another; they, considering his hardships and those of the great men, and the great peril of their lives that they are willing to suffer for the safety of his people, have granted, of their goodwill, for the great affection that they bear to their liege lord, and although they have suffered mischief through many aids and charges before this time, the fifteenth penny of their goods, and the tenth from the city and boroughs, the said sum to be raised in the same manner as the “fifteenth” last granted him, and not otherwise; — understanding, most dread Lord, that this sum is more burdensome to your poor people than four “fifteenths” were in times past. Saving to your said Commons in all points their franchises granted them by your charters in your Parliaments; Your Commons make you this on such conditions, that the money raised from it be expended on the business put before them in this Parliament, by the advice of the great men; that the petitions which they put forward in this Parliament be granted; and 24 that the whole aid beyond Trent be used in defence of the North; and that that the Prince, Sir Edward of Balliol, or some other near in blood to the King be in this march, to act there as may best be ordained in salvation of the land.
And afterwards the Commons, seeing their liege lord’s good intent to make a complete end of the said business, granted another fifteenth upon the conditions shown to them; namely that if the King himself cross the sea, and bring matters to an end, then it shall be raised, and if not, the Commons shall be relieved from it.
And they requested that the aforesaid “fifteenths and tenths” be paid in two years, under the above condition, namely, at the Feast of All Saints and at Easter, so always that the Commons be relieved of all manner of aids henceforth . . .; and that passage of the sea be open to all manner of merchants and merchandise; and that none who have come to this Parliament by writ be put on a commission to raise the said “fifteenth and tenth”.
1 On 2 August, 1343, Olivier de Clisson was executed in Paris, on charge of treason. In November of the same year, six Breton lords and ten squires suffered in the same manner; in April, 1344, proceedings were taken against three Norman lords. (Luce, "Froissart," note.)
2 And seven abbots and priors.
Edward, by the Grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, to the honourable Father in God John, by the same grace Bishop of Hereford, greeting. Since by the deliberation and advice of the great men of our realm and the sages of our Council we have made fixed resolve to cross the sea in as great force as we can, for the necessary defence of our realm, and to check the malice of our adversary of France, who is trying with all his might to subdue us, and bring harm and destruction to our said realm, and to destroy the English tongue, if he can, which God forbid! — And because to make this crossing and defence we must incur heavy expenses (for although great aids were granted us for this cause as well by the clergy as the Commons of our realm, nevertheless, the terms of payment of great part of these aids are not yet come, and for this cause we must needs be aided elsewhere, by way of loan or advance, to bear such great costs), we, considering that you and all our subjects are bound, each according to his power, to help in such urgent business, that concerns the common profit and the estate and salvation of our realm, do earnestly beg that making no excuse or pretence, you will be willing to lend us at this time three hundred marks, for the above cause, and to send the money to London at once, to be delivered to our Treasurer. And upon the delivery of the money, we will cause you to have sufficient security for your repayment; and we shall be for ever most beholding to you, and most gracious in all matters in which you shall have dealings with us in time to come.
As to what you are willing to do in this matter, certify us distinctly by the bearer of this, and by your letters. Given under our Great Seal at Westminster, the 13th day of February.
26To the right excellent and right puissant prince, and his well-beloved lord Edward, by the Grace of God King of England and France, his devout chaplain John, by the sufferance of God, Bishop of Hereford with humble recommendations, whatsoever he can and may, duty and reverence, and ready service. Most dread lord, I have received your honourable letters sent by my dear friend Henry Haydok, bearer of this, making mention of a certain sum of money that you desire to have by way of loan for the despatch of your urgent business touching the defence of your realm. Right dear lord, deign to know that I am of right goodwill to accomplish your desires and commands by all the ways and manners that I know, so far as my small power may extend; as I am indeed bound more especially than any other, by divers favours and benefits that you have often bestowed on me without my deserving, for the which I pray that Almighty God may repay you. And I pray and entreat your highness, as devoutly with all my heart as I can and may, that you will kindly hold me excused, for that I send no money forthwith by the said sir Henry; for may God be my witness that I have none at the present wherewith I could do so, and know not where to borrow in such haste. But truly, right dear lord, I will use loyal and diligent endeavour to do so, without pretence, and will certify your gracious lordship at this quinzaine of Easter next coming.
Right dread lord, the Holy Ghost give you prosperous life and long, increase your honours, and send you grace always to do his will.
27Right puissant lord, deign to know that, having received and understood your honourable letters, I at once caused the clergy of my diocese, as well the religious as the seculars, to assemble at as early date as I well could. On which day I was present, and explained fully and expressly to them all the matters contained in your said letters; and God be my witness, I prayed them, stirred them up, and urged them so far as I could and knew how, that considering the said matters, they would agree in good part to the anticipation, as touching themselves. And having had treaty and deliberation among themselves for a while apart, they answered that, howsoever they were all of entire goodwill to aid you in this need and in all others according to their power, they were so poor, and brought to such great mischief by divers charges that they had, and by the great murrain of their beasts, and destruction of their corn through this bad year, that they could in no way agree to the said anticipation; and upon this they begged that I would kindly make their excuses to your highness, for the above causes. And other answer I could get none from them, for all the pains and diligence that I could put into the business. But, right honoured lord, deign to know that although I must needs raise a loan, as for my own person, I assent to the anticipation, and am, and always shall be, ready to fulfil your wishes and commands as I am bound to do, after my small power.
28Whereas among other statutes ordained at Westminster in the time of Edward our grandfather, lately King of England. . . . there is contained, that none shall be so bold as to assert or repeat false rumours or fictions, whereby discord or dissension, or grounds of scandal might arise between ourself and the people and magnates of our realm; and that if any person shall do so, he shall at once be seized and detained in prison until he shall produce in court the person by whom such rumours were contrived — And now we understand that some persons are inventing divers false rumours, and repeating and uttering them publicly in various places, and do not cease daily to do so, whereby matter of dissension and discord might easily arise between us and the magnates of our realm and our people; we, desiring the said statute to be strictly observed, and to guard against these perils, do command you, immediately upon receipt of this present order, to proclaim publicly in the City, in such places as you shall deem expedient, that none shall presume to invent or repeat such rumours in public or in private. And if, after this proclamation, you shall find any persons doing so, you shall cause them to be arrested without delay, and safely kept in our prison.
In order to inform and quicken the minds and hears of our faithful lieges, and to check the tongues of those who are slandering us, we have thought well, by these present letters to intimate to you the cause of the war that we have against Philip of Valois, particularly requesting that 29 you will openly set forth the same cause to the clergy and people in public and private sermons and congregations, wherein it shall seem expedient, instructing them very clearly with regard to it, as your prudence is best able; and that you will enjoin the same to be done by the brothers of your obedience.
In Lent the lord King of England caused inquiry to be made in each county as to the value of every man’s lands and revenues, in order that from every person who had a hundred shillings in rent he might have one archer to go abroad with him, and from those having ten marks, a hobeler, and from those having twenty marks, one man-at-arms; which seemed excessively burdensome to the whole realm, and a thing never seen hitherto, especially for going out of the country. He also made inquiry concerning all persons who between sixteen and sixty years old, and the number of them, so that they might be ready for the defence of the realm, if foreign enemies should chance to invade it. . . . Afterwards the King allowed those who were charged with men-at-arms, hobelers, and archers to make payment in money; and desiring to please the community, he caused it to be publicly proclaimed in the city of London and in all counties that he did not intend to subject lands and tenements to service by the aforesaid burdens, nor to draw such burdens into a consequence in future.
During the whole summer he caused ships to be assembled at the harbour of Portsmouth, and the neighbouring places, so that at the end of the month of June he had there, as was estimated, seven hundred and fifty ships, great and small. And calling together all the knights, men-at-arms, and bowmen, both English and Welsh, he 30 paid them wages in arrears and for the next fifteen days, charging them to go on board the ships assigned to them with all speed. To set an example, he himself went on board ship with his friends, and sailed as far as the Isle of Wight, there awaiting the whole fleet of ships; and afterwards all those who were willing, and could have ships, followed him quickly with one accord, and with him awaited a favourable wind. But as yet none could know for certain towards what parts he meant to sail, or where he wished to invade the foreign shore.
The noble King Edward resolved to betake himself into Normandy, and first of all into the good country called Cotentin. This was by the advice and persuasion of Sir Godfrey de Harcourt,1 who knew all the district well, and advised that he should send the third part of his people by sea, to lay waste the country along the sea-coast. The country was wonderfully rich and abundant, and there were many good towns. The noble King and his young son the Prince of Wales, who had never before borne arms, were to go by land, and lay waste the country of Normandy, and they were to go as far as Paris, to greet King Philip.
Then the noble King Edward appointed as marshal of his host the said Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who willingly undertook the office; and he appointed another, the Earl of Stafford. . . .
The Earl of Warwick and the Earl of Stafford went off 31 by sea along the coast, and they took all the ships they found and carried them along with then. Archers and men on foot went along the shore at the same time, burning, laying waste, and pillaging everything. They went on until they came to a fine seaport called Barfleur, and they won it, for the burgesses surrendered to them for fear of death. But for all that, the whole town was pillaged, and they took gold, silver, and jewels which they found in such plenty that the very grooms cared nothing for furred cloths or rich coverings, or any such things. They made all the men of the town come out and go on board their ships, to go with them, for they did not want these people to be able to gather together and harass them.
After the big town of Barfleur was taken and pillaged, they scattered all over the country by the sea-board, doing just as they would, for they found no men-at-arms or soldiers from King Philip to oppose them. So they went on in this way until they came to a great and rich town with a good harbour, called Cherbourg; they took this, pillaging it just as they had done at Barfleur; and in the same fashion they dealt with Montebourg and Valognes, and all the other good towns, and they found and carried off innumerable treasure. Afterwards they came to a big town, well-enclosed, and a strong castle, called Carentan, where there were a great many of King Philip’s soldiers and men-at-arms. Then the lords and men-at-arms disembarked from their ships to assault the town. When the burgesses saw this, they were in fear of losing their lives and goods, and they surrendered, saving their bodies and goods, wives and children, in spite of the men-at-arms and soldiers with them; but they set their ransom at will, for they well knew that it was lost. But these lords of England would not leave the castle thus; they assaulted it for two days so fiercely that those within, expecting no succour, surrendered, saving their lives and goods; 32 and the English wreaked their will upon the town, and made the men go on board the ships, carrying them off as they had done the others. Why should I make you a longer story? These lords of England with their company subdued, burnt, and laid waste all the country along the coast, from the beginning of Cotentin to the border of Normandy, working their will without opposition, and sent all their booty and great plenty of prisoners to England; whence there came great treasure, with which King Edward amply paid all his soldiers. . . .
When they had landed, Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who knew all the district, and all the ins and outs of the country of Cotentin and Normandy, took two hundred armed men and eleven hundred archers, parted from the King, and went a good six or seven leagues ahead of the army, burning and laying waste the country. They found it rich and abundant in everything, the garners full of corn, the houses stocked with all kinds of riches, rich burgesses, horses and carts, flocks of sheep, pigs, calves, oxen, and cows; all these they seized and carried off to the King’s host. But they kept for themselves the gold and silver, which they found in great plenty, and did not hand it over to him. Thus Sir Godfrey rode on as marshal every day near the King’s right flank, returning to his company at the place where he knew the King was to camp; and sometimes it happened that he remained away for two days, when he found a rich district, and enough to be gained. The other marshal marched with five hundred armed men and two thousand archers in all, on the other side, near the left flank of the King’s army, burning and laying waste the country. . . . The noble King Edward and his son the Prince of Wales continued to lead forward the rest of their host by short marches, always camping between the third hour and midday, for 33 they found the country so rich that they needed not to make any purveyance, except of wine, for they found enough; because the people of the country had not taken care, and had not taken anything away. It was no wonder if they were dismayed, for they had never known war, and had not seen men-at-arms; and then they saw men killing pitilessly, burning and pillaging houses, and firing and laying waste the country.
The noble King Edward had in his host full fifteen hundred men-at-arms, and six thousand archers, with eight thousand men on foot without horses, who marched with the marshals. Thus he advanced burning and wasting the country; he found there was nothing in the city of Coutances to lead him to turn back to it, but he marched on towards the big and wonderfully busy town, called St. Lo in Cotentin, which was richer and worth three times more than the city of Coutances; and there was a great cloth trade there, and great store of merchandise, and many rich burgesses; there were in the city full eight thousand living souls, both rich burgesses and craftsmen. When the King had approached near enough, he camped outside it, for he would not camp within, for fear of fire. The big city was soon taken with little difficulty, and pillaged on all sides. There is no man living who could believe, it he were told, what riches were plundered there, or the quantity of cloths they found; any who wanted to buy might have had them cheaply, for each man could take where he liked. But few esteemed then, since they were more eager to get gold and silver, of which they found plenty. . . .
When King Edward had worked his will with the good town of St. Lo, he departed thence to come before the town called Caen, the richest in Normandy, except the city of Rouen, full of great wealth, of rich burgesses and noble ladies, with two rich abbeys, and all kinds of merchandise.
1 Lord of St. Sauveur-le-Vicomte in Normandy. He was banished by Philip of France in 1343, and in 1345 was received by Edward in England.
Right reverend Father in God, and my very honoured lord, Because I well know that you will gladly hear tidings of my lord the King and of the fleet, please you to wit that when he had made his plans, and had caused all the ships to be victualled for fifteen days, with the intent to have gone towards Gascony, purposing to have sailed past the Needles at the end of the Isle of Wight and so to have held on a straight course towards the Channel, the wind was so against him that he could in no way keep his course, although he lay to for a long time, waiting to see it God would send him weather for crossing. And since it did not please God that he should go that way, he turned back to make a landing where God should give him grace, and arrived well and in good case, with all the fleet, in a country called Cotentin in Normandy on the Wednesday before the Feast of St. Margaret, to wit, the twelfth day of July. And on his landing, my lord the Prince was knighted, and Montague, Mortimer, Roos, and many others. The town of Barfleur is taken and my lord of Warwick skirmished with the enemy, and carried the day well and honourably; my lord John of Beauchamp, and many other knights and squires have had affair with the enemy, in raiding and in other ways, so that, at the making of these letters we had met with no check. But the men-at-arms of the country have withdrawn to the castles and strong towns, and the Commons are coming in to our lord the King’s obedience in great numbers.
Other news, my lord, I cannot sent you at this time, save that the King is advancing into the country with his 35 host, to win his right according as God shall give him grace.
Written at La Hogue, the 17th day of July.
Right reverence Father in God, and very honored lord, because I know well that you are very desirous of hearing good news of my Lord the King, and of his success since he came into the parts of Normandy, please you to wit that from the time when he began to advance, he took his road from La Hogue, where he landed, straight to Caen, and went right by the good towns, to wit, Valognes, Carentan, St. Lo, and by many other good towns. But there was no man or woman of condition that dared wait in the towns and castles, or in the countryside where the host passed, but all fled, until the King came to Caen. And here there was the Constable of France, the Count of Eu, and the Chamberlain of Tankarville, with great number of knights and men-at-arms, and people of the countryside and townspeople, who had made ready to hold the city against my lord the King and all his power. But when the King came there with his host, and showed himself before it, the enemy withdrew beyond a bridge that is in the middle of the town, and held out there. And when we had come right up to the town, as near as we could, our archers went straight up to the bridge, and attacked them with a volley. In the meantime, some men-at-arms came up, and assaulted them fiercely, so that, for fear of the wounding of our people, because it was thought that none of our own men-at-arms were there, but only the archers of my lord of Warwick, the marshal, order was sent from the King for them to retire. And when he came 36 to the bridge, he found them fighting together right up at the barriers, where himself did well and nobly; and at last the enemy were so hard pressed, that with the Lord’s help our people won the bridge from them, and so went into the town and discomfited them. Very soon the Constable of France surrendered to Sir Thomas Holland, with many knights and squires who were with him; and the Chamberlain of Tankarville was taken by a batchelor of my lord the Prince, so that he is my lord’s prisoner. Between six and seven score brave and valiant knights were slain and made prisoner, of whom about a hundred are still alive; and of squires, burgesses, and common people taken or slain there were some five thousand. So that, Our Lord be praised, hitherto matters have gone as favourably as they could. The King will stay two days or three to refresh his army with provisions that were found in abundance in the town; and he thinks of drawing straight towards his adversary, to make such end as God has ordained for him. The ships came to the mouth of the water that goes up to Caen; they have burnt and destroyed some hundred ships by fire and in other ways. Other news, my lord, I cannot send you at present. The Holy Ghost preserve you in your honours, and in prosperous life and long. Written at Caen, the 29th day of July. My lord, it is the King’s pleasure that all the prisoners taken be sent to England, without being delivered by ransom or otherwise, until he shall have obtained further success in his war.
Be it remembered that our lord the King and his host landed at St. Vaast de la Hogue on the 12th day of July; 37 and in order to disembark his horses, and to rest his men, and bake bread, he stayed there until the Tuesday next following. He found at La Hogue eleven ships, eight of them with castles fore and aft, which were caused to be burnt. And on Friday, while the King still abode there, some of his men went to Barfleur, expecting to have found many people, but found none to speak of. They found nine ships there, with castles fore and aft, two good craiers, and other small vessels, which were also burnt. The town was as fine and as large as the town of Sandwich; and after the said people had departed, the mariners burnt the town. Many of the good towns and manors in the surrounding country are also burnt. On the Tuesday, when the King moved on, he went to Valognes, where he lay all that night, and found enough store of victuals. Then next day he moved forward a long day’s march to the bridge over the Ouve, which the people of Carentan had broken. The King had it repaired the same night, and crossed over the next day, as far as the said town of Carentan, which is distant only about an English league from the bridge. This town is as big as Leicester. Here they found great quantity of wine and provisions; and great part of the town was burnt, in spite of anything the King could do. On the Friday the King went on, and lay in the villages on a river that was difficult to cross. The people of St. Lo broke the bridge, but the King had it made up again, and crossed the next day, himself and all his host, and lodged just beside the town. The townspeople had begun to strengthen it, and had gathered to them a great many men-at-arms to have held it, but they went away before the King’s coming. And there were found there full a thousand casks of wine, and great abundance of other goods. The town is larger than Lincoln. The next day the King set out, and lay in an abbey, and his host in the villages round about. The people of the 38 host rode along, pillaging and laying waste for five or six leagues round every day, and setting fire to many places. On the Monday the King moved on and lodged in the villages, as he did also on the Tuesday. On Wednesday he came before the City of Caen, at the hour of noon, and had news that great numbers of men-at-arms were in the city. He had his battles arrayed fair and large, and sent some men up to the city to spy it out, who found the castle fair and strong; within was the Bishop of Bayonne, with the knights and men-at-arms who were holding it. On this side of the water the city is very beautiful and very large, and at one end of it is as noble an abbey as can be, where William the Conqueror lies; it is enclosed with walls, and great and strong embattled towers. There was no man in this abbey. At the other end of the town is another noble abbey, of ladies. And no one had remained in these abbeys, or in the town on this side of the water, save in the castle, for the townspeople had withdrawn into the part that lies on the other side of the water. Here there were the Constable of France and the Chamberlain of Tankarville, who is a very great lord, and many other people to the number of five or six hundred, with the community of the town. The men of our host, without any agreement, and without array, attacked the bridge,1 which was strongly fortified with parapets and barriers, and they had sharp fighting, for the French defended it stoutly, and did themselves much service before it could be won from them. Then the said Constable and Chamberlain were taken, and knights to the number of a hundred, and six or seven score squires; and there were slain great number of other knights, squires, and other people of the town, in the streets, houses, and gardens. What number of men of substance were slain cannot be known, for they were at once stripped, so that they could not be recognised. 39 No gentleman was slain of our people,2 save a squire who was wounded, and died two days afterwards. Wines, provisions, and innumerable other goods and chattels were found in the city, which is greater than any town of England except London.
When the King moved from La Hogue, about two hundred ships remained there; these went to Rochemassé, and sailed along, firing the country for two or three leagues inland, taking much booty, and carrying it off in their ships. In this way they went to Cherbourg, where there are a good town and strong castle, and a fair and noble abbey; and they burnt the said town and the abbey. They have burnt the coast-lands everywhere, from Rochemassé as far as Ouistreham, on the haven of Caen, a distance of six-score English leagues. The number of ships which they have burnt is sixty-one ships of war, with castles fore and aft, and twenty-three craiers, and other smaller ships of twenty-one or thirty wine-tuns burden. On the Thursday after the King had come before Caen, the people of the city of Bayeux sent worBayeus to the King that they would surrender to him, themselves and their city, and do homage to him. But he would not receive them for certain reasons, and until he should be able to save them from harm.
1 The Pont S. Pierre, over an arm of the R. Orne (Luce).
2 M. Luce points out that Northburgh makes no reference to the losses among the rank-and-file which were probably heavy; his letter was “drawn up with a view to the effect to be produced in England.”
. . . Because we know that you desire to hear good reports of ourselves and our army, now in parts beyond the sea, for the defence of our realm, and the recovery, with God’s favour, of our rights there, we have thought well to communicate to you, in a schedule enclosed with these letters, for the comfort of yourself and the whole English people, the gracious successes which the Most High has bestowed upon us since our landing at La Hogue in Normandy, for the dispatch of our war in these parts. And we earnestly request you to cause the matters contained in the same schedule to be made known in all places where it shall seem expedient, and prayers and devout offerings to be made for us and for our army, masses to be celebrated, solemn processions to be made twice weekly, and other offices of humble intercession to be performed daily throughout your diocese. That God the just Judge, by the increase of His abounding Grace may vouchsafe to permit our glorious1 beginning so to prosper, that, under the guidance of His mercy, and supported by your prayers, we may attain by our labours an issue pleasing to him, and profitable to the Church and the State.
Our lord the King, to the honour of God and our Lady, St. Mary, and for the comfort of all his faithful lieges of England, makes known to them the grace and the success that God has given him since the time of his arriving at La Hogue near Barfleur in Normandy. . . .2
41Wherefore he entreats all his liege people of England devoutly to give thanks to God, and to pray constantly that He will give him good continuance. And our lord the King has commanded his Chancellor to cause letters to be made under his Great Seal to the prelates and all the clergy of the realm, instructing them also to do this; and that the said Chancellor and others of the Council shall communicate these matters to the City of London, and to the people, for their comfort. For by the assent of all the great men, who show themselves with one accord of goodwill, he has resolved to hasten towards his adversary from day to day, wheresoever he may be, and is of firm trust that God will give him good and honourable issue of his undertaking. And as to this, our lord the King has charged the Earl of Huntingdon (who he has caused to return to England, by reason of a severe and dangerous sickness that has overtaken him, although this return was much against his will) to explain these matters more fully to his Council of England.3
1 “gratiosum” (“Foedera”); “gloriosum” (“Hereford Register”).
2 Here follows a brief account of the events described in the preceding letters.
3 He brought back an agreement drawn up in 1338 for the invasion of England, which Edward had discovered at Caen.